THE 


PUBLIC       LIFE 


O  F 


CAPT.   JOHN  BROWN, 


BY 

JAMES   REDPATH, 

WITH    AN 

AUTO-BIOGRAPHY 

OF    HIS 

CHILDHOOD    AND    YOUTH. 


BOSTON: 
THAYER      AND       ELDRIDGE, 

114  AND   >;i6  WASHINGTON  ST. 
1860. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1860,  by 

JAMES     REDPATH, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  tho  District  of  Massachusetts. 


mi.VTEU   BT 
OEOROE     C.     RAND     b     AVERT. 


DEDICATION. 


TO 

WENDELL    PHILLIPS,    RALPH    WALDO   EMERSON, 
AND  HENRY  D.  THOREAU, 

DEFENDERS    OF    THE    FAITHFUL, 

WHO,  WHEN   THE   MOB   SHOUTED,  "MADMAN!"  SAID,  "  SAINT  1" 
I    HUMBLY  AND    GRATEFULLY 

gebicate  ibis  S&ork. 

JAMES  REDPATH. 


M181841 


"THE  Saint,  whose  fate  yet  hangs  in  suspense,  but  whose  mar 
tyrdom,  if  it  shall  be  perfected,  will  make  the  gallows  glorious  like 
the  Cross."  —  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 

"He  was  one  who  recognized  no  unjust  human  laws,  but  resisted 
them  as  he  was  bid.  No  man  in  America  has  ever  stood  up  so  per 
sistently  for  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  knowing  himself  for  man, 
and  the  equal  of  any  and  all  governments.  He  could  not  have  been 
tried  by  his  peers,  for  his  peers  did  not  exist."  —  Henry  D.  TJwreau. 

"  God  makes  him  the  text,  and  all  he  asks  of  our  comparatively 
cowardly  lips  is  to  preach  the  sermon,  and  say  to  the  American  people 
that,  whether  that  old  man  succeeded  in  a  worldly  sense  or  not,  he 
stood  a  representative  of  law,  of  government,  of  right,  of  justice,  of 
religion,  and  they  were  pirates  that  gathered  about  him,  and  sought 
to  wreak  vengeance  by  taking  his  life.  The  banks  of  the  Potomac, 
doubly  dear  now  to  History  and  to  Man !  The  dust  of  Washington 
rests  there ;  and  History  will  see  forever  on  that  river  side  the  brave 
old  man  on  his  pallet,  whose  dust,  when  God  calls  him  hence,  the 
Father  of  his  Country  would  be  proud  to  make  room  for  beside  his 
own."  —  Wendell  Phillips. 


PUBLISHERS'   CARD. 


IN  presenting  this  work,  the  publishers  deem  it  proper 
to  congratulate  themselves  and  the  public  on  having 
secured  as  the  biographer  of  Captain  John  Brown,  a  gen 
tleman  so  well  qualified,  both  by  personal  knowledge  and 
literary  ability,  for  the  task,  and  whose  previous  life  has 
been  so  identified  in  feeling  and  character  with  the  career 
of  the  sainted  hero,  as  to  enable  him  to  do  that  justice  to 
his  motives  and  acts  which  a  less  friendly  pen  would  fail 
to  render. 

They  would  also  call  the  attention  of  the  public  to 
the  fact  that  a  large  percentage  on  each  copy  sold  is 
secured  by  contract  to  the  family  of  Captain  John  Brown, 
and  every  purchaser  thereby  becomes  a  contributor  to  a 
charitable  object,  which  appeals  to  all  freemen  -with  a 
force  that  is  irresistible. 

•  The  publishers  would  remind  the  public,  and  especially 
the  press,  that  the  work  is  copyrighted,  and  any  reprint 
ing  of  the  Autobiography,  or  the  chapter  entitled  "  The 
Father  of  the  Man,"  will  be  prosecuted  as  an  infringe 
ment,  as  it  is  the  desire  of  the  friends  who  contribute 
1*  (5) 


6  Publifhers'  Card. 

it  that  it  should  appear  exclusively  in  this  volume,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  family. 

The  work  is  published  with  the  sanction  and  approval 
of  the  family  of  Captain  Brown,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  letters : 

NORTH  ELBA,  Dec.,  1859. 
Messrs.  Thayer  &  Eldridge. 

Dear  Friends :  I  am  satisfied  that  Mr.  Redpath  is 
THE  man  to  write  the  life  of  my  beloved  husband,  as  he 
was  personally  acquainted  with  him,  and  I  think  will  do 
him  justice.  ...  I  think  that  the  portrait  is  a  very 
good  one. 

Yours  respectfully, 

MARY  A.  BROWN. 

NORTH  ELBA,  Dec.,  1859. 
Messrs.  Thayer  &  Eldridge. 

Dear  Sirs :  I  was  somewhat  acquainted  with  James 
Redpath  in  Kansas.  I  am  also  familiar  with  his  writings, 
and  I  consider  him  an  able  biographer,  and  THE  MAN 
ABOVE  ALL  OTHERS  to  write  the  life  of  my  beloved  father. 
I  believe  him  to  be  a  man  of  undoubted  veracity,  and 
fully  believe  he  will  do  justice  to  the  work  he  has  under 
taken. 

Yours  respectfully, 

SALMON   BROWN. 


PREFACE. 


WHEN  the  news  of  the  arrest  of  John  Brown  reached 
Boston,  I  could  neither  work  nor  sleep ;  for  I  loved  and 
reverenced  the  noble  old  man,  and  had  perfect  confidence 
in  his  plan  of  emancipation.  I  knew  him  to  be  one  of 
earth's  worthiest  souls  —  the  last  of  the  Puritans;  and  yet 
I  heard,  on  every  side,  people  calling  him  a  madman,  and 
sneering  at  his  "  crazy  scheme."  Now,  or  never,  was  the 
time  to  defend  my  friend,  when  no  voice,  however  faint, 
was  heard  to  praise  him.  An  opportunity  offered ;  I 
indorsed  John  Brown.  A  few  years  hence  this  will  seem 
absurd ;  as  ridiculous,  now,  as  an  indorsement  of  Warren ; 
but  necessary  in  October  last  —  and  pronounced  insane  ! 
I  heard  of  no  one  man  who  fully  approved  my  doctrines 
or  defence  when  my  first  article  appeared ;  but,  before  the 
series  that  I  had  contemplated  was  finished,  I  turned 
again  to  other  work  —  for  already  the  highest  talent  of 
the  nation  was  marshalling  to  the  rescue  of  the  conquering 
prisoner  of  Charlestown  Jail.  Like  Samson,  in  a  single 
day,  if  not  with  the  jawbone  of  an  ass,  yet  with  the  help 
of  that  of  a  Member  of  Congress,  the  mighty  man  of  valor 
had  smitten  his  enemies,  hip  and  thigh,  "  from  Dan  even 
unto  Beersheba,  and  all  the  region  round  about."  Now 

(7) 


8  Preface. 

that  the  most  skilful  trained  soldiers  of  Freedom  were 
in  the  field  to  encounter  the  reserve  forces  of  the  enemy, 
I  withdrew  myself  from  the  conflict  for  a  time  —  for,  a 
guerilla  skirmisher  only,  unfitted  both  by  habit  and  na 
ture  for  a  place  in  any  regular  army,  I  did  not  care  to 
fight  under  any  General,  or  to  fire  except  where  I  wanted 
to  kill. 

A  publisher  of  New  York  asked  me  to  write  a  Life  of 
John  Brown.  He  wanted  it  as  a  Republican  campaign 
document.  I  declined.  I  would  not  help  to  light  cigars 
from  the  fire  above  the  altar.  The  publishers  of  this 
book  made  a  nobler  request ;  they  believed  in  John 
Brown  ;  they  wished  to  do  him  justice ;  and  they  desired 
to  assist  his  destitute  family.  This  volume  is  the  result 
of  their  request. 

I  have  written  this  book,  because  I  could  not  resist  it. 
Equally  at  war  with  the  cant  of  conservatism,  of  politics, 
and  of  non-resistance,  and  a  firm  believer  in  the  faith 
that  made  Bunker  Hill  classic,  I  think  that  John  Brown 
did  right  in  invading  Virginia  and  attempting  to  liberate 
her  slaves.  I  hold  God  in  infinitely  greater  reverence 
than  Congress,  and  His  holy  laws  than  its  enactments. 
I  would  as  soon  think  of  vindicating  Washington  for 
resisting  the  British  Government  to  the  death,  as  to  apol 
ogize  for  John  Brown  in  assailing  the  Slave  Power  with 
the  only  weapons  that  it  fears. 

Therefore,  reader,  if  'you  think  that  white  makes  light, 
or  might  makes  right,  or  if  the  opposite  doctrine  is  abhor 
rent  to  you,  lay  this  volume  aside  at  once,  for  I  will  not 
promise  that  I  shall  try  to  avoid  giving  you  offence. 


Preface.  g 

I  have  no  apology  to  make  for  this  book ;  not  because  I 
am  unconscious  of  its  defects,  but  because  it  is  the  best  that  I 
I  could  write  in  the  allotted  time,  and  because  nowhere  • 
else  can  so  correct  a  biography  of  John  Brown  be  found. 
It  is  compiled  from  hundreds  of  sources  —  newspapers, 
books,  correspondence,  and  conversations.  Much  of  it, 
also,  is  the  record  of  my  personal  knowledge.  Materials 
came  to  me  from  all  quarters;  and  not  always  in  the 
order  of  time.  Thus,  the  third  chapter  of  the  first  book 
was  written  two  weeks  after  the  account  of  his  execution ; 
the  history  of  his  Kansas  exploits  before  I  obtained  the 
autobiographical  sketch  of  his  childhood  and  youth. 
Hence,  if  there  be  occasional  repetitions,  whether  of  fact 
or  idea,  the  just  or  generous  reader  will  overlook  this 
defect.  I  do  not  think  that  there  are  such  iterations ;  but 
it  is  a  possibility  that  I  desire  to  explain  in  advance. 

Writing  in  this  way,  the  volume  grew  faster  than  I 
foresaw.  I  had  intended  to  write  the  Life  of  John  Brown, 
private  and  public,  and  biographies  of  his  men,  also.  But 
Kansas,  and  Harper's  Ferry,  and  Charlestown,  and  an  un 
expected  gift  of  materials  from  North  Elba,  compelled  me 
to  defer  the  biographies  of  John  Brown's  men,  as  well  as 
a  minuter  record  of  his  own  private  life  and  correspond 
ence.  For,  on  the  return  of  my  wife  from  the  home  of 
John  Brown,  I  found  myself  in  possession,  in  trust,  of 
hundreds  of  private  letters,  —  every  one  that  has  been 
preserved,  —  written  during  the  long  and  active  career  of 
the  illustrious  Liberator,  which  exhibit  his  daily  life  in  its 
every  relation,  and  the  exceeding  beauty  of  the  religion 
which  inspired  its  actions.  These  records,  with  other 


10  Preface. 

memorials  of  him,  will  be  published,  in  due  time,  in  a  sup 
plementary  volume. 

The  latest  telegraphic  news  makes  one  correction 
necessary.  I  have  spoken  of  Richard  Realf  as  dead.  I 
thought  that  he  died  a  natural  death  on  the  ocean.  It 
appears  that  he  still  lives  in  the  body ;  but  dead  to  honor, 
the  voice  of  conscience,  and  the  cries  of  the  poor.  He 
has  chosen  the  part  of  Judas,  and  promises  to  play  it  well. 

I  am  indebted  to  several  friends  for  valuable  aid  in  the 
preparation  of  this  volume  —  first,  to  every  one  whom  I 
have  mentioned  in  the  notes,  or  text,  or  whose  letters  I 
have  quoted ;  and  to  Dr.  Thomas  H.  Webb,  of  Boston, 
Richard  J.  Hinton,  of  Kansas,  and,  lastly,  but  not  least 
among  them,  to  "a  nearer  one  still  and  a  dearer  one"  for 
her  visit  to  North  Elba  and  its  results. 

I  still  desire  information,  (whether  anecdotes,  letters, 
or  conversational  remarks,)  respecting  John  Brown  and 
his  heroic  associates,  and  will  be  greatly  obliged  for  all 
such  contributions. 

How  unworthy  soever  this  book  may  be,  I  shall  not 
regard  it  as  a  useless  work,  if,  in  the  minds  of  its  destined 
readers,  it  shall  arouse  the  inquiries : 

How  far,  as  men,  have  we  strayed  from  the  Mount 
where  Jesus  taught  ?  and 

How  far,  as  citizens,  have  we  wandered  from  the  Hill 
where  Warren  fell  ? 

MALDEN,  MASS.,  December  25,  1859. 


Jfirsi 

HE    KEEPETH    THE    SHEEP. 


1 1 .  And  Samuel  said  unto  Jesse,  Are  here  all  thy  children  :     And 
ne  said,  There  remaineth  yet  the  youngest,  and  behold  he  keepeth  the 
sheep.     And  Samuel  said  unto  Jesse,  Send  and  fetch  him  ;  for  we  will 
not  sit  down  till  he  come  hither. 

12.  And  he  sent  and  brought  him  in.     Now  he  was  ruddy,  and 
withal  of  a  beautiful  countenance,  and  goodly  to  look  to.     And  the 
Lord  said,  Arise,  anoint  him  :  for  this  is  he.  —  I  Samuel,  Chapter  xvi. 


I. 

THE  CHILD  AND  HIS  ANCESTORS. 

DECEMBER  2,  1859. 

HOW,  worthily,  write  the  Life  of  worthy  John 
Brown  ?  The  task  is  as  difficult  as  the  man  was 
heroic.  In  every  part  and  phase  of  it,  numerous  and 
serious  obstacles  present  themselves.  For  to-day 
John  Brown  was  hanged  by  a  semi-barbarous  Com 
monwealth,  as  a  traitor,  murderer,  and  robber,  and 
fifteen  despotic  States  are  rejoicing  at  his  death  ;  while, 
in  the  free  North,  every  noble  heart  is  sighing  at  his 
fate,  or  admiring  his  devotion  to  the  principles  of  jus 
tice,  or  cursing  the  executioners  of  their  warrior-saint. 
Thus  opposite  are  the  views  men  have  of  him ;  and 
this  is  the  first  difficulty  that  confronts  his  biographer. 
But  putting  it  aside,  by  utterly  disregarding  the 
opinions  and  denunciations  of  the  mob,  looking  steadily 
at  the  old  man  only,  and  drawing  him  as  he  strove  to 
be  and  was,  —  a  warrior  of  the  Lord  and  of  Gideon  :  to 
satisfy  the  public  expectation,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
to  do  justice  to  the  hero  of  their  hearts,  is  a  far  more 
important,  and  a  still  more  embarrassing  task.  For  an 
immediate  publication  is  demanded ;  and  it  is  impos- 
2  (13) 


i'4  '  The  "Child  and  his  Anceftors. 

sible,  at  once,  to  collate  all  the  facts  that  should  be  told 
of  him.  But  one  alternative  remains  —  to  do  the  best 
that  is  possible  for  the  present  day,  and,  if  a  still  more 
extended  biography  be  demanded,  to  endeavor,  at 
another  time,  to  supply  that  want. 

PATERNAL   ANCESTRY   OP   JOHN   BROWN. 

Among  the  group  of  godly  exiles  who  knelt  at 
Plymouth  Rock,  on  the  22d  of  December,  1620,  and 
returned  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  His  goodness  to 
them  in  preserving  them  from  the  dangers  of  the 
VDeep,  was  an  unmarried  English  Puritan,  a  carpenter 
by  trade,  of  whose  personal  history  all  that  now  can 
N/be  known  is,  that  his  name  was  Peter  Brown.  That 
he  came  over  in  the  Mayflower,  is  evidence  enough 
that  he  feared  his  God,  respected  himself,  and 
strove  prayerfully  to  obey  the  divine  commands ; 
choosing  rather  to  sacrifice  the  comforts  of  English 
civilization,  and  enjoy  in  the  wilderness  his  inherent 
rights,  than  calmly  contemplate  the  perpetration  of 
wrong  by  sinners  in  high  places,  or  to  rest  satisfied 
with  the  sophistical  belief,  that,  by  the  philosophy  of 
an  enlightened  selfishness,  or  the  diffusion  of  correct 
principles  of  political  economy,  all  the  evils  of  the  age 
would  peacefully  be  rectified  —  in  a  century  or  two  ! 
He  died  in  1633. 

Peter  Brown,  the  second,  was  born  in  1632.  A 
monument  in  the  churchyard  of  Windsor,  Connecti 
cut,  is  his  only  biography.  It  tells  us  that  he  mar 
ried  Mary  Gillett  in  1658,  and  died  October  16,  1692. 

He  had  four  boys  :  the  second-born  named  John 
Brown  ;  who,  in  his  turn,  married  Elizabeth  Loomis  in 


The  Child  and  his  Ancestors.  15 

1692,  had  eight  daughters  and  three  sons,  the  eldest  of 
tfhom  was  his  namesake. 

John,  the  second,  had  seven  girls  and  two  boys,  of 
whom  the  first-born  son  became  the  third  of  the  name 
in  the  family.  He  died  in  1790,  at  the  age  of  ninety, 
Having  been  the  husband  of  Mary  Eggleston,  (who  pre 
ceded  him  twelve  months  to  the  spirit  world,)  for  the 
long  period  of  sixty-five  years.  Mary,  the  eldest  child 
of  this  marriage,  remained  a  spinster  till  her  death  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred. 

John,  the  third,  was  born  November  4,  1728 ;  mar-  •> 
ried  Hannah  Owen  in  1758  ;  *  was  the  father  of  John, 
Frederick,  Owen,  and  Abiel  Brown ;  and  the  honored 
grandfather  of  Captain  John  Brown,  the  hero  of  Kan 
sas  and  of  Harper's  Ferry.  John  Brown,  the  third,  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  revolutionary  war,  was  chosen 
Captain  of  the  West  Simsbury  (now  Canton  f)  train 
band  ;  and,  in  the  spring  of  1776,  joined  the  forces 
of  the  continental  army  at  New  York.  His  commis 
sion  from  Governor  Trumbull  is  dated  May  23,  1776. 
After  a  service  of  two  months'  duration,  he  fell  a 
victim  to  the  prevailing  epidemic  of  the  camp,  at  the 
age  of  forty-eight  years.  J  He  died  in  a  barn,  attended 
only  by  a  faithful  subordinate,  a  few  miles  north  of 

*  John  Owen,  the  ancestor  of  Hannah,  was  a  native  of  Wales. 
He  was  among  the  first  settlers  of  Windsor,  where  he  was  married 
in  1650. 

f  In  1806,  West  Simsbury,  with  a  narrow  strip  of  New  Hartford, 
was  incorporated,  by  act  of  legislature,  into  a  township  named 
Canton. 

J  He  served  under  Colonel  Jonathan  Pettibone. 


16  The  Child  and  his  Anceitors. 

New  York  City,  where  the  continental  army  was  at 
that  time  encamped.  His  body  was  buried  on  the 
Highlands,  near  the  web  tern,  bank  of  the  East  River. 
On  a  marble  monument  in  the  graveyard  of  Canton 
Centre,  this  inscription  may  be  seen :  — 

"In  memory  of  Captain  John  Brown,  who  died  in  the  revolution 
ary  army,  at  New  York,  September  3,  1776.  He  was  of  the  fourth 
generation,  in  regular  descent,  from  Peter  Brown,  one  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  who  landed  from  the  Mayflower,  at  Plymouth,  Massachu 
setts,  December  22,  1620." 

Thus  far  we  see  that  same  spirit  of  resistance  to 
wrong,  which,  recently,  —  nay,  at  this  very  hour, — 
men  are  branding  as  insane  !  Why  did  Captain  John 
Brown,  "  of  the  fourth  generation,  in  regular  descent," 
risk  his  life  —  "throw  it  away,"  as  our  politicians 
phrase  it  —  by  opposing  it  to  the  hitherto  resistless 
strength  of  a  mighty  empire  ?  Why  not  wait  until,  by 
the  aid  of  a  "  constitutional  republican  party,"  the  evils 
then  endured  should  have  been  peacefully  abolished? 
What  was  he  to  Massachusetts,  or  Massachusetts  to 
him,  that  he  should  leave  his  family  and  fight  her  bat 
tles  ?  Personal  liberty  he  had  ;  his  house  was  his  cas 
tle  ;  no  power  on  earth  dared  molest  his  property,  or 
wife,  or  children.  It  was  only  a  petty  question  of  tax 
ation  that  called  him  to  the  field,  but  in  it  there  lay 
embodied  a  political  right ;  and,  rather  than  submit  to 
an  infringement  of  it,  he  resolved  to  "  throw  his  life 
away,"  if  need  be.  We  now  honor  him  for  it ;  for  we 
see  in  it  the  spirit  of  the  first  Peter  Brown,  who  would 
not  wait  for  the  convenient  season  of  corrupt  and 
heartless  demagogue.:,  but  chose  rather  to  abandon  his 


The  Child  and  his  Ancestors.  17 

native  land,  and  enjoy  his  liberty  at  once.  But  it  is 
far  nobler  than  the  first  Peter's  conduct;  for  it  is 
not  solely  for  himself,  as  in  the  Puritan's  case,  that  he 
abandons  home  and  friends.  It  is  for  a  neighboring 
colony,  and  the  rights  of  his  race,  rather  than  for  his 
personal  immunities.  Only  one  step  further  was  pos 
sible  on  the  ladder  of  disinterested  benevolence  —  to 
fight  for  a  race,  poor,  despised,  friendless,  and  inferior ; 
and  this  crowning  glory  to  the  family  of  Peter  Brown,; 
the  Puritan,  was  reserved  for  the  grandson  of  the 
revolutionary  captain. 

Captain  John  Brown,  the  third,  left  a  widow  and 
eleven  children,  of  whom  the  eldest  daughter  was 
eighteen  years  of  age,  and  the  first  son  nine  years  only. 
"  They  were  reared  by  his  widow,  with  singular  tact 
and  judgment,  to  habits  of  industry  and  principles  of 
virtue,  and  all  became  distinguished  citizens  in  the 
communities  in  which  they  resided.  One  of  the  sons 
became  a  judge  in  one  of  the  courts  of  Ohio.  One  of 
the  daughters  had  the  honor  of  giving  to  one  of  our 
most  flourishing  New  England  colleges  a  president  for 
twenty  years,  in  the  person  of  her  son."  * 

"  She  was  a  woman  of  great  energy  and  economy," 
writes  a  descendant,  f  "  the  economy  being  a  needful 


*  My  authority  is  William  H.  Hallock,  of  Canton  Centre.  The 
preceding  facts  were  chiefly  furnished  by  Lancet  Foote,  Selden  H. 
Brown,  of  the  same  place,  and  by  a  pamphlet,  now  out  of  print, 
entitled,  "Genealogical  History,  with  Short  Sketches  and  Family 
Records  of  the  Early  Settlers  of  West  Simsbury,  &c.,  by  Abiel 
Brown,"  an  uncle  of  the  liberator. 

f  Professor  C.  F.  Hudson,  a  distinguished  theological  author. 

2* 


2o  The  Child  and  his  Anceftors. 

This  stout-hearted  Puritan  left  three  sons  and  *4iree 
daughters.  Elizabeth  and  Faithe  were  married  twice, 
and  Anna  was  the  third  wife  of  the  Reverend  William 
Robinson.  The  biography  of  Jedediah  is  brief  enough : 
"  Born  in  1755-6  —  married  Miss  Wells." 

Rev.  Samuel  Mills,  second  son  of  the  Rev.  Gideon 
Mills,  graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1776,  "  with  a 
view  to  the  gospel  ministry." 

"  Being  full  of  the  patriotism  prevalent  at  that  time,  he  entered  the 
American  army  as  lieutenant  in  the  cavalry.  In  one  of  those  actions 
which  took  place  in  1777,  this  young  officer  received  a  wound  from  a 
horseman's  sword  in  the  forehead,  was  taken  prisoner,  and  conveyed 
into  Philadelphia  with  a  deep  and  dangerous  wound,  the  scar  of  which 
he  carried  through  the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  sick  and  wounded 
prisoners  in  Philadelphia  experienced  far  different  treatment  from  that 
which  those  unfortunate  American  prisoners  received  from  the  British 
and  tories  in  New  York  in  1776.  A  kind  Providence  furnished  a 
goodly  number  of  ministering  angels,  (if  the  expression  may  be  allow 
able,)  in  the  persons  of  some  of  the  most  accomplished  ladies  of  Phil 
adelphia.  Those  of  superior  rank  and  refinement  took  it  upon  them 
to  visit  and  minister  to  the  wants  of  the  suffering  prisoners.  Among 
those  worthy  ladies  was  Miss  Sarah  Gilpin,  a  person  of  high  refine 
ment  and  accomplishments.  Her  labors  of  benevolence  brought  her 
and  Lieutenant  Samuel  to  an  acquaintance  which  eventuated  in  his 
obtaining  her  hand  and  heart.  He  pursued  and  finished  his  theologi 
cal  studies,  and  was  married  to  Miss  Gilpin,  and  was  settled  pastor 
over  the  church  and  society  of  Chester,  then  a  part  of  Saybrook." 

-Gideon,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Rev.  Gideon  Mills,  and 
the  grandfather  of  John  Brown,  the  liberator,  was  also 
a  lieutenant  in  the  American  army,  and  died  in  1813, 
at  Barkhamsted,  Connecticut,  at  the  age  of  sixty-four. 
He  left  two  sons  and  four  daughters,  of  whom  Rutty 
the  eldest  child,  married  Owen  Brown,  the  father  of 


The  Child  and  his  Anceftors.  21 

JOHN   BROWN   BORN. 

The  town  records  of  Torriugton  supply  these  dates  : 

"Owen  Brown,  now  of  Torrington,  late  of  Simsbury,  was  married 
at  Simsbury,  on  the  llth  day  of  February,  A.  D.  1793. 

"  Anna  Ruth  Brown,  daughter  of  Owen  and  Iluth  Brown,  was 
born  in  the  town  of  Norfolk,  the  5th  day  of  July,  1798. 
\/      "  John  Brown,  son  of  Oicen  and  Rufh  Brown,  was  born  in  Torrington, 
the  9th  day  of  May,  1800. 

"  Salmon  Brown,  son  of  Owen  and  Ruth  Brown,  was  born  on  the 
30th  day  of  April,  1802. 

"  Oliver  Owen  Brown,  son  of  Owen  and  Ruth  Brown,  was  born 
the  26th  day  of  October,  A.  D.  1804." 

John  Brown,  therefore,  was  born  in  the  year  1800, 
at  Torrington,  Connecticut,  where  he  lived,  "  about  a 
mile  north-west  of  the  meeting  house,"  until  the  age 
of  five,  when  his  father  emigrated  to  Hudson,  Ohio  ; 
where,  we  are  told,  "  he  became  one  of  the  principal 
pioneer  settlers  of  that  then  new  town,  ever  respected 
for  his  probity  and  decision  of  character  ;  "  was  "  com 
monly  called  'Squire  Brown,  and  was  one  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees  of  Oberliu  College  ;  "  was  "  endowed  with 
energy  and  enterprise,  and  went  down  to  his  grave 
honored  and  respected,  about  the  year  1852  or  1853, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-seven." 


2o  The  Child  and  his  Anceftors. 

This  stout-hearted  Puritan  left  three  sons  and  '-hree 
daughters.  Elizabeth  and  Faithe  were  married  twice, 
and  Anna  was  the  third  wife  of  the  Reverend  William 
Robinson.  The  biography  of  Jedediah  is  brief  enough : 
"  Born  in  1755-6  —  married  Miss  Wells." 

Rev.  Samuel  Mills,  second  son  of  the  Rev.  Gideon 
Mills,  graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1776,  "  with  a 
view  to  the  gospel  ministry." 

"Being  full  of  the  patriotism  prevalent  at  that  time,  he  entered  the 
American  army  as  lieutenant  in  the  cavalry.  In  one  of  those  actions 
which  took  place  in  1777,  this  young  officer  received  a  wound  from  a 
horseman's  sword  in  the  forehead,  was  taken  prisoner,  and  conveyed 
into  Philadelphia  with  a  deep  and  dangerous  wound,  the  scar  of  which 
he  carried  through  the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  sick  and  wounded 
prisoners  in  Philadelphia  experienced  far  different  treatment  from  that 
which  those  unfortunate  American  prisoners  received  from  the  British 
and  tories  in  New  York  in  1776.  A  kind  Providence  furnished  a 
goodly  number  of  ministering  angels,  (if  the  expression  may  be  allow 
able,)  in  the  persons  of  some  of  the  most  accomplished  ladies  of  Phil 
adelphia.  Those  of  superior  rank  and  refinement  took  it  upon  them 
to  visit  and  minister  to  the  wants  of  the  suffering  prisoners.  Among 
those  worthy  ladies  was  Miss  Sarah  Gilpin,  a  person  of  high  refine 
ment  and  accomplishments.  Her  labors  of  benevolence  brought  her 
and  Lieutenant  Samuel  to  an  acquaintance  which  eventuated  in  his 
obtaining  her  hand  and  heart.  He  pursued  and  finished  his  theologi 
cal  studies,  and  was  married  to  Miss  Gilpin,  and  was  settled  pastor 
over  the  church  and  society  of  Chester,  then  a  part  of  Saybrook." 

-Gideon,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Rev.  Gideon  Mills,  and 
the  grandfather  of  John  Brown,  the  liberator,  was  also 
a  lieutenant  in  the  American  army,  and  died  in  1813,  ' 
at  Barkhamsted,  Connecticut,  at  the  age  of  sixty-four. 
He  left  two  sons  and  four  daughters,  of  whom  Rutty; 
the  eldest  child,  married  Owen  Brown,  the  father  of 


The  Child  and  his  Anceftors.  21 

JOHN   BROWN   BORN. 

The  town  records  of  Torriiigtou  supply  these  dates  : 

"Owen  Brown,  now  of  Torrington,  late  of  Simsbury,  was  married 
at  Simsbury,  on  the  llth  day  of  February,  A.  D.  1793. 

"  Anna  Ruth  Brown,  daughter  of  Owen  and  Ruth  Brown,  was 

/orn  in  the  town  of  Norfolk,  the  5th  day  of  July,  1798. 
"John  Brown,  son  of  Given  and  Ruth  Brown,  was  born  in  Torrington, 
the  9th  day  of  May,  1800. 

"  Salmon  Brown,  son  of  Owen  and  Ruth  Brown,  was  born  on  the 
30th  day  of  April,  1802. 

"Oliver  Owen  Brown,  son  of  Owen  and  Ruth  Brown,  was  born 
the  26th  day  of  October,  A.  D.  1804." 

John  Brown,  therefore,  was  born  in  the  year  1800, 
at  Torrington,  Connecticut,  where  he  lived,  "  about  a 
mile  north-west  of  the  meeting  house,"  until  the  age 
of  five,  when  his  father  emigrated  to  Hudson,  Ohio  ; 
where,  we  are  told,  "  he  became  one  of  the  principal 
pioneer  settlers  of  that  then  new  town,  ever  respected 
for  his  probity  and  decision  of  character  ; "  was  "  com 
monly  called  'Squire  Brown,  and  was  one  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees  of  Oberliu  College  ;  "  was  "  endowed  with 
energy  and  enterprise,  and  went  down  to  his  grave 
honored  and  respected,  about  the  year  1852  or  1853, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-seven." 


II. 

THE  FATHER  OF  THE  MAN. 

TRULY  says  the  poet,  that  the  child  is  father  of  the 
man.  This  is  why  every  incident  of  the  childhood 
of  great  men  is  so  eagerly  sought  and  cherished  by 
their  friends  and  admirers.  When  the  fruit  is  glorious, 
we  desire  to  see  the  blossom,  too.  Happily,  in  the  case 
of  Captain  John  Brown,  this  desire  can  be  amply  grati 
fied  —  and  in  a  way,  and  by  the  pen,  of  all  others  the 
best  fitted  to  do  justice  to  it.  Gladly  I  here  step  aside 
for  the  old  hero ;  to  permit  him,  in  his  own  inimitable 
style,  to  narrate  the  history  of  his  infancy,  and  early 
manhood. 

All  that  it  becomes  me  to  write,  by  way  of  preface, 
is  a  brief  statement  of  the  story  of  this  autobiography. 

When  John  Brown  was  in  Boston,  in  the  winter  of 
1857,  among  other  noble  friends  of  freedom  here,  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Stearns,  of 
Medford ;  who,  recognizing  him  at  once  as  an  historic 
character,  —  although  clad  in  a  plain  suit  of  clothes 
only,  and  with  a  leathern  strap  for  a  neck-tie, — received 
him  at  their  hospitable  home  with  all  the  honor  justly 
due  to  a  hero  and  a  saint.  Their  children  soon  learned 

(22) 


The  Father  of  the  Man.  23 

to  love  the  old  warrior ;  for,  like  all  godlike  men,  he 
loved  little  children ;  and,  like  all  young  souls,  they 
instinctively  recognized  the  true  hero.  One  of  them 
asked  him  many  questions  about  his  childhood,  and  he 
recounted,  with  great  interest,  the  incidents  of  his 
infancy  and  boyish  days.  When  the  old  man  was  pre 
paring  to  return  to  Kansas,  Master  Henry  (to  whom 
the  Letter  is  addressed)  asked  his  father's  permission 
to  give  all  his  pocket  money  to  Captain  Brown.  The 
permission  was  readily  granted,  and  the  old  hero  received 
the  money.  He  promised,  at  the  same  time,  —  if  he 
should  ever  find  the  leisure  for  it,  —  to  write  out  for 
his  young  friend  an  account  of  his  own  early  life. 

When  crossing  the  State  of  Iowa,  with  military  sup 
plies,  in  the  month  of  July  following,  —  he  himself 
driving  a  team,  —  he  was  detained  for  some  time  by 
the  failure  of  certain  parties  to  fulfil  their  promises  to 
send  him  money.  He  then  fulfilled  his  promise,  and 
wrote  this  autobiographical  sketch.  I  have  copied  it 
with  the  fidelity  of  a  Chinese  artist :  Italics,  punctua 
tion,  orthography,  and  omissions.  I  add  a  few  notes 
only,  and  divide  it  into  paragraphs.  It  fills  six  pages 
of  letter-paper  in  the  original  manuscript,  which  is 
very  closely  written,  and  contains  two  paragraphs  only 
— the  Letter  and  the  postscript. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  say  that  the  internal 
evidences  of  its  perfect  fidelity  are  overwhelming  :  for 
we  see  throughout  it  the  same  grand  traits  in  the  bare-! 
footed,  bareheaded  boy,  clad  in  "buckskin  breeches^ 
suspended  often  with  one  leather  strap  and  sometimes 
with  two ; "  who  idolized  the  "  bobtail  squirrel,"  and 


24  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

had  "  a  mourning  season  "  at  its  death ;  and  who,  at 
the  age  of  twelve,  swore  eternal  war  against  slavery ; 
which,  when  in  the  jail  and  the  Court  room  and  on  the 
gallows  of  Charlestown,  Virginia,  astonished  and  de 
lighted  the  world. 
This  is  the  Letter : 

RED  ROCK,  IOWA,  loth  July,  1857. 

MR  HENRY  L.  STEARNS 

My  Dear  Young  Friend 

I  have  not  forgotten  my  promise  to  write  you ;  hut 
my  constant  care,  &  anxiety  have  obliged  me  put  it 
off  a  long  time.  I  do  not  flatter  myself  that  I  can 
write  any  thing  that  will  very  much  interest  you :  hut 
have  concluded  to  send  you  a  short  story  of  a  certain 
boy  of  my  acquaintance :  &  for  convenience  and  short 
ness  of  name,  I  will  call  him  John.  His  story  will  be 
mainly  a  naration  of  follies  and  errors  ;  which  it  is 
to  be  hoped  you  may  avoid;  but  there  is  one  thing 
connected  with  it,  which  will  be  calculated  to  encour 
age  any  young  person  to  persevering  effort:  &  that 
is  the  degree  of  success  in  'accomplishing'  his  objects 
which  to  a  great  extent  marked  the  course  of  this  boy 
throughout  my  entire  acquaintance  with  him ;  notwith 
standing  his  moderate  capacity ;  &  still  more  mod 
erate  acquirements. 

John  was  born  May  9th  1800,  at  Torrington,  Litch- 
field  Co,  Connecticut ;  of  poor  but  respectable  parents : 
a  decendant  on  the  side  of  his  father  of  one  of  the  com 
pany  of  the  Mayflower  who  landed  at  Plymouth  1620. 
His  mother  was  decended  from  a  man  who  came  at  an 
early  period  to  New  England  from  Amsterdam,  in  Hoi- 


The  Father  of  the  Man.  25 

land.  Both  his  Father's  &  his  Mother's  Fathers  served 
in  the  war  of  the  revolution :  His  Father's  Father ; 
died  in  a  barn  at  New  York  while  in  the  service,  in 
1776' 

I  cannot  tell  you  of  any  thing  in  the  first  Four  years 
of  John's  life  worth  mentioning  save  that  at  that  early 
age  he  was  tempted  by  Three  large  Brass  Pins  belong 
ing  to  a  girl  who  lived  in  the  family  &  stole  them. 
Ir.  this  he  was  detected  by  his  Mother ;  &  after  having 
a  full  day  to  think  of  the  wrong :  received  from  her  a 
thorough  whipping.  When  he  was  Five  years  old  his 
Father  *  moved  to  Ohio ;  then  a  wilderness  filled  with 
wild  beasts,  &  Indians.  During  the  long  journey  which 
was  performed  in  part  or  mostly  with  an  ox  team ;  he 
was  called  on  by  turns  to  assist  a  boy  Five  years  older 
(who  had  been  adopted  by  his  Father  &  Mother)  & 
learned  to  think  he  could  accomplish  smart  thing's  in 
driving  the  Cows  ;  and  riding  the  horses.  Sometimes  he 
met  with  Rattle  Snakes  which  were  very  large  ;  &  which 
some  of  the  company  generally  managed  to  kill.  After 
getting  to  Ohio  in  1805  he  was  for  some  time  rather 

*  A  correspondent  thus  writes  of  John  Brown's  father  :  "  My  recollections  of  John 
Brown  begin  in  the  winter  of  1806-7.  I  was  then  five  years  old.  My  father's  family 
lived  that  winter  at  Hudson,  Ohio,  which  was  then  one  of  the  remotest  of  the  settle 
ments  made  by  Connecticut  people  on  their  Western  Rtserve.  One  of  our  nearest  neigh 
bors  there  was  Mr.  Owen  Brown,  who  had  removed  to  Hudson,  not  long  before,  from 
Connecticut.  I  remember  him  ver>  distinctly,  and  that  he  was  very  much  respected 
and  esteemed  by  my  father.  He  was  an  earnestly  devout  and  religious  man,  of  the 
old  Connecticut  fashion ;  and  one  peculiarity  of  his  impressed  his  name  and  person 
indelibly  upon  my  memory.  He  was  an  inveterate  and  most  painful  stammerer  —  the 
first  specimen  of  that  infirmity  that  I  had  evr  seen,  and,  according  to  my  recollection, 
the  worst  that  I  had  ever  known  to  this  day  ;  consequently,  thoxigh  we  removed  from 
Hudson  to  another  settlement  early  in  the  summer  of  1807,  and  returned  to  Connect! 
cut  in  1812,  so  that  I  rarely  saw  any  of  that  family  afterwards,  I  have  never  to  this 
day  seen  a  man  struggling  and  half  strangled  with  a  word  stuck  in  his  throat,  without 
remembering  good  Mr.  Owen  Brown,  who  could  not  speak  without  stammering,  except 
in  prayer" 

8 


26  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

afraid  of  the  Indians,  &  of  their  Eifles ;  but  this  soon 
wore  off:  &  he  used  to  hang  about  them  quite  as  much 
as  was  consistent  with  good  manners ;  &  learned  .a 
trifle  of  their  talk.  His  Father  learned  to  dress  Deer 
Skins,  &  at  6  years  old  John  was  installed  a  young 
Buck  Skin  —  He  was  perhaps  rather  observing  as  he 
ever  after  remembered  the  entire  process  of  Deer  Skin 
dressing- ;  so  that  he  could  at  any  time  dress  his  own 
leather  such  as  Squirel,  Raccoon,  Cat,  Wolf  or  Dog 
Skins ;  &  also  learned  to  make  Whip  Lashes :  which 
brought  him  some  change  at  times ;  &  was  of  con 
siderable  service  in  many  ways.  —  At  Six  years  old 
John  began  to  be  quite  a  rambler  in  the  wild  new 
country  finding  birds  &  Squirels,  &  sometimes  a  wild 
Turkey's  nest.  But  about  this  period  he  was  placed 
in  the  school  of  adversity :  which  my  young  friend  was 
a  most  necessary  part  of  his  early  training.  You  may 
laugh  when  you  come  to  read  about  it ;  but  these  were 
sore  trials  to  John :  whose  earthly  treasures  were  very 
few  &  small.  These  were  the  beginning  of  a  severe 
but  much  needed  course  of  discipline  which  he  after 
wards  was  to  pass  through  ;  &  which  it  is  to  be  hoped 
has  learned  him  before  this  time  that  the  Heavenly 
Father  sees  it  best  to  take  all  the  little  things  out  of  his 
hands  which  he  has  ever  placed  in  them.  When  John 
was  in  his  Sixth  year  a  poor  Indian  boy  gave  him  a 
Yellow  Marble  the  first  he  had  ever  seen.  This  he 
thought  a  great  deal  of;  &  kept  it  a  good  while ;  but 
at  last  he  lost  it  beyond  recovery.  It  took  years  to  heat 
the  icound ;  &  I  think  he  cried  at  times  about  it.  About 
Five  months  after  this  he  caught  a  young  Squirrel 


The  Father  of  the  Man. 


tearing  off  his  tail  in  doing  it  ;  &  getting  si  verely  bit 
ten  at  the  same  time  himself.  He  however  held  on  to 
the  little  bob  tail  Squirrel;  &  finally  got  him  perfectly 
tamed,  so  that  he  almost  idolized  his  pet.  This  too  he 
lost;  by  its  wandering  away;  or  by  getting  killed  :  & 
for  a  year  or  Two  John  was  in  mourning-;  and  looking 
at  all  the  Squirrels  he  could  see  to  try  &  discover 
Bob  tail,  if  possible.  Ijnust  not  neglect  to  tell  you  of 
a  very  bad  4*  foolish  babbit  to  which  John  was  some 


what  addicted.  I  mean  telling  lies  :  generally  to  screen 
himself  from  blame ;  or  from  punishment.  He  could 
not  well  endure  to  be  reproached ;  &  I  now  think  had 
f  Be  been__oftener  encouraged  to  Iffi  ^ntiraly  frank  ;  by 
making  frankness  a  kind  of  atonement,  for  some  of  his 
faults  ;  he  would  not  haje  been__so,Q&en,  guilty joL  this 
fault;  nor  have  been  obliged  to  struggle  so  long-  in 
after  life  with  so  mean  a  habit.  John  was  never  quar- 
elsome ;  but  was  excessively  fond  of  the  hardest  8f 
roughest  kind  of  plays ;  &  could  never  get  enough  [of] 
them. 

Indeed  when  for  a  short  time  he  was  sometimes  sent 
to  School  the  opportunity  it  afforded  to  wrestle  & 
Snow  ball  &  run  &  jump  &  knock  off  old  seedy  wool 
hats ;  offered  to  him  almost  the  only  compensation 
for  the  confinement,  &  restraints  of  school.  I  need 
not  tell  you  that  with  such  a  feeling  &  but  little 
chance  of  going  to  school  at  all :  he  did  not  become 
much  of  a  schollar.*  He  would  always  choose  to  stay  j 

f     *  "He  did  not  go  to  Harvard.     Ho  was  not  fed  on  the  pap  that  is  there  fur- 
I  nished.     As  he  phrased  it,  'I  know  no  more  grammar  than  one  of  your  calves'    But\ 
I  he  went  to  the  University  of  the  West,  whero  he  studied  the  science  of  Liberty  ;  and,    \ 
V  having  taken  his  degrees,  he  finally  commenced  the  public  practice  of  humanity  in     \ 

Kansas.    Such  were  his  humanities  —  he  would  have  left  a  Greek  accent  slanting  th« 

wrong  way,  and  righted  up  a  falling  man."  —  HENRY  D.  THOREAC. 


28  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

at  home  &  work  hard  rather  than  be  sent  to  school ; 
&  during  the  warm  season  might  generally  be  seen 
barefooted  8f  bareheaded:  with  Buck  skin  Breeches 
suspended  often  with  one  leather  strap  over  his  shoulder 
but  sometimes  with  Two.  To  be  sent  off  through  the 
wilderness  alone  to  very  considerable  distances  was  par 
ticularly  his  delight ;  &  in  this  he  was  often  indulged  so 
that  by  the  time  he  was  Twelve  years  old  he  was  sent  off 
more  than  a  Hundred  Miles  with  companies  of  cattle ; 
&  he  would  have  thought  his  character  much  injured 
had  he  been  obliged  to  be  helped  in  any  such  job. 
This  was  a  boyish  kind  of  feeling  but  characteristic 
however.* 

At  Eight  years  old  John  was  left  a  Motherless 
boy  which  loss  was  complete  &  permanent,  for  not 
withstanding  his  Father  again  married  to  a  sensible,  iu- 
teligent,  &  on  many  accounts  a  very  estimable  wo 
man  :  yet  he  never  addopted  her  in  feeling' :  but 
continued  to  pine  after  his  own  Mother  for  years.  This 
opperated  very  unfavourably  uppon  him ;  as  he  was 


*  A  friend,  referring  to  a  later  period,  thus  writes  of  John  Brown's  woodmanship: 
"  In  his  early  manhood  he  had  been  a  surveyor,  and  as  such  had  traversed  a  large  part 
of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  and  Western  Virginia,  and  was  thus  in  some  degree  familiar 
with  the  locality  where,  it  would  seem,  he  intended  to  operate.  This  life  in  the  woods, 
to  which  he  was  trained  from  a  boy,  gave  him  the  habits  and  the  keen  senses  of  a 
hunter  or  an  Indian.  He  told  me  he  had  been  remarkably  clear-sighted  and  quick  of 
ear,  and  that  he  had  smelled  the  frying  of  doughnuts  at  five  miles'  distance ;  but  this 
was  when  extremely  hungry.  He  knew  all  the  devices  of  woodcraft;  declared  ho 
could  make  a  dinner  for  forty  men  out  of  the  hide  of  one  ox,  and  thought  he  under 
stood  how  to  provide  for  an  army's  subsistence." 

Last  Spring,  when  in  Boston,  John  Brown  asked  me  where  he  could  learn  to  "  make 
crackers  in  a  rough  way,"  in  ovens,  to  be  burrowed  out  in  hill-sides;  and  where,  also, 
he  could  be  taught  how  to  manufacture  beef-meal.  He  had  often  found  it  inconven 
ient,  he  said,  to  keep  a  herd  of  oxen,  as  they  required  too  many  men  to  tend  them, 
and  could  n<>t  always  be  concealed.  He  wanted  to  know  how  to  boil  a  herd  down  into 
a  few  barrels  of  beef-flour,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  a  speedy  transportation,  and  to  keep  his 
men  employed  when  not  engaged  in  other  duties.  I  believe  be  learned  the  process 
ere 


The  Father  of  the  Man.  29 

both  naturally  fond  of  females ;  &  withall  extremely 
diffident ;  &  deprived  him  of  a  suitable  connecting 
link  between  the  different  sexes ;  the  want  of  which 
might  under  some  circumstances  have  proved  his  ruin. 

When  the  war  broke  out  with  England*  his  Father 
soon  commenced  furnishing  the  troops  with  beef  cattle, 
the  collecting  &  driving  of  which  afforded  him  some 
opportunity  for  the  chase  (on  foot)  of  wild  steers  & 
other  cattle  through  the  woods.  During  this  war  he 
had  some  chance  to  form  his  own  boyish  judgment  of  / 
men  fy  measures :  &  to  become  somewhat  familiarlyv 
acquainted  with  some  who  have  figured  before  the 
country  since  that  time.f  The  effect  of  what  he  saw 
during  the  war  was  to  so  far  disgust  him  with  military 
affairs  that  he  would  neither  train,  or  drill ;  but  paid 
fines  ;  &  got  along  like  a  Quaker  untill  his  age  finally 
has  cleared  him  of  Military  duty. 

During  the  war  with  England  a  circumstance  oc 
curred  that  in  the  end  made  him  a  most  determined  , 
Abolitionist :  &  led   him  to  declare,  or  Swear :  Eter~ 
nal  war  with  Slavery.     He  was  staying  for  a  short  time 

*  "  He  accompanied  his  father  to  the  camp,  and  assisted  him  in  his  employment,  see 
ing  considerable  of  military  life,  more,  perhaps,  than  if  ho  had  been  a  soldier,  for  he 
was  often  present  at  the  councifs  of  the  officers.  lie  learned  by  experience  how 
armies  are  supplied  and  maintained  in  the  field.  He  saw  enough  of  military  life  to 
disgust  him  with  it,  and  to  excite  in  him  a  great  abhorrence  of  it.  Though  tempted 
by  the  offer  of  some  petty  office  in  the  army,  when  about  eighteen,  he  not  only  declined 
to  accept  this,  but  refused  to  train,  and  was  fined  in  consequence.  He  then  resolved 
that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  war  unless  it  were  a  war  for  liberty."  — 
HENRY  D.  THOREAU. 

f  A  friend,  in  his  "Reminiscences  of  John  Brown,"  thus  writes  of  this  period: 
"  As  a  boy  he  was  present  at  Hull's  surrender,  in  1812,  and  overheard  conversations 
between  Cass,  McArthur,  and  other  subordinate  officers  of  that  General,  which,  he  said, 
if  he  could  have  reported  them  to  the  proper  persons  at  Washington,  would  have 
branded  them  as  mutineers.  To  their  disorderly  conduct  he  ascribe^.  flie  surrender, 
and  thought  great  injustice  had  been  done  to  Hull,  who,  though  an  old  maa,  and  unfit 
for  such  a  command,  was  brave  and  honest." 

3* 


go  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

with  a  very  gentlemanly  landlord  once  a  United  States 
Marshall  who  held  a  slave  hoy  near  his  own  age  very 
active,  intelligent  and  good  feeling ;  &  to  whom  John 
was  under  considerable  obligation  for  numerous  little 
acts  of  kindness.  The  master  made  a  great  pet  of 
John :  brought  him  to  table  with  his  first  company ; 
&  friends ;  called  their  attention  to  every  little  smart 
thing  he  said,  or  did :  &  to  the  fact  of  his  being  more 
than  a  hundred  miles  from  home  with  a  company  of 
cattle  alone ;  while  the  negro  boy  (who  was  fully  if 
not  more  than  his  equal  *)  was  badly  clothed,  poorly 
fed ;  fy-  lodged  in  cold  weather :  &  beaten  before  his 
eyes  with  Iron  Shovels  or  any  other  thing  that  came 
first  to  hand.  This  brought  John  to  reflect  on  the 
wretched ;  hopeless  condition,  of  Fatherless  &  Moth 
erless  slave  children:  for  such  children  have  neither 
Fathers  nor  Mothers  to  protect,  &  provide  for  them. 
He  sometimes  ould  raise  the  question  is  God  their 
Father  ? 

At  the  age  of  Ten  years  an  old  friend  induced  him 
to  read  a  little  history ;  &  offered  him  the  free  iise  of 
a  good  library ;  by ;  which  he  acquired  some  taste  for 
reading :  which  formed  the  principle  part  of  his  early 
education :  &  diverted  him  in  a  great  measure  from 
bad  company.  He  by  this  means  grew  to  be  very  fond 
of  the  company,  &  conversation  of  old  &  intelligent 
persons.  He  never  attempted  to  dance  in  his  life  ;  nor 
did  he  ever  learn  to  know  one  of  a  pack  of  cards  from 
another.  He  learned  nothing  of  Grammer ;  nor  did 

*  This  early  fact  is  as  characteristic  of  his  modesty  as  humanity  :  both  distinguish 
ing  traits  of  his  old  age. 


The  Father  of  the  Man.  31 

he  get  at  school  so  much  knowledge  of  common  Arith 
metic  as  the  Four  ground  rules.  This  will  give  you 
some  general  idea  of  the  first  Fifteen  years  of  his  life ; 
during  which  time  he  became  very  strong  &  large  of 
his  age  &  ambitious  to  perform  the  full  labour  of  a 
man  ;  at  almost  any  kind  of  hard  work.  By  reading 
the  lives  of  great,  wise  &  good  men  their  sayings, 
and  writings ;  he  grew  to  a  dislike  of  vain  &  frivo 
lous  conversation  8f  persons;  &  was  often  greatly 
obliged  by  the  kind  manner  in  which  older  &  more 
inteligent  persons  treated  him  at  their  houses  ;  &  in 
conversation  ;  which  was  a  great  relief  on  account  of 
his  extreme  bashfulness.* 

He  very  early  in  life  became  ambitious  to  excel  in  >/ 
doing  any  thing  he  undertook  to  perform.  This  kind 
of  feeling  I  would  recommend  to  all  young  persons 
both  male  8f  female :  as  it  will  certainly  tend  to  se 
cure  admission  to  the  company  of  tii«j  more  inteligent; 
&  better  portion  of  erery  community.  By  all  means 
endeavor  to  excel  in  some  laudable  pursuit. 

I  had  like  to  have  forgotten  to  tell  you  of  one  of 
John's  misfortunes  which  set  rather  hard  on  him  while 
a  young  boy.     He  had  by  some  means  perhaps  by  gift 
of  his  Father  become  the  owner  of  a  little  Ewe  Lamb  A 
which  did  finely  till  it  was  about  Two  Thirds  grown  ;  * 
&  then  sickened  &  died.      This  brought  another  pro- 


*  "  lie  told  me,"  writes  a  distant  relative  of  John  Brown,  "  that  when  a  lad,  say  of 
fourteen,  he  bad  been  at  work  on  the  road  along  with  a  man  who  should  have  been 
above  mere  trifling  and  nonsense,  but  who  talked  nothing  else.  Returning  home  at 
evening  with  the  company  in  the  ox-cart,  as  the  convenient  custom  was,  he  dropped 
Borne  expression  of  contempt  for  this  man.  This  led  my  paternal  grandfather  to  take 
special  notice  of  him  as  a  thoughtful  boy,  and  to  improve  every  opportunity  to  advise 
and  instruct  him  as  he  might." 


32  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

tracted  mourning-  season:  not  that  he  felt  the  pecu 
niary  loss  so  much :  for  that  was  never  his  disposi- 
tion :  but  so  strong  &  earnest  were  his  atachments. 

John  had  been  taught  from  earliest  childhood  to 
"fear  God  &  keep  his  commandments;"  &  though 
quite  skeptical  he  had  always  by  turns  felt  much  seri 
ous  doubt  as  to  his  future  well  being ;  &  about  this 
time  became  to  some  extent  a  convert  to  Christianity 
&  ever  after  a  firm  believer  in  the  divine  authenticity 
of  the  Bible.*  With  this  book  he  became  very  famil 
iar,  &  possessed  a  most  unusual  memory  of  its  entire 
contents. 

Now  some  of  the  things  I  have  been  telling  of;  were 

just  such  as   I  would    recommend   to  you:    &  I  wd 

like    to  know   that  you   had    selected  these   out ;    & 

adopted  them  as  part  of  your  own  plan  of  life ;  &  1 

wish  you  to  have  some  definite  plan.      Many  seem  to 

have  none ;  &  others  never  stick  to  any  that  they  do 

form.     This  was  not  the  case  with  John.     He  followed 

up  with  tenacity  whatever  he  set  about  so  long  as  it 

answered  his   general   purpose :    &  hence    he   rarely 

failed   in   some   good  degree  to  effect  the  things  he 

/undertook.     This  was  so  much  the  case  that  he  habitu- 

I  ally  expected  to  succeed  in  his  undertakings.     With 

V  this  feeling  should  be  coupled;  the  consciousness  that 

our  plans  are  right  in  themselves. 

During  the  period  I  have  named  John  had  acquired 
a. kind  of  ownership  to  certain  animals  of  some  little 


*  He  joined  the  Congregational  church  in  Hudson,  Ohio,  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  Ten 
years  later,  on  moving  to  Pennsylvania,  he  transferred  his  membership  to  the  Presby 
terian  «hurch,  with  which  he  remained  connected  till  the  day  of  his  martyrdom. 


The  Father  of  the  Man. 


33 


value  but  as  he  had  come  to  understand  that  the  title 
of  minors  might  be  a  little  imperfect ;  he  had  recourse 
to  various  means  in  order  to  secure  a  more  indcpend- 
ant;  &  perfect  right  of  property.  One  of  those  means 
was  to  exchange  with  his  Father  for  some  thing  of  far 
less  value.  Another  was  by  trading  with  other  persons 
for  something  his  Father  had  never  owned.  Older 
persons  have  some  times  found  difficulty  with  titles. 

From  Fifteen  to  Twenty  years  old,  he  spent  most  of 
his  time  working  at  the  Tanner  &  Currier's  trade  keep 
ing  Bachelors  hall ;  &  he  officiating  as  Cook  ;  &  for 
most  of  the  time  as  forman  of  the  establishment  under 
his  Father.  During  this  period  he  found  much  trouble 
with  some  of  the  bad  habits  I  have  mentioned  &  with 
some  that  I  have  not  told  you  off:  his  concience  urging 
him  forward  with  great  power  in  this  matter :  but  his 
close  attention  to  business ;  &  success  in  its  manage 
ment  ;  together  with  the  way  he  got  along  with  a  com 
pany  of  men,  &>  boys ;  made  him  quite  a  favorite  with^ 
the  serious  &  mare.iateligent  portion  of  older  persons.^ 
This  was  so  much  the  case  ;  &  secured  for  him  so  man}r 
little  notices  from  those  he  esteemed ;  that  his  vanityw 
was  very  much  fed  by  it :  &  he  came  forward  to  man 
hood  quite  full  of  self-conceit ;  &  self-confident ;  not 
withstanding  his  extreme  bashfulness.  A  younger 
brother  used  sometimes  to  remind  him  of  this :  &  to 
repeat  to  him  this  expression  which  you  may  somewhere 
find,  "  A  King  against  whom  there  is  no  rising  up.M , 
$?he  habit  so  early  formed  of  being  obeyed  rendered 
/him  in  after  life  too  much  disposed  to  speak  in  an 
Umperious  &  dictating  way.  From  Fifteen  years  & 


r 


34  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

upwajd  he  felt  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  to  learn ;  but 
coulci  only  read  &  studdy  a  little ;  both  for  want  of 
time  ;  &  on  account  of  inflammation  of  the  eyes.  He 
however  managed  by  the  help  of  books  to  make  himself 
tolerably  well  acquainted  with  common  arithmetic ;  & 
Surveying:  which  he  practiced  more  or  less  after  he 
•was  Twenty  years  old. 

At  a  little  past  Twenty  years  led  by  his  own  incli 
nation  4*  prompted  also  by  his  Father,  he  married  a 
remarkably  plain ;  but  neat  industrious  &  economical 
girl ;  of   excellent  character ;    earnest  piety ;  &  good 
practical  common  sense  ;  about  one  year  younger  than 
himself.     This  woman  by  her  mild,  frank,  &  more  than 
all  else :  by  her  very  consistent  conduct ;  acquired  & 
ever  while  she  lived  maintained  a  most  powerful ;  & 
good  influence  over  him.     Her  plain  but  kind  admoni- 
i ,tions  generally  had  the  right  effect ;  without  arousing 
/{his  haughty  obstinate  temper.     John  began  early  in  life 
to  discover  a  great  liking  to  fine  Cattle,  Horses,  Sheep, 
&  Swine  :  &  as  soon  as  circumstances  would  enable  him 
he  began  to  be  a  practical  Shepherd :  'it  being-  a  calling 
j  >'for  which  in  early  life  he  had  a  kind  of  enthusiastic 
i  longing :  *  together  with  the  idea  that  as  a  business  it 
bid  fair  to  afford  him  the  means  of  carrying  out  his 
greatest  or  principle  object.     I  have  now  given  you  a 
kind  of  general  idea  of  the  early  life  of  this  boy ;  &  if 
I  believed  it  would  be  worth  the  trouble :  or  afford 

*  A  friend  writes:  "  So  keen  was  his  observation,  that,  as  was  told  me,  he  knew 
when  a  strange  sheep  had  got  into  his  flock  of  two  or  three  thousand  head.  He  was  a 
great  lover  of  good  stock  of  all  kinds  —  cattle,  sheep,  swine,  and  horses,  and  cared  ten 
derly  for  all  the  beasts  he  owned  or  used." 


The  Father  of  the  Man.  35 

much  interest  to  any  good  feeling  person :  I  might  be 
tempted  to  tell  you  something  of  his  course  in  after  life ; 
or  manhood.  I  do  not  say  that  I  will  do  it. 

You  will  discover  that  in  using  up  my  half  sheets  to 
save  paper ;  I  have  written  Two  pages,  so  that  one  docs 
not  follow  the  other  as  it  should.  I  have  no  time  to 
write  it  over ;  &  but  for  unavoidable  hindrances  in 
traveling  I  can  hardly  say  when  I  should  have  written 
what  I  have.  With  an  honest  desire  for  your  best 
good,  I  subscribe  myself,  Your  Friend 

J.  BROWN. 

P.  S.  I  had  like  to  have  forgotten  to  acknowledge 
your  contribution  in  aid  of  the  cause  in  which  I  serve. 
God  Allmighty  bless  you;  my  son.  J.  B. 

HE   STUDIES   FOB   THE   MINISTRY. 

To  this  autobiographical  sketch,  there  is  one  impor 
tant  incident  of 'John  Brown's  early  life  to  be  added. 
"  At  the  age  of  eighteen  or  twenty,"  writes  a  reliable 
authority,  "  he  left  Hudson,  Ohio,  and  came  East,  with 
the  design  of  acquiring  a  liberal  education  through 
some  of  our  New  England  colleges.  His  ultimate 
design  was  the  gospel  ministry.  In  pursuance  of  this 
object  he  consulted  and  conferred  with  the  Rev.  Jere 
miah  Hallock,  then  clergyman  at  Canton,  Connecticut, 
and  in  accordance  with  advice  there  obtained,  proceeded 
to  Plainfield,  Massachusetts,  where,  under  the  instruc 
tion  of  the  late  Rev.  Moses  Hallock,  he  was  fitted  or 
nearly  fitted  for  college." 

The  youngest  brother  of  this  clergyman  thus  de 
scribes  John  Brown : 


36  The  Father  of  the  Man. 

"  He  was  a  tall,  sedate,  dignified  young  man.  He  had  been  a  tan 
ner,  and  relinquished  a  prosperous  business  for  the  purpose  of  intel 
lectual  improvement,  but  with  what  ultimate  end  I  do  not  now  know. 
He  brought  with  him  a  piece  of  sole  leather,  about  a  foot  square,  which 
he  had  himself  tanned  for  seven  years  to  resole  his  boots.  He  had 
also  a  piece  of  sheepskin  which  he  had  tanned,  and  of  which  he  cut  some 
strips  about  an  eighth  of  an  inch  wide  for  other  students  to  pull  upon. 
>  Father  took  one  string,  and,  winding  it  around  his  fingers,  said,  'I 
shall  snap  it.'  The  very  marked,  yet  kind  unmovableness  of  the 
young  man's  face  on  seeing  father's  defeat  —  father's  own  look,  and  the 
position  of  the  people  and  things  in  the  old  kitchen —  somehow  gave 
me  a  fixed  recollection  of  this  little  incident.  How  long  John  Brown 
lived  at  our  house,  or  at  what  period,  I  do  not  know.  I  think  it  must 
have  been  in  1819  or  1820.  I  have  the  name  John  Brown  on  my  list 
of  father's  students.  It  is  said  that  he  was  a  relative  of  uncle  Jer 
emiah  Hallock's  wife,  and  that  uncle  J.  directed  him  to  Plainfield." 

"While  pursuing  his  studies,"  says  the  first  writer: 

"He  was  attacked  with  inflammation  of  the  eyes,  which  ultimately 
became  chronic,  and  precluded  him  from  the  possibility  of  the  further 
pursuit  of  his  studies,  when  he  returned  to  Ohio.  Had  not  this  in 
flammation  supervened  John  Brown  would  not  have  died  a  Virginia 
culprit  on  a  Virginia  gallows,  but  in  all  probability  would  have  died 
on  a  feather  bed  with  D.  D.  affixed  to  his  name.". 

God  had  higher  work  for  this  sedate,  dignified  young 
man  than  to  write  and  deliver  sermons  to  a  parish.  HE 
was  raising  him  up  as  a  deliverer  of  captives  and  a 
teacher  of  righteousness  to  a  nation  ;  as  the  conserve!* 
of  the  light  of  true  Christianity,  when  it  was  threatened 
with  extinction,  under  the  rubbish  of  creeds  and  con 
stitutions,  and  iniquities  enacted  into  laws. 


III. 

THE  MAN. 

I  DO  NOT  propose,  in  the  presentjyqlume,  to  minute 
ly  trace  the  liie  of  JoImBrown  from  thedate  of  his 
first  marriage  in  1  821  ,  iip  to  the  time  of  his  removal  to 
in  184Q  t   Although  this  period  embraces 


twenty-five  years,  its  incidents  do  not  form  an  essential 
^art  of  his  public  career  ;~nor  is  a  knowledge  of  them 
requisite  to  correctly  comprehend  the  illustrious  ac 
tions  of  his  later  age.  Every  record  of  this  quarter  of 
a  century,  let  it  suffice  for  me  to  state,  exhibits  to  us 
the  same  earnest,  pious,  and  heroic  character,  which, 
by  its  unusual  manifestations  diiring_J,he"  last  two~ 
months,  has  thrilled  the  pulses  of  sixteen  States.  The 
keeper  of  sheep,  the  humble  farmer  and  tanner,  ap 
pears,  by  the  writings  he  has  left  behind  him,  and  the 
testimony  of  all  who  knew  him,  equally  as  courageous 
and  devout  a  personage  as  the  Liberator  of  Kansas,  the 
Invader  of  Virginia,  and  the_^risoner_o£.-thft  Jail  of 
Charlestown. 

The  last  chapter,  indeed,  is  a  prophecy  of  what  his 
future  life  would  be,  too  faithful  in  its  outline,  and  too 
minute  in  its  details,  to  render  any  record  of  its  fulfil- 

4  W 


38  The  Man. 

ment,  in  every  varying  phase  of  his  business  career, 
essential  to  a  just  conception  of  his  character.  It 
would  be  easy  and  safe  enough  to  pass  over  these 
twenty-five  years,  without  looking  at  a  solitary  inci 
dent  of  them,  and  yet  to  know  that  he  would,  and 
how  he  would,  pour  them  full  to  the  brim  of  the  living 
waters  of  earnest  deeds.  Given :  a  stern  inflexibility 
of  purpose,  and  an  earnestness  of  nature  so  intense 
that  it  did  not  seem  to  exist,  —  as  wheels  that  revolve 
with  the  velocity  of  lightning,  hardly  seem  to  the  look 
er-on  to  be  moving  at  all ;  adding  to  them  an  infinite 
faith  in  God,  and  man,  and  freedom,  growing  out  of  a 
soul  of  the  utmost  integrity,  self-reliance,  modesty,  and 
almost  child-like  simplicity,  transfused  with  the  teach 
ings  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  inspired  by  the  examples  of 
the  Old  Testament:  putting  this  rare  creation  into 
the  walks  of  lowly  life,  at  the  head  of  a  loyal  and  patri 
archal  household,  and  in  a  nation  which,  in  its  eager 
hunt  after  gold,  too  often  extinguishes  the  Holy  Lamp 
placed  by  the  hand  of  Deity  in  the  human  soul ;  and 
one  can  readily  foresee  how,  wherever  it  shall  move, 
common  men  at  times  must  stand  aghast  at  it  —  smil 
ing  sometimes  in  derision  —  oftener  speaking  in  a  pity 
begotten  of  involuntary  admiration  for  the  poor  "  mon 
omaniac,"  who  is  so  erratic  as  to  follow  his  Heaven- 
implanted  instincts,  "no  matter  how  ridiculous"  in 
the  eyes  of  fools  they  may  be,  "  or  how  inconvenient  to 
himself;"  and  "  without  the  intellect  to  comprehend 
the  necessities,  the  nature,  and  the  obligations  arising 
out  of  civil  society."  *  To  understand  John  Brown,  the 

*  These  phrases  are  quoted  from  conservative  Republican  journals.    I  spare  th« 
•ditors  the  misfortune  of  their  uamee. 


The  Man.  39 

first  thing  needed  is,  to  know  what  earnest  sincerity  ( 
means.  Do  you  believe  in  God  ?  Do  you  believe  the  y 
Bible  ?  John  Brown  believed  in  Jehovah  and  His  Word. 
Sincerely,  for  nothing  was  permitted  to  stand  between 
the  commandments  of  Jehovah  and  his  obedience  to 
them  ;  sincerely,  for  while  our  scribes  and  pharisees 
derided  him,  he  translated  his  belief  into  earnest  deeds, 
and  thereby  proved  how  vain  and  false  were  their  loud 
professions.  He  was  the  last  of  the  old  Puritan  type"} 
of  Christians.  Gideon  to  him,  and  Joshua,  and  Moses, 
were  not  interesting  historic  characters  merely,  —  as, 
judging  from  their  acts,  modern  Christians  regard 
them,  but  holy  examples  set  before  us,  by  Deity  him 
self,  for  our  imitation  and  our  guidance.  Is  the  Bible 
true  ?  Yes,  say  many  modern  Christians,  never  doubt 
ing  their  own  sincerity,  and  then  denounce  any  forci 
ble  emancipation  of  God's  enslaved  poor.  If  the  Bible 
is  the  true  Word,  it  follows  that  it  is  right  to  slay 
God's  enemies,  if  it  be  necessary  thus  to  deliver  God's 
persecuted  people.  In  John  Brown's  eyes,  what  Josh 
ua  did,  and  Jehovah  sanctioned,  could  not  be  wrong. 
And  so  with  every  doctrine.  Between  the  command 
of  the  Lord  of  Hosts  and  implicit  obedience  to  it,  he 
permitted  neither  Creed  nor  Platform,  Constitution  nor 
Law,  to  intervene.  Did  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic 
intend  to  tolerate  slavery  ?  He  might  admit  the  his 
toric  fact ;  but  still  would  he  obey  the  divine  command 
—  and  interfere  with  slavery.  Most  men  have  a  Third 
Heaven  of  Abstract  Theories,  while  their  civil  actions 
form  the  pillars  of  a  Hell.  John  Brown's  acts  were 
in  harmony  with  his  God-inspired  creed, 


40  The  Man. 

It  was  thus  in  every  relation  of  his  private  life,  dur 
ing  this  long  period  of  twenty-five  years,  over  which 
we  will  now  hurriedly  pass,  in  order  that  we  -may  the 
sooner  come  to  those  gigantic  cameras  —  Harper's  Fer 
ry,  and  the  Jail  of  Charlestown  —  in  which,  for  forty 
days,  every  line  and  lineament  of  the  old  Puritan's 
noble  soul  were  drawn  with  the  unvarying  fidelity 
of  Nature. 

THE   FAMILY  RECORD. 

John  Brown  was  married  to  his  first  wife,  Dianthe 
Lusk,  June  21,  1820,  at  Hudson,  in  Ohio.  In  order 
to  make  no  interruptions  in  the  narrative,  or  confusion 
of  dates,  I  subjoin  here  the  family  record  as  it  stood  at 
John  Brown's  death. 

By  his  first  wife,  John  Brown  had  seven  children  : 

JOHN  BROWN,  junior,  July  25,  1821,  at  Hudson,  Ohio  ;  married 
Wealthy  C.  Hotchkiss,  Jul}*,  1847.  He  now  lives  in  Ashtabula  County, 
Ohio  ;  now  fully  recovered  from  his  once  dangerous  malady. 

JASON  BROWN,  January  19,  1823,  Hudson,  Ohio ;  married  Ellen 
Sherboudy,  July,  1847. 

OWEN  BROWN,  November  4,  1824,  Hudson,  Ohio  ;  he  escaped  from 
Harper's  Ferry. 

FREDERICK  BROWN,  (1st,)  January  9,  1827,  Richmond,  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  died  March  31,  1831. 

RUTH  BROWN,  February  18,  1829,  Richmond,  Pennsylvania;  mar 
ried  Henry  Thompson,  September  26,  1850. 

FREDERICK  BROWN,  (2d,)  December  21,  1830,  Richmond,  Pennsyl 
vania;  murdered  at  Osawatomie  by  Rev. -Martin  White,  August  30, 
1856. 

An  INFANT  SON,  born  August  7,  1832,  was  buried  with  his  mother 
three  days  after  his  birth. 

By  his  second  wife,  Mary  A.  Day,  to  whom  he  was 
married  at  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  (while  he  was 
living  at  Richmond,  in  Crawford  County,)  he  had 
thirteen  children  : 

SARAH  BROWN,  born  May  11,  1834,  at  Richmond,  Pennsylvania; 
di&sl  September  23,  1843. 


The  Man.  41 

WATSON  BROWN,  October  7,  1835,  Franklin,  Ohio ;  married  Isa- 
oella  M.Thompson,  September,  1856;  wounded  at  Harper's  Ferry, 
October  17,  while  bearing  a  flag  of  truce;  died  October  19,  1859. 

SALMON  BROWN,  October  2,  1836,  Hudson,  Ohio ;  married  Abbie  C. 
Hinckley,  October  15,  1856  ;  lives  at  North  Elba. 

CHARLES  BROWN,  November  3,  1837,  Hudson,  Ohio ;  died  Sep 
tember  11,  1843. 

OLIVER  BROWN,  March  9,  1839,  Franklin,  Ohio  ;  married  Martha 
E.  Brewster,  April  17,  1858 ;  killed  at  Harper's  Ferry,  October  17, 
1859. 

PETER  BROWN,  December  7,  1840,  Hudson,  Ohio ;  died  September 
22,  1843. 

AUSTIN  BROWN,  September  14,  1842,  Richfield,  Ohio;  died  Sep 
tember  27,  1843. 

ANNE  BROWN,  December  23,  1843,  Richfield,  Ohio. 

AMELIA  BROWN,  June  22,  1845,  Akron,  Ohio ;  died  October  30, 
1846. 

SARAH  BROWN,  (2d,)  September  11,  1846,  Akron,  Ohio. 

ELLEN  BROWN,  (1st,)  May  20,  1848,  Springfield,  Massachusetts; 
died  April  30,  1849. 

INFANT  SON,  April  26,  1852,  Akron,  Ohio;  died  May  17,  aged 
21  days. 

ELLEN  BROWN,  (2d,)  September  25,  1854,  Akron,  Ohio. 

Tims,  eight  children  now  survive  ;  four  by  each  wife. 

THE   YOUNG   TANNER. 

From  his  twenty-first  to  his  twenty-sixth  year,  John 
Brown  was  engaged  in  the  tanning  business,  and  as  a 
farmer,  in  Ohio. 

In  1826,  he  went  to  Richmond,  Richland  township, 
Crawford  County,  Pennsylvania,  where  he  carried  on 
the  old  business  till  1835.  One  of  his  apprentices  at 
this  period  informs  us  that  he  was  characterized  for 
singular  probity  of  life,  and  by  his  strong  and  "  eccen 
tric  "  benevolent  impulses.  He  would  refuse  to  sell  \ 
leather  until  the  last  drop  of  moisture  had  been  dried 
from  it,  "  lest  he  should  sell  his  customers  water,  and 
reap  the  gain." 

4* 


42  The  Man. 

"  He  is  said  to  have  caused  a  man  to  be  arrested,  or 
rearrested,  for  some  small  offence,  not  easily  substan 
tiated  to  a  jury,  or  who  had  already  passed  a  prelimi 
nary  examination  without  effect,  although  he  had  sus 
tained  no  personal  injury,  but  simply  because  he 
thought  the  crime  should  be  punished  ;  and  his  benev 
olence  induced  him  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  offender 
out  of  his  private  means,  and  to  provide  for  the  family 
until  the  trial."* 

That  stern  old  English  sense  of  justice  ;  that  grand 
Puritan  spirit  of  inflexible  integrity  —  how  beautifully 
*N  do  they  bloom  out,  thus  early,  in  the  life  of  this  illus 
trious  man  !  Evidently,  in  honor  of  this  bright  trait, 
history  will  place  John  Brown,  in  her  American  Pan 
theon,  not  among  Virginia's  culprits,  but  as  high,  at 
least,  as  Virginia's  greatest  chief,  whose  best  sayings 
and  achievements  that  young  man  just,  was  afterwards 
to  be  slaughtered  by  Washington's  native  State,  for 
attempting  to  carry  out  to  their  legitimate  results. 

CHANGES    OF   RESIDENCE. 

In  1835,  he  removed  to  Franklin  Mills,  Portage 
County,  Ohio,  where,  until  1841,  he  was  engaged  in  the 
tanning  trade,  and  speculating  in  real  estate.  He  made 
several  unfortunate  investments,  and  lost  a  considera 
ble  amount  of  money. 

In  March,  1839,  he  started  from  Ohio  for  Connecti 
cut,  with  a  drove  of  cattle.  He  returned  in  July  of 
the  same  year,  and  brought  back  with  him  a  few  sheep, 
Jus  first  purchases  in  that  business,  in  which  he  after 
wards  was  so  largely  interested. 

*  This  incident  is  related  by  a  citizen  of  Warren,  Pennsylvania,  who  knew  him  well, 
and  regarded  him  at  that  time  as  an  exemplary  and  highly  Christian  man. 


The   Man.  43 

In  1840,  he  went  to  Hudson,  Ohio,  and  engaged  in 
the  wool  business  with  Mr.  Oviatt,  of  Richfield  ;  to  which 
place,  in  1842,  John  Brown  removed,  and  remained 
two  years,  when  he  entered  into  a  partnership  with 
Colonel  Perkins.  During  his  residence  in  Richfield, 
he  lost  four  children,  all  of  them  within  eleven  days  ; 
and  three  were  carried  out  together  and  interred  in 
the  same  grave.  "  From  boyhood,"  writes  Mr.  Oviatt, 
"  I  have  known  him  through  manhood ;  and  through 
life  he  has  been  distinguished  for  his  truthfulness  and 
integrity  ;  he  has  ever  been  esteemed,  by  those  who 
have  known  him,  as  a  very  conscientious  man." 
/  It  was  in  1839  that  he  conceived  the  idea  of  becom- 
Uno-  a.  T.il^rntnr  nf  the  Southern .  slaves .  He  had  seen , 
during  the  twenty-five  years  that  had  elapsed  since  he 
became  an  Abolitionist,  every  right  of  human  nature, 
and  of  the  Northern  States,  ruthlessly  trodden  under 
the  feet  of  the  tyrannical  Slave  Power.  Her"SftW  it^J 
blighting  and  blasting  the  manhood  of  the  nation  ;  and 
he  listened  to  "  the  voice  of  the  poor  that  cried."  He 
heard  Lafayette  loudly  praised  ;  but  he  saw  no  helper 
of  the  bondman.  He  saw  the  people  building  the  sep 
ulchres  of  the  fathers  of  '76,  but  lynching  and  murdering 
the  prophets  that  were  sent  unto  them.  He  believed  that, 

"  Who  would  be  free,  themselves  must  strike  the  blow." 

But  the  slaves,  scattered  ;  closely  watched  ;  prevented 
from  assembling  to  conspire  ;  without  arms  ;  apparently 
overpowered  ;  at  the  mercy  of  every  traitor  ;  knowing 
the  white  man  only  as  their  foe  ;  seeing,  every  where 
and  always,  that  (as  the  Haytian  proverb  pithily  ex- 


44  The   Man. 

presses  it,)  "Zie  blanc,  bouille  negues"  — the  eyes  ot 
the  whites  burn  up  the  negroes  —  in  order  to  arise  and 
strike  a  blow  for  liberty,  needed  a  positive  sign  that 
they  had  friends  among  the  dominant  race,  who  sym 
pathized  with  them,  believed  in  their  right  to  freedom, 
and  were  ready  to  aid  them  in  their  attempt  to  obtain 
it.  John  Brown  determined  to  let  them  know  that 
they  had  friends,  and  prepared  himself  to  lead  them  to/ 
liberty.  From  the  moment  that  he  formed  this  resolu 
tion,  he  engaged  in  no  commercial  speculations,  which 
he  could  not,  without  loss  to  his  friends  and  family, 
wind  up  in  fourteen  days.  He  waited  patiently. 
"  LEARN  TO  WAIT  :  I  have  waited  twenty  years,"  he 
often  said  to  the  young  men  of  principle  and  talent, 
who  loved  and  flocked  around  him  when  in  Kansas. 

In  1844,  John  Brown  removed  to  Akron,  Ohio  ;  in 
1846,  he  went  to  Springfield,  Massachusetts  ;  where, 
in  the  following  year,  his  family  joined  him. 

A  few  life  notes  now  are  all  that  can  be  given  here.  \ 
JOHN  BROWN'S  FAVORITE  BOOKS,  TEXTS,  AND  HY 
"  My  dear  father's  favorite  books,  of  an  historical  char 
acter,"  writes  a  daughter,  "  were  Rollings  Ancient  Histo 
ry,  Josephus's  Works,  Napoleon  and  his  Marshals,  and 
the  Life  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  Of  religious  books  :  Bax 
ter's  Saints'  Rest,  (in  speaking  of  this  work,  at  one  time, 
he  said  he  could  not  see  how  any  person  could  read  it 
through  carefully  without  becoming  a  Christian,)  the 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  Henry  on  Meekness  ;  but  above  all 
others,  the  BIBLE  was  his  favorite  volume,  and  ho  had 
such  a  perfect  knowledge  of  it,  that  when  any  person  was 
reading  it,  he  would  correct  the  least  mistake.  His  favor 
ite  passages  were  these,  as  nearly  as  I  can  remember  : 


The  Man.  45 


'  Remember  them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them. 
1  Whoso  stoppcth  his  ear  at  the  cry  of  the  poor,  he  also  shall  cry 
himself,  but  shall  not  be  heard. 

1  He  that  hath  a  bountiful  eye  shall  be  blessed ;  for  he  giveth  his 
bread  to  the  poor. 

14  '  A  good  name  is  rather  to  be  chosen  than  great  riches,  and  loving 
\     favor  rather  than  silver  and  gold. 
\        "  '  Whoso  mocketh  the  poor  reproacheth  his  Maker,  and  he  that  is 

glad  at  calamities  shall  not  be  unpunished. 

\        "  '  He  that  hath  pity  upon  the  poor  lendeth  unto  the  Lord,  and  that 
which  he  hath  given  will  he  pay  him  again. 

44  4  Give  to  him  that  asketh  of  thee,  and  from  him  that  woiild  borrow 
of  thee  turn  not  thou  away. 

"  '  A  righteous  man  regardeth  the  life  of  his  beast;  but  the  tender 
;    mercies  of  the  wicked  are  cruel. 

44  '  Withhold  not  good  from  them  to  whom  it  is  due,  when  it  is  in  the 
power  of  thine  hand  to  do  it. 

44  4  Except  the  Lord  build  the  house,  they  labor  in  vain  that  build  it ; 
\  except  the  Lord  keep  the  city,  the  watchman  walketh  in  vain. 
44  *  I  hate  vain  thoughts,  but  thy  law  do  I  love.' 

"  The  last  chapter  of  Ecclesiasticus  was  a  favorite 
one,  and  on  Fast  days  and  Thanksgivings  he  used  very 
often  to  read  the  fifty-eighth  chapter  of  Isaiah. 

"When  he  would  come  home  at  night,  tired  out 
with  labor,  he  would,  before  going  to  bed,  ask  some  of 
the  family  to  read  chapters,  (as  was  his  usual  course 
night  and  morning,)  and  would  most  always  say,  Read 
one  of  David's  Psalms. 

"  His  favorite  hymns  (Watts's)  were  these  —  I  give 
the  first  lines  only  : 

44  4  Blow  ye  the  trumpet,  blow.' 

44  4  Sweet  is  Thy  work,  my  God,  my  King.' 

44  4  I'll  praise  my  Maker  with  my  breath.' 

44  4  O,  happy  is  the  man  who  hears.' 

44  4  Why  should  we  start,  and  fear  to  die.' 

44  4  With  songs  and  honors  sounding  loud.' 

44  4  Ah,  lovely  appearance  of  death.'  " 

He  was  a  great  admirer  of  Oliver  Cromwell.     Of 


4.6  The  Man. 

colored  heroes,  Nat  Turner  and  Cinques  stood  first  in 
his  esteem.  "  How  often,"  writes  a  daughter,  "  have  I 
heard  him  speak  in  admiration  of  Cinques'  character 
and  management  in  carrying  his  points  with  so  little 
bloodshed! "  Of  American  writings,  he  chiefly  admired 
the  sayings  of  Franklin,  and  the  Farewell  Address  of 
Washington. 

I  do  not  see  how  any  one  could  draw  the  character 
of  John  Brown  better  than  by  referring  the  reader  to 
his  favorite  books.  The  Bible,  first  and  above  all  other 
volumes,  inspired  every  action  of  his  life.  He  searched 
it  continually  to  find  there  the  words  of  eternal  life. 
Nay,  years  hence,  Christendom  will  recognize  in  John 
Brown  a  translation  of  the  Old  Testament,  not  into 
English  words,  but  American  flesh  and  blood. 

As  a  father  he  was  tenderly  austere ;  as  a  husband 
devotedly  faithful  and  kind. 

He  brought  up  his  family  as  the  Hebrew  patriarchs 
reared  their  children.  The  law  of  God  was  their  ear 
liest  and  most  constant  study  ;  unbounded  and  willing 
obedience  to  it,  their  first  and  chief  lesson.  They 
bended  their  knees  every  morning  and  evening  at  God's 
altar  ;  daily  read  the  sacred  volume,  and  sung  psalms 
and  hymns,  and  spiritual  songs.  Grace  before  and  after 
meat  sanctified  their  board.  The  patriarchal  principle 
of  filial  reverence  was  in  this  family  a  distinguishing 
trait.  Self-sacrifice  was  their  idea  of  earthly  life. 

"  The  Puritan  idea,"  —  here  it  was  out-lived ;  no 
where  else  was  the  grandest  thing  brought  over  in 
the  Mayflower  so  sacredly  preserved.  Some  descend 
ants  of  the  passengers  in  that  classic  ship  have  chairs, 


The  Man.  47 

and  tables,  and  other  material  evidences  of  her  voyage 
to  America  ;  but  this  great  family  had  the  Idea  that  she 
personifies,  not  pompously  displayed  in  parlors  or  muse- 
,  but  modestly,  unconsciously,  in  their  daily  lives. 

The  sayings  of  Franklin,  as  will  be  seen  in  another 
chapter,  were  exhibited  in  daily  life  in  the  household  of 
John  Brown.  And  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
—  we  will  see  how  it  was  incarnated  when  we  find  the 
old  man  and  his  sons  in  Kansas  and  Virginia. 

"  One  of  his  favorite  verses  was,"  says  a  daughter, 

T  Count  that  day  lost  whose  low- descending  sun 
i    Yiews  from  thy  hand  no  worthy  action  done." 

Here,  although  in  advance  of  the  time,  two  incidents 
may  be  related,  which  show  how  the  ideas  of  the  Bible 
interpenetrated  his  whole  being. 

"  I  asked  him,"  says  a  child,  "  how  he  felt  when  he 
left  the  eleven  slaves,  taken  from  Missouri,  safe  in  Can 
ada  ?  His  answer  was,  '  "  Lord,  permit  now  thy  ser 
vant  to  depart  in  peace,  for  mine  eyes  have  seen  thy 
salvation."  I  could  not  brook  the  idea  that  any  ill 
should  befall  them,  or  they  be  taken  back  to  slavery. 
The  arm  of  Jehovah  protected  iis.' ' 

The  next  anecdote,  related  since  the  old  man's  cap 
tivity,  by  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Pennsylvania,  is  no 
less  characteristic  : 

"  lie  has  elements  of  character,  which,  under  circumstances  favor 
able  to  their  proper  development  and  right  direction,  would  have  made 
him  one  of  the  great  men  of  the  world.  Napoleon  himself  had  no 
more  blind  and  trusting  confidence  in  his  own'  destiny  and  resources  ; 
his  iron  will  and  unbending  purpose  were  equal  to  that  of  any  man, 
living  or  dead ;  his  religious  enthusiasm  and  sense  of  duty  (exagger 
ated  and  false  though  it  was)  were  yet  earnest  and  sincere,  and  not 
excelled  by  that  of  Oliver  Cromwell  or  any  of  his  followers  ;  while  no 


48  The  Man. 

danger  could  for  a  moment  alarm  or  disturb  him.  Though  doubtless 
his  whole  nature  was  subject  to,  and  almost  constantly,  for  the  last 
three  or  four  years,  pervaded  by  the  deepest  excitement,  his  exterior 
was  always  calm  and  cool.  His  manner,  though  conveying  the  idea 
of  a  stern  and  self-sustaining  man,  was  yet  gentle  and  courteous,  and 
marked  by  frequent  and  decided  manifestations  of  kindness ;  and  it 
can  probably  be  said  of  him,  with  truth,  that,  amid  all  his  provoca 
tions,  he  never  perpetrated  an  act  of  wanton  or  unnecessary  cruelty. 
He  was  scrupulously  honest,  moral,  and  temperate,  and  never  gave 
utterance  to  a  boast.  Upon  one  occasion,  when  one  of  the  ex-Govern 
ors  of  Kansas  said  to  him  that  he  was  a  marked  man,  and  that  the 
Missourians  were  determined,  sooner  or  later,  to  take  his  scalp,  the 
old  man  straightened  himself  up,  with  a  glance  of  enthusiasm  and 
defiance  in  his  gray  eye,  «  Sir,'  said  he,  '  the  angel  of  the  Lord  will  camp 
round  about  me.' " 

His  self-sacrificing  spirit,  his  devotion  to  the  Ameri 
can  idea,  —  in  its  spirit  "which  giveth  life,"  not  in  its 
letter  "which  is  death,"  —  may  be  clearly  seen  in  a 
single  sentence  from  one  of  his  family  : 

"  On  leaving  us  the  first  time  that  he  went  to  Kansas, 
he  said,  '  If  it  is  so  painful  for  us  to  part,  with  the  hope 
of  meeting  again,  how  dreadful  must  be  the  separation 
for  life  of  hundreds  of  poor  slaves  ! ' : 

He  inspired  every  one  of  his  family  with  this  heroic 
Christianity.  His  sons  were  all  young  fathers  ;  John 
Browns,  junior,  every  .one.  His  son-in-law,  also,  was 
touched  with  the  holy  fire  from  the  altar  of  the  old 
man's  soul. 

"  When  William  Thompson,"*  writes  a  sister-in-law, 
"  talked  of  going  to  Harper's  Ferry,  his  wife  begged  of 
him  not  to  go,  telling  him  that  she  was  afraid  he  would 
be  murdered  :  he  said, '  0  Mary,  you  do  not  think  of 
any  thing  but  self !  What  is  my  life  in  comparison  to 
thousands  of  poor  slaves  in  bondage  ?  ' : 

*  He  whom  the  "  party  of  Virginia  gentlemen  "  murdered  in  cold  blood. 


The  Man. 


49 


For  John  Brown's  habits  a  few  words  will  suffice. 
He  was  a  very  early  riser,  and  a  very  hard  worker. 
His  dress  was  extremely  plain  ;  never  in  the  fashion, 
and  never  made  of  fine  cloth.  But  he  was  always  scru 
pulously  clean  and  tidy  in  his  personal  appearance. 
"When  first  I  saw  him  in  his  camp  at  Kansas,  although 
his  clothing  was  patched  and  old,  and  he  was  almost 
barefooted,  he  was  as  tidy,  both  in  person  and  dress, 
as  any  gentleman  of  Boston.  He  was  noted  for  his 
orderly  and  systematic  business  habits.  His  account 
books  and  correspondence  (which  have  been  sacredly 
preserved)  are  models  of  systematic  arrangement. 
Even  to  the  day  of  his  death,  he  regularly  filed  his 
letters,  writing  the  name  of  the  correspondent,  and  the 
word  "  Answered,"  or  "  Not  time  to  read,"  or  "  No  an 
swer  needed,"  on  every  one  of  them.  His  food  was 
always  plain  and  simple.  He  never  used  tobacco  in 
any  form,  or  wine  or  spirits  on  any  pretence  whatever. 
When  at  home,  he  drank  milk,  or  water  only.  It  was 
not  till  within  a  few  years  before  his  death,  that  he 
ever  tasted  tea  or  coffee.  He  relinquished  this  habit 
only  from  the  desire  to  give  no  trouble  to  others  ;  for 
he  found  that  in  travelling,  it  sometimes  annoyed  good 
people  to  see  their  guests  drink  water  instead  of  tea. 
He  never  ate  cheese  or  butter.  "  When  a  little  boy, 
ten  years  of  age,  he  was  sent  of  an  errand,  where  a 
lady  gave  him  a  piece  of  bread  and  butter.  He  was  so 
bashful,  that  he  did  not  dare  to  tell  her  he  never  ate 
butter  ;  and  as  soon  as  he  got  out  of  the  house,  he  ran 
as  fast  as  he  could  for  a  long  distance,  and  then  threw 
the  gift  out  of  sight  " 
5 


50  The  Man. 

Mr.  Doolittle,  of  Ohio,  Mr.  Weeks  and  Mr.  Hallock, 
of  Connecticut,  were  his  favorite  pastors.  Although  a 
rigid  Puritan,  he  loved  Theodore  Parker.  "  I  am  free 
to  say,"  lie  once  told  me,  "  that  I  do  not  agree  with 
Mr.  Parker  in  religious  matters  ;  I  think  he  is  mistaken 
in  most  of  his  views  ;  but  I  like  him,  sir  ;  he  is  a  good 
man." 

"  Captain  Brown,"  writes  a  friend,  "  was  extremely 
fond  of  music.  I  once  saw  him  sit  listening  with  the 
most  rapt  attention  to  Schubert's  Serenade,  played  by 
a  mutual  friend,  and,  when  the  music  ceased,  tears 
were  in  the  old  man's  eyes.  He  was  indeed  most 
tender-hearted— (  fond  of  children  and  pet  creatures, 
and  always  enlisted  on  the  weaker  side. )  The  last 
time  I  saw  him  in  Boston,  he  had  been  greatly  annoyed 
by  overhearing  in  the  street  some  rude  language  ad 
dressed  to  a  black  girl,  who,  he  said,  would  never  have 
been  insulted  if  she  had  been  white.  To  him  might 
well  be  applied  the  words  of  the  old  Scotch  ballad : 

«"  0  Douglas,  Douglas,  tender  and  true.'" 

Of  the  different  members  of  John  Brown's  family  I 
cannot  write  now  ;  but,  on  another  occasion,  I  shall  try 
to  do  justice  to  the  old  hero  as  a  father.  I  think,  from 
what  I  know  of  him,  that  John  Brown  by  his  wifj's  chair 
and  the  cradle  of  his  children,  was  even  a  greater  man 
than  John  Brown  at  Osawatomie,  and  on  the  scaffold 
of  Charlestown. 

Mrs.  Brown,  the  present  widow,  was  a  fit  mate  for 
her  husband.  Is  it  necessary  to  say  more  ?  If  it  be,  I 
cannot  write  it.  His  first  wife's  character  he  himself 
has  drawn,  and  the  reader  has  seen  the  portrait. 


The  Man.  51 

I  have  a  few  testimonials  of  John  Brown's  character 
during  this  long  period,  from  men  who  knew  him  well. 
Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Ohio,  who  has  known  him  from  1814, 
"  considered  him  a  man  of  rigid  integrity  and  of  ardent 
temperament."  Mr.  George  Leech,  who  knew  him  from 
early  boyhood,  says  that  he  "  always  appeared  strictly 
conscientious  and  honest,(but  of  strong  impulses  andV 
strong  religious  feelings.')  Mr.  William  S.  C.  Otis  writes,^ 
"  I  became  acquainted  with  John  Brown  about  the  year 
1836  ;  soon  after  my  removal  to  Akron,  he  became  a 
client  of  mine  ;  subsequently  a  resident  of  the  town 
ship  in  which  the  town  of  Akron  is  situated  ;  and,  dur 
ing  a  portion  of  the  latter  time,  a  member  of  a  Bible 
class  taught  by  me.  In  these  relations  which  I  sus 
tained  to  Mr.  Brown,  I  had  a  good  opportunity  to  be 
come  acquainted  with  his  mental,  moral,  and  religious 
character.  I  always  regarded  him  as  a  man  of  more 
than  ordinary  mental  capacity,  of  very  ardent  and 
excitable  temperament,  of  unblemished  moral  charac 
ter  ;  a  kind  neighbor,  a  good  Christian,  deeply  imbued 
with  religious  feelings  and  sympathies.  In  a  business 
point  of  view,  his  ardent  and  excitable  temperament 
led  him  into  pecuniary  difficulties  ;  but  I  never  knew 
his  integrity  questioned  by  any  person  whatever." 


Since  the  foregoing  chapter  was  stereotyped,  I  have  found  among 
the  North  Elba  manuscripts  the  following  "  Phrenological  Descrip 
tion  of  John  Brown,  as  given  by  O.  S.  Fowler."  It  is  dated  New 
York,  February  27,  1847  : 

JOHN    BROWN    PHRENOLOGICALLY    DESCRIBED. 

'•'  You  have  a  brain  of  good  size,  and  a  physical  organization  of  much  more  than 
ordinary  strength  to  sustain  it.  I  should  judge  that  you  were  from  a  long-lived  ances 
try,  and  that  you  yourself  have  inherited  such  a  constitution  as  would  enable  you, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  to  live  to  a  good  old  age.  Your  mind  did  not  mature 


52  The  Man. 


as  early  as  the  majority  of  persons,  but  it  is  of  the  kind  that  is  continually  expanding 
and  improving,  and  will  continue  to  augment  in  power  to  a  more  advanced  age  than  that 
of  most  persons.  You  are  very  active,  both  physically  and  mentally  —  are  positive  in 
your  likes  and  dislikes,  '  go  the  whole  figure  or  nothing,'  and  want  others  to  do  the 
same.  Your  first  ideas  and  impressions  are  your  best;  and,  as  a  general  thing,  you 
will  find  them  a  more  safe  guide  than  your  after  deliberations.  You  have  the  faculty 
to  take  in  all  the  various  conditions  of  a  thing  at  once,  and  hence  the  reason  for  the 
correctness  of  your  first  impressions.  You  are  quick  and  clear  in  your  perceptions, 
have  good  judgment  of  the  quality  and  value  of  property,  are  a  great  observer,  and 
want  to  sec.  You  are  more  known  for  your  practical  off-hand  talent  than  for  depth 
and  profundity  of  comprehension  —  have  a  discriminating  mind,  are  quick  to  draw  in 
ferences,  and  are  quite  disposed  to  criticise.  You  reason  more  by  analogy  than  from  ab 
stract  principles,  and  are  more  practical  than  theoretical.  You  have  a  remarkable  mem 
ory  of  faces  and  places,  but  poor  of  names  and  dates.  You  can  measure  well  by  your  eye, 
and  are  annoyed  if  you  see  any  thing  out  of  proportion,  or  not  exactly  plumb  —  have  an 
excellent  memory  of  shape,  outline,  and  size  of  whatever  you  see  —  are  a  systematic, 
methodical  man :  like  to  have  a  place  for  things,  and  things  in  their  places.  Your  ability 
to  reckon  figures  mentally  is  naturally  good — you  have  a  great  deal  of  mechanical  inge 
nuity,  are  just  the  man  to  set  others  at  work,  to  make  bargains,  and  do  up  the  out-door 
business.  You  have  a  pretty  good  opinion  of  yourself —  would  rather  lead  than  be  led 
—  have  great  sense  of  honor,  and  would  sccrn  to  do  any  thing  mean  or  disgraceful. 
In  making  up  your  mind  you  are  careful  and  judicious,  but  are  firm  as  the  hills  when 
once  decided.  You  might  be  persuaded,  but  to  drive  you  would  be  impossible.  You 
like  to  have  your  own  way,  and  to  think  and  act  for  yourself — are  quite  independent 
and  dignified,  yet  candid,  open,  and  plain  ;  say  just  what  you  think,  and  most  heartily 
despise  hypocrisy  and  artificiality ;  yet  you  value  the  good  opinion  of  others,  though 
you  would  not  stoop  to  gain  applause.  You  are  quite  cautious  and  prudent,  and  gen 
erally  look  out  for  breakers  ahead,  and  realize  quite  as  much  as  you  expect.  It  would 
,  be  an  advantage  to  you  if  you  had  a  little  more  hope,  and  would  allow  yourself  to 
y  look  more  on  the  bright  side  of  things.  ^As  a  religious  man,  you  would  be  more  in 
clined  to  deal  justly  and  love  mercy  than  to  pay  much  regard  to  forms  and  ceremonies. 
You  have  not  enough  devotional  feeling,  nor  of  what  we  term  spirituality  of  mind, 
to  give  harmony  and  balance  to  the  moral  sentiments.  They  should  be  cultivated. 
You  believe  what  can  be  incontestably  proved,  and  nothing  else.  You  like  to  do  busi 
ness  on  a  large  scale,  and  can  make  money  better  than  save  it  —  you  want  it  for  its 
uses,  in  one  form  or  another,  rather  than  for  its  own  sake.  Yoi:r  ability  to  read  the 
characters  of  others  is  excellent,  but  you  have  little  tact  in  adapting  yourself  to  them. 
You  are  too  blunt  and  free-spoken  —  you  often  find  that  your  motives  are  not  under 
stood,  and  that  you  give  offence  when  you  .do  not  intend  to.  When  you  criticise,  you 
are  apt  to  do  it  in  such  a  plain,  pointed  manner  that  it  does  not  produce  so  good  an 
effect  as  it  would  if  you  should  do  it  in  a  more  bland  and  affable  way.  You  have 
strong  domestic  feelings,  are  very  fond  of  children,  home,  and  friends ;  you  may  be 
irritable,  but  are  not  contentious.  You  do  not  like  to  plod  over  one  subject  for  a  length 
of  time;  but,  on  the  contrary,  like  variety  and  change.  Your  thoughts  and  feelings 
are  more  rapid  and  lasting.  In  your  character  and  actions  you  are  more  original  than 
imitative,  and  have  more  taste  for  the  useful  than  the  beautiful  and  ornamental." 


IV. 


PERKINS  AND  BROWN,  WOOL  FACTORS. 

JOHN  BROWN  went  to  Springfield,  Massachusetts, 
in  1846.  The  following  extract  from  a  private 
letter  by  an  eminent  citizen  of  that  place,  to  whom, 
when  in  prison,  he  wrote  for  legal  assistance,  will  show 
the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  conserva 
tive  men  with  whom  he  came  in  contact  in  his  business 
relations  there. 

JOHN   BROWN   IN   SPRINGFIELD. 

"  Your  letter  asking  for  such  information  as  I  am  able  to  give  you 
respecting  John  Brown  is  received,  and  in  ordar  to  enable  me  to 
answer  it  more  fully  than  I  could  otherwise  have  done,  I  have  called 
upon  a  man  who  was  his  bookkeeper  when  he  lived  here.  This  person 
informs  me  that  he  came  here  from  Akron,  Ohio,  in  the  spring  of 
1816,  and  engaged  in  the  business  of  wool-dealing.  He  was  after 
wards  associated  in  business  with  a  Mr.  Perkins,  of  Ohio,  and  their 
firm  was  Perkins  and  Brown.  They  sold  large  quantities  of  wool  on 
commission  ;  most  of  it  was  for  farmers  living  in  Western  Pennsyl 
vania.  Mr.  Brown  left  here  in  LSoO  or  ,1851.  and  removed  with  his 
family  to  North  Elba,  Essex  County,  New  York.  This  person  says 
(jerrui  Smith  gave  him  a  large  tract  of  land  there.  He  says  he  knows 
it  because  he  saw  the  deed.  .  .  .  Mr.  Brown's  integrity  was  never 
doubted,  and  he  was  honorable  in  all  his  dealings,  but  peculiar  in 
many'orins  notions,  and  adhering  to  them  with  great  ob.^tiiKU'y.  Mr. 
Wft8  ft  qUiet  and  peaceable  p.itizpn.  and  a  religious  man.  Rev. 


Mr.   Conklin,  who   was   settled  here  in   the   North  Congregational 
Church,  and  who  separated  himself  in  a^great  measure  from  Tomer  ram- 


54        Perkins  and  Brown,  Wool  Factors. 

isters  because  he  thought  them  culpably  indifferent  to  the  gin  of 
slavery,  was  intimate  -with  Mr.  Brown,  and  they  sympathized  in  their 
anti-slavery  ideas.  Mr.  Brown  used  to  talk  much  on  the  subject,  and 
had  the  reputation  of  being  quite  ultra.  His  bookkeeper  tells  me 
that  he  and  his  eldest  son  used  to  discuss  slavery  by  the  hour  in  his 
Counting  room,  and  that  he  used  to  say  that  it  wa^  right  for  slaves  to 
kill  their  masters  and  escape,  and  thought  slaveholders  were  guilty  of 
a  very  great  wiekednessA  He  says  Brown  had  lived  in  Ohio  forty 
years,  and  had  been  out  there  from  Connecticut  several  times  on  foot ; 
that  he  was  familiar  with  the  region  about  Harper's  Ferry,  and  knew 
the  wool  growers  in  all  that  part  of  the  country. 

' '  Since  -Brown  went  to  Kansas  he  has  been  in  town  several  times. 
1  have  seen  him  repeatedly.  Once  he  called  on  me  to  inquire  whether 
the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  would  assist  him  to  purchase  arms  for  the 
protection  of  himself  and  his  neighbors.  I  told  him  he  could  get  no 
aid  from  them.  I  understood  he  afterwards  solicited  subscriptions 
from  individuals.  I  never  knew  how  he  succeeded.  He  was  here 
again  last  summer,  and  called  on  me,  and  told  me  what  he  had  been 
doing  in  Kansas.  His  story  was  such  that  I  told  him  I  did  not  think 
he  had  done  wrong.  He  professed  to  have  acted  solely  for  the  protec 
tion  of  himself  and  his  neighbors,  and  said  he  went  to  Missouri  to  help 
the  slaves  escape,  merely  to  frighten  the  Missourians,  and  keep  them 
from  going  to  Kansas  to  disturb  the  people,  and  that  he  was  successful 
in  it.  I  cannot  learn  that  he  spoke  to  any  one  in  this  region  of  his 
Harper's  Ferry  enterprise,  and  do  not  believe  that  he  did.  A  lady 
here  asked  him  if  he  was  not  going  to  lead  a  quiet  life  hereafter,  and 
he  replied  that  he  should  unless  he  had  a  call  from  the  Lord."" 

A  local  journalist  thus  writes  of  John  Brown's  char 
acter  in  Springfield : 

"While  a  resident  of  this  city  Brown  was  respected  by  all  who 
knew  him  for  his  perfect  integrity  of  character.     .  .  .^  He  is  so  con 
stituted  that  when  he  gets  possessed  of  an  idea  he  carries  it  out  with 
i  unflinching  fidelity  to  all  its  logical  consequences,  as  they"  seem  to  him, 
..,  .:,.„*: *  „.,  absurdity,  and  deterred  by  no  unpleasant  consequences 


1  kositating  at  no  ab 
\  jo  himself.*^.  Brc 
Hie  talked  freely  wi 


Brown  was  here  about  a  year  ago,  and  spent  several  days, 
talked  freely  with  his  friends  in  respect  to  his  running  off  slaves  from 
Missouri.  I  He  seemed  to  feel  that  he  had  a  special  mission  in  respect 
'     to  slavery,  and  he  justified  the  running  off  of  slaves,  not  on  the  ground 
\    of  personal  vengeance  for  the  bitter  wrongs  he  had  received,  but  as  an 

^  *  This  statement  was  advanced  as  a  proof  that  John  Brown  was  n  monomaniac!  I 
Ihink  it  is  the  bitterest  satire  on  the  age  that  I  have  ever  read  —  an  unconscious  and 
no  Tetfs  tf&plfeiident  efUWgiuin  on  fhe  clraratftPr  of  my  ft  ieuS. 


Perkins  and  Brown,  Wool  Factors.        55 

effective  mode  of  operation  against  the  institution  itself.  His  theory 
was  then,  and  it  was  the  secret  of  his  Harper's  Ferry  movement,  that 
his  mission  was  to  make  the  institution  insecure,  to  increase  the  gen 
eral  feeling  of  its  insecurity  at  the  South,  and  thus  to  act  upon  the 
fear  and  prudence  of  the  slaveholders.^)  In  all  this  he  was  deliberate, 
calm,  and  conscientious.  Doubtless  his  personal  wrongs  had  con 
tributed  to  the  establishment  of  this  fixed  purpose  of  his  life ;  but  his 
vengeance  was  directed  not  against  slaveholders,  but  against  the  insti 
tution  itself.  [It  was  a  matter  of  religion  with  him.)  He  is  a  Presby 
terian  in  his  faith,  and  feels  that  it  is  for  this  very  purpose  that  God 
raised  him  up."* 

HIS   FAILURE   IN   WOOL   SPECULATIONS. 

There  are  conflicting  accounts  of  the  reasons  that 
induced  John  Brown  to  remove  to  Springfield.  The  best 
authenticated  records,  thus  far  produced,  go  to  show 
that  it  was  the  result  of  that  (same  spirit  of  resistance 
to  organized  wrong^that  had  distinguished  itself  in  his 
own  history  and  the  history  of  his  ancestry.  A  half- 
friendly  writer  says : 

"  John  Brown  initiated  the  system  of  grading  wools  —  a  system  at 
this  day  universally  adopted,  and  with  perfect  success ;  but  the  New 
England  manufacturers  combined  against  him.  He  had  at  Springfield, 
Massachusetts,  a  large  deposit  of  graded  Western  wools,  and  he  warred 
against  the  combination  of  New  England  manufacturers,  who,  having 


*  A  correspondent  who  visited  Springfield  in  1847,  and  saw  John  Brown  there,  thus 
records  an  incident  illustrative  of  his  great  strength  of  memory  : 

"In  the  summer  of  1847,  it  happened  to  me  that  I  spent  a  Sunday  at  the  American 
House,  in  Springfield,  Mass.  A  stranger  who  had  seen  my  name  on  the  register  of  the 
hotel,  came  to  my  room  and  claimed  acquaintance  with  me.  He  was  a  plain  man, 
intelligent  in  his  appearance,  with  something  of  that  independent  air  which  so  natu 
rally  characterizes  Western  men,  his  head  beginning  to  he  whitened,  (if  I  remember 
correctly,)  but  his  upright  frame  still  perfectly  firm  and  sinewy.  As  I  was  quite  unable 
to  recognize  him,  he  told  me  ho  was  John  Brown,  and  made  me  remember,  at  last,  that 
we  were  schoolfellows  more  than  fifty  years  before,  when  I  was  one  of  the  least  of  the 
pupils  in  the  little  log-cabin  school  at  Hudson.  I  cannot  recollect  distinctly  what  ho 
told  me  about  his  residence,  his  occupation,  or  his  history ;  but  I  remember  clearly  the 
impression  that  he  was  an  earnestly  religious  man,  with  somewhat  more  of  the  old 
Puritan  sternness  than  is  common  in  these  days,  and  with  some  tendency  to  that 
eccentricity  of  opinion  and  of  action  which  in  modern  phrase  is  called  '  ultraism.'  I 
am  not  sure  that  slavery  was  spoken  of  between  us ;  but  it  was  evident  that  his  men 
tal  and  moral  idiosyncrasy  would  place  him  among  men  to  whom  extreme  opinions  on 
euch  a  subject  are  most  natural*" 


56         Perkins  and  Brown,  Wool  Factors. 

had  the  wool  buying 'all  their  own  way,  did  not  fancy  that  a  party 
should  step  in  between  them  and  the  producers  to  show  the  latter  what 
was  for  their  interest,  and  to  prevent  the  practice  of  imposition  upon 
them.  The  combination  was  successful,  and  Brown,  impetuous  and 
indignant,  shipped  his  wools  to  England,  to  find  out  that  the  price  in 
Massachusetts  was  better  than  in  Europe." 

Another  writer  says : 

"In  1848  we  find  him  in  a  large  woollen  warehouse  in  Springfield, 
Massachusetts,  where  he  was  known  as  a  quiet,  modest  man,  of  un 
swerving  integrity.  Indeed,  hundreds  of  wool-growers  in  Northern 
Ohio  consigned  their  stock  to  him  to  be  sold  at  discretion.  A  com 
bination  of  Eastern  manufacturers,  who  wished  to  have  no  such  stern 
and  unflinching  man  between  themselves  and  the  wool-growers,  formed 
in  league  against  him,  and  forced  him  to  send  his  wool  to  Europe  for 
a  market,  which  resulted  in  a  second  disaster,  and  Brown  was  again 
reduced  to  poverty." 

The  amount  thus  taken  to  Europe  was  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds,  which  was  sold  in  London  for  half 
its  value,  and  then  reshipped  to  Boston. 

JOHN   BROWN   IN    EUROPE. 

Of  John  Brown's  travels  in  Europe,  the  only  record 
in  existence,  as  far  as  the  writer  can  ascertain,  is  the 
following  extract  from  reminiscences  of  conversations 
with  him  (already  quoted)  by  a  noted  friend  of  freedom 
in  Massachusetts  : 

"  I  heard  from  him  an  account  of  his  travels  in  Europe,  and  his  expe 
rience  as  a  wool-grower.  He  had  chiefly  noticed  in  Europe  the  agri 
cultural  and  military  equipment  of  the  several  countries  he  visited. 
He  watched  reviews  of  the  French,  English,  and  German  armies,  and 
made  his  own  comments  on  their  military  systems.  He  thought  a 
standing  army  the  greatest  curse  to  a  country,  because  it  drained  off 
the  best  of  the  young  men  and  left  farming  and  the  industrial  arts  to  be 
managed  by  inferior  men.  The  German  armies  he  thought  slow  and 
umvieldy ;  the  German  farming  was  bad  husbandry,  because  there  the 
farmers  did  not  live  on  their  land,  but  in  towns,  and  so  wasted  the 
natural  manures  which  should  go  back  to  the  soil.  England  he 
thought  the  best  cultivated  country  he  had  ever  seen,  but  the  seats  of 
the  English  gentry  he  thought  inferior  to  those  of  the  wealthy  among 
us.  He  visited  several  of  the  famous  battle  grounds  of  Napoleon, 
whose  career  he  had  followed  with  great  interest ;  but  he  thought  him 


Perkins  and  Brown,  Wool  Factors.        57 

wrong  in  several  points  of  strategy,  particularly  in  his  choice  of 
ground  for  a  strong  position  ;  which  Captain  Brown  maintained  should 
be  a  ravine  rather  than  a  hill  top.  In  riding  ivith  him  in  an  adjoining 
county,  he  pointed  out  several  such  ravines,  which,  he  said,  could  be 
held  by  a  few  men  against  a  large  force,  adding  that  he  had  acted  on 
this  principle  in  Kansas,  and  never  suffered  from  it.  He  ascribed  his 
winning  the  battle  of  Black  Jack  to  his  choice  of  ground.*  (He  thought 
no  American  could  visit  Europe  without  coming  home  more  in  love 
with  our  own  country,  for  which  he  had  a  most  ardent  affection,  while 
he  so  cordially  hated  its  greatest  curse  —  SLAVERY.)  >/ 

"He  was  noted  for  his  skill  in  testing  and  recognizing  different 
qualities  of  wool.  Give  him  two  samples  of  wool,  one  grown  in  Ohio 
and  the  other  in  Vermont,  and  he  would  distinguish  each  of  them  in 
the  dark.  I  have  heard  this  story  told  of  him  while  in  England,  where 
he  went  to  consult  wool-merchants  and  wool-growers.  One  evening, 
in  company  with  several  of  these  persons,  each  of  whom  had  brought 
samples  of  wool  in  his  pocket,  Captain  Brown  was  giving  his  opinion 
as  to  the  best  use  to  be  made  of  certain  varieties  of  wool,  when  one  of 
the  party,  wishing  to  play  a  trick  on  the  Yankee  farmer,  handed  him 
a  sample,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  do  with  such  wool  as  that  ? 
His  eyes  and  fingers  were  then  so  good,  that  he  had  only  to  touch  it 
to  know  that  it  had  not  the  minute  hooks  by  which  the  fibres  of  wool 
are  attached  to  each  other.  «  Gentlemen,'  said  he,  « if  you  have  any 
machinery  that  will  work  up  dog's  hair,  I  would  advise  you  to  put  this 
into  it.'  The  jocose  Briton  had  sheared  a  poodle  and  brought  the  hair 
in  his  pocket,  but  the  laugh  went  against  him  ;  and  Captain  Brown,  in 
spite  of  some  peculiarities  of  dress  and  manner,  soon  won  the  respect 
of  all  whom  he  met." 

When  in  England  at  tins  time,  John  Brown  di 
vulged  his  plan  of  liberation  to  several  prominent 
anti-slavery  men  ;  but  there,  as  elsewhere,  while  they 
felt  and  professed  an  unbounded  sympathy  for  the 
slave,  they  neither  countenanced  nor  approved  of  the 
very  earnest  scheme  of  this  dreadfully-in-earnest  ab 
olitionist.  The  Peters  had  but  little  sympathy  with 
the  Richards  —  the  Heralds  of  Freedom,  although  an 
earnest  people,  looked  with  suspicion  and  distrust  on 
the  equally  earnest  Crusaders.  Singular  that  the 

*  John  Brown  had  undoubtedly  great  skill  in  choosing  his  ground  and  in  erecting 
rude  fortifications.  Many  of  them  still  exist  in  Southern  Kansas. 


58        Perkins  and  Brown,  Wool  Factors. 

preachers  of  the  word  should  only  half  welcome  the 
actors  of  it!  Both  are  noble,  and  needed,  and  God- 
commissioned  ;  but  the  greatest  of  the  Heralds,  I 
think,  was  not  worthy  to  untie  the  latchet  of  John 
Brown's  shoes. 

JOHN  BROWN  AND  ANTHONY  BURNS. 

In  the  course  of  the  partnership  of  Perkins  and 
Brown,  a  lawsuit  arose,  which  is  thus  described  by  a 
correspondent  at  Vernon,  near  Utica: 

"  During  the  years  1852,  '3,  and  '4,  Mr.  Brown  was  one  of  the 
firm  of  Perkins  &  Brown,  doing  a  large  wool  trade,  buying  and  selling, 
in  Ohio,  New  York,  and  Massachusetts.  The  sale  of  a  large  quantity 
of  wool  to  parties  in  Troy,  N.  Y.,  brought  on  a  lawsuit  between 
Perkins  &  Brown  and  those  parties.  Mr.  Brown's  counsel  resided  in 
Yernon,  and  he  was  here  many  times  during  those  years.  He  prose 
cuted  that  suit  with  all  the  vigor  and  pertinacity  which  he  is  said  to 
have  since  displayed  in  other  matters.  He  obtained  a  verdict  in  his 
favor,  just  before  the  Anthony  Burns  affair  in  Boston  —  I  think  in 
1853.  The  Trojans  appealed  from  their  verdict,  and  Brown  then 
spent  some  weeks  here  in  looking  over  the  testimony  with  his  counsel, 
and  preparing  an  answer. 

"The  morning  after  the  news  of  the  Burns  affair  reached  here, 
Brown  went  at  his  work  immediately  after  breakfast ;  but  in  a  few 
minutes  started  up  from  his  chair,  walked  rapidly  across  the  room 
several  times,  then  suddenly  turned  to  his  counsel,  and  said,  'I  am 
going  to  Boston.'  '  Going  to  Boston ! '  said  the  astonished  lawyer. 
'  Why  do  you  want  to  go  to  Boston  ? '  Old  Brown  continued  walk 
ing  vigorously,  and  replied,  '  Anthony  Burns  must  be  released,  or  I 
will  die  in  the  attempt.'  The  counsel  dropped  his  pen  in  consterna 
tion.  Then  he  began  to  remonstrate ;  told  him  the  suit  had  been  in 
progress  a  long  time,  and  a  verdict  just  gained.  It  was  appealed  from, 
and  that  appeal  must  be  answered  in  so  many  days,  or  the  whole  labor 
would  be  lost ;  and  no  one  was  sufficiently  familiar  with  the  whole 
case  except  himself.  I  took  a  long  and  earnest  talk  with  Old  Brown 
to  persuade  him  to  remain.  His  memory  and  acuteness  in  that  long 
and  tedious  lawsuit  —  not  yet  ended,  I  am  told  —  often  astonished  his 
counsel.  "While  here  he  wore  an  entire  suit  of  snuff-colored  cloth, 
the  coat  of  a  decidedly  Quakerish  cut  in  collar  and  skirt.  He  wore 
no  beard,  and  was  a  clean-shaven,  scrupulously  neat,  well-dressed, 
quiet  old  gentleman.  He  was,  however,  notably  resolute  in  all  that 
he  did." 


V. 


NORTH  ELBA. 

JOHN  BROWN  and  his  family  removed  to  North 
f)  Elba,  in  Essex  County,  New  York,  in  1849.  It 
was  about  this  time  that  Mr.  Gerritt  Smith,  the  emi 
nent  philanthropist,  offered  to  colored  settlers  his  wild 
lands  in  that  district  of  the  Adirondack  wilderness. 
Many  of  them  accepted  the  offer,  and  wont  there  to 
make  the  experiment. 

"At  this  period,"  writes  a  friend,  ''John  Brown  appeared  one  day 
at  Peterboro',  and  said  to  Mr.  Smith:  'I  see,  by  the  newspapers, 
that  you  have  offered  so  many  acres  of  wild  land  to  each  of  the  col 
ored  men,  on  condition  that  they  cultivate  them.  Now,  they  are 
mostly  inexperienced  in  this  kind  of  work,  and  unused  to  the  climate, 
while  I  am  familiar  with  both.  I  propose,  therefore,  to  take  a  farm 
there  myself,  clear  it  and  plant  it,  showing  the  negroes  how  such 
work  should  be  done.  I  will  also  employ  some  of  them  on  my  land,  / 
and  will  look  after  them  in  all  ways,  and  will  be  a(kind  of  father  to 
them.\  Mr.  Smith  accepted  the  generous  proposal,  gave  John  Brown 
the  land,  and  allowed  him  to  make  the  experiment,  although  he  had 
never  before  seen  him." 

So  far  as  the  negroes  were  concerned,  this  proved  a 
failure,  but  through  no  fault  of  John  Brown's.  He 
did  his  part  faithfully  by  them. 

' '  Captain  Brown  had  a  higher  notion  of  the  capacity  of  the  negro 
race  than  most  white  men.  I  have  often  heard  him  dwell  on  this  sub 
ject,  and  mention  instances  of  their  fitness  to  take  care  of  themselves, 

(59) 


60  North  Elba. 

/saying,  in  his  quaint  way,  that  "they  behaved  so  much  like  folks  that 
Nhe  almost  thought  they  were  so."   \He  thought  that  perhaps  a  forcible 
separation  of  the  connection  between  master  and   slave  icas  necessary  to 
educate~the  blacks  for  self-government ;  *]  but  this  he  threw  out  as  a  sug 
gestion  merely." 

The  home  of  John  Brown,  and  the  romantic  region 
around  it,  have  been  visited  by  a  scholar  worthy  of  the 
original,  whose  translation  of  their  grandeur,  physical 
and  moral,  into  the  English  language,  makes  the  jour 
ney  henceforward  unnecessary,  —  save  only  for  "in 
struction  in  godliness."  We'see  both  the  glory  of  the 
mountains,  and  the  grandeur  of  the  faith  that  animates 
its  greatest  family,  in  the  vivid  and  touching  descri}> 
tion  of  a  visit  to  the  home  of  John  Brown,  herewith 
subjoined,  —  from  the  true  and  worthy  pen  of  Thomas 
VWentworth  Higginson.  No  woman  can  read  it  without 
being  deeply  moved ;  and  if  there  be  a  man  who  can 
do  so  —  God  pity  him. 

THE   ROUTE   TO   NORTH   ELBA. 

"The  traveller  into  the  enchanted  land  of  the  Adirondack  has  his 
choice  of  two  routes  from  Keeseville  to  the  Lower  Saranac  Lake, 
where  his  out-door  life  is  to  begin.  The  one  least  frequented  and 
most  difficult  should  be  selected,  for  it  has  the  grandest  mountain 
pass  that  the  Northern  States  can  show.  After  driving  twenty-two 
miles  of  mountain  road  from  Keeseville,  past  wild  summits  bristling 
with  stumps,  and  through  villages  where  every  other  man  is  black 
from  the  iron  foundery,  and  every  alternate  one  black  from  the  char 
coal  pit,  your  pathway  makes  a  turn  at  the  little  hamlet  of  Wilming 
ton,  and  you  Boon  find  yourself  facing  a  wall  of  mountain,  with  only 
glimpses  of  one  wild  gap  through  which  you  must  penetrate.  In  two 
miles  more  you  have  passed  the  last  house  this  side  the  Notch,  and 
you  then  drive  on  over  a  rugged  way,  constantly  ascending,  with  no 
companion  but  the  stream  which  ripples  and  roars  below.  Soon  the 
last  charcoal  clearing  is  past,  and  thick  woods  of  cedar  and  birch 

*  There  is  a  terrible  truth  wrapped  up  in  this  suggestion.  To  obtain  a  recognition 
of  their  equality  in  countries  where  negro  slavery  has  existed,  the  blacks  must  either 
fight  the  whites  and  dtftat  them,  or  seek  to  establish  a  separate  nationality  elsewhere. 


North  Elba.  61 

close  around  you — the  high  mountain  on  your  right  comes  nearer 
and  nearer,  and  close  beside,  upon  your  left,  are  glimpses  of  a  wall, 
black  and  bare  as  iron,  rising  sheer  for  four  hundred  feet  above  your 
head.  Coming  from  the  soft  marble  country  of  Vermont,  and  from 
the  pale  granite  of  Massachusetts,  there  seems  something  weird  and 
forbidding  in  this  utter  blackness.  On  your  left  the  giant  wall  now 
appears  nearer  —  now  retreats  again  ;  on  your  right  foams  the  merry 
stream,  breaking  into  graceful  cascades  —  and  across  it  the  great  moun 
tain  Whiteface,  seamed  with  slides.  Now  the  woods  upon  your  left 
are  displaced  by  the  iron  wall,  almost  touching  the  road-side ;  against 
its  steep  abruptness  scarcely  a  shrub  can  cling,  scarcely  a  fern  flutter ; 
it  takes  your  breath  away ;  but  five  miles  of  perilous  driving  conduct 
you  through  it ;  and  beyond  this  stern  passway,  this  cave  of  iron,  lie 
the  lovely  lakes  and  mountains  of  the  Adirondack,  and  the  homestead 
of  JOHN  Buowx. 

THE   HOMESTEAD   AND   ITS   ORNAMENTS. 

"  The  Notch  seems  beyond  the  world,  North  Elba  and  its  half  dozen 
houses  are  beyond  the  Notch,  and  there  is  a  wilder  little  mountain 
road  which  rises  beyond  North  Elba.  But  the  house  we  seek  is  not 
even  on  that  road,  but  behind  it  and  beyond  it ;  you  ride  a  mile  or  two, 
then  take  down  a  pair  of  bars ;  beyond  the  bars,  faith  takes  you  across 
a  half-cleared  field,  through  the  most  difficult  of  wood-paths,  and  after 
half  a  mile  of  forest  you  come  out  upon  a  clearing.  There  is  a  little 
frame  house,  unpainted,  set  in  a  girdle  of  black  stumps,  and  with  all 
Leaven  about  it  for  a  wider  girdle  ;  on  a  high  hill-side,  forests  on 
north  and  west,  —  the  glorious  line  of  the  Adirondacks  on  the  east, 
and  on  the  south  one  slender  road  leading  off  to  Westport,  a  road  so 
straight  that  you  could  sight  a  United  States  marshal  for  five  miles. 

"There  stands  the  little  house,  with  no  ornament  nor  relief  about 
it — it  needs  none  with  the  setting  of  mountain  horizon.  Yes,  there 
is  one  decoration  which  at  once  takes  the  eye,  and  which,  stern  and 
misplaced  as  it  would  seem  elsewhere,  seems  appropriate  here.  It  is  a 
strange  thing  to  see  any  thing  so  old,  where  all  the  works  of  man  are 
new !  but  it  is  an  old,  mossy,  time  worn  tombstone  —  not  marking  any 
grave,  not  set  in  the  ground — but  resting  against  the  house  as  if  its 
time  were  either  past  or  not  yet  come.  Both  are  true  —  it  has  a  past 
duty  and  a  future  one.  It  bears  the  name  of  Captain  John  Brown, 
who  died  during  the  Revolution,  eighty -three  years  ago ;  it  was  his 
tombstone  brought  hither  by  his  grandson  bearing  the  same  name  and 
title  ;  the  latter  caused  to  be  inscribed  upon  it,  also,  the  name  of  his 
son  Frederick,  'murdered  at  Osawatomie  for  his  adherence  to  the 
cause  of  freedom,'  (so  reads  the  inscription ;)  and  he  himself  has 
said,  for  years,  that  no  other  tombstone  should  mark  his  grave, 
6 


62  North  Elba. 

"For  two  years,  now,  that  stone  has  stood  there  —  no  oath  has 
been  taken  upon  it,  no  curses  been  invoked  upon  it  —  it  marks  the 
abode  of  a  race  who  do  not  curse.  But  morning  and  noon,  as  the 
sons  have  gone  out  to  their  work  on  that  upland  farm,  they  have 
passed  by  it ;  the  early  light  over  the  Adirondacks  has  gilded  it,  the 
red  reflection  of  sunset  has  glowed  back  upon  it ;  its  silent  appeal  has 
perpetually  strengthened  and  sanctified  that  home  —  and  as  the  two 
lately  wedded  sons  went  forth  joyfully  on  their  father's  call  to  keep 
their  last  pledge  at  Harper's  Ferry,  they  issued  from  that  doorway 
between  their  weeping  wives  on  the  one  side  and  that  ancestral  stone 
upon  the  other. 

THE  FARM,  AND  WHY  JOHN  BROWN  BOUGHT  IT. 

"The  farm  is  a  wild  place ;  cold  and  bleak.  It  is  too  cold  to  raise 
corn  there  ;  they  can  scarcely,  in  the  most  favorable  seasons,  obtain 
a  few  ears  for  roasting.  Stock  must  be  wintered  there  nearly  six 
months  in  every  year.  I  was  there  on  the  first  of  November ;  the 
ground  was  snowy,  and  winter  had  apparently  begun  —  and  it  would 
last  till  the  middle  of  May.  They  never  raise  any  thing  to  sell  of? 
that  farm,  except  sometimes  a  few  fleeces.  It  was  well,  they  said, 
if  they  raised  their  own  provisions,  and  could  spin  their  own  wool  for 
clothing. 

"  Do  you  ask  why  they  lived  in  sxich  a  bleak  spot  ?  With  John 
Brown  and  his  family  there  is  a  reason  for  every  thing,  and  it  is  always 
the  same  reason.  Strike  into  their  lives  any  where,  and  you  find  the 
game  firm  purpose  at  bottom,  and  to  the  widest  questioning  the  same 
prompt  .answer  comes  ringing  back,  —  the  very  motto  of  the  tomb- 
J  Btone — («For  adherence  to  the  cause  of  freedom.'}  The  same  purpose, 
nay,  the  selfsame  project  that  sent  John  Brown  to  Harper's  Ferry, 
Bent  him  to  the  Adirondack. 

"  Twenty  years  ago,  John  Brown  made  up  his  mind  that  there  was 
an  irrepressible  conflict  between  Freedom  and  Slavery,  and  that  in 
that  conflict  he  must  take  his  share.     He  saw  at  a  glance,  moreover, 
what  the  rest  of  us  are  only  beginning  to  see,  even  now  —  that  Slavery 
must  be  met,  first  or  last,  on  its  own  ground.     The  time  has  come  to 
tell  the  whole  truth  now  —  that  John  Brown's  whole  Kansas  life  was  v 
the  result  of  this  self-imposed  mission,  not  the  cause  of  it.     Let  us  do    ) 
this  man  justice  ;  he  was  not  a  vindictive  guerilla,  nor  a  maddened  { 
Indian ;  nor  was  he  of  so  shallow  a  nature  that  it  took  the  death  of 
a  son  to  convince  him  that  right  was  right,  and  wrong  was  wrong. 
He  had  long  before  made  up  his  mind  to  sacrifice  every  son  he  ever 
had,  if  necessary,  in  fighting  Slavery.     If  it  was  John  Brown  against 
the  world,  no  matter ;  for,  as  his  friend  Frederick  Douglass  had  truly 
said,  "In  the  right,  one  io  a  majority."     On  this  conviction,  therefore, 


North  Elba.  63 

he  deliberately  determined,  twenty  years  ago  this  summer,  that  at 
some  future  period  he  would  organize  an  armed  party,  go  into  a  Slave 
State,  and  liberate  a  large  number  of  slaves.  Soon  after,  surveying 
professionally  in  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  he  chose  the  very  ground 
for  his  purpose.  Visiting  Europe  afterwards,  he  studied  military 
strategy  for  this  purpose,  even  making  designs  (which  I  have  seen) 
for  a  new  style  of  forest  fortification,  simple  and  ingenious,  to  be  used 
by  parties  of  fugitive  slaves  when  brought  to  bay.  He  knew  the 
ground,  he  knew  his  plans,  he  knew  himself ;  but  where  should  he  find 
his  men  ?  He  came  to  the  Adirondack  to  look  for  them. 

"  Ten  years  ago,  Gerritt  Smith  gave  to  a  number  of  colored  men 
tracts  of  ground  in  the  Adirondack  Mountains.  The  emigrants  were 
grossly  defrauded  by  a  cheating  surveyor,  who,  being  in  advance  of 
his  age,  practically  anticipated  Judge  Taney's  opinion,  that  black  men 
have  no  rights  which  white  men  are  bound  to  respect.  By  his  vil- 
lany  the  colony  was  almost  ruined  in  advance ;  nor  did  it  ever  recover 
itself;  though  some  of  the  best  farms  which  I  have  seen  in  that  region 
are  still  in  the  hands  of  colored  men.  John  BroAvn  heard  of  this  ;  he 
himself  was  a  surveyor,  and  he  would  have  gone  to  the  Adirondack, 
or  any  where  else,  merely  to  right  this  wrong.  But  he  had  another 
object ;  he  thought  that  among  these  men  he  should  find  coadjutors  in 
his  cherished  plan.  He  was  not  wholly  wrong,  and  yet  he  afterwards 
learned  something  more.  Such  men  as  he  needed  are  not  to  be  found 
^ordinarily ;  they  must  be  reared.  John  Brown  did  not  merely  look 
for  men,  therefore ;  he  reared  them  in  his  sons.  During  long  years  of 
waiting  and  postponement,  he  found  others ;  but  his  sons  and  their 
friends  (the  Thompsons)  formed  the  nucleus  of  his  force  in  all  his 
enterprises.  What  services  the  females  of  his  family  may  have  ren 
dered,  it  is  not  yet  time  to  tell ;  but  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  think  that  he 
was  repaid  for  his  early  friendship  to  these  New  York  colored  men, 
by  some  valuable  aid  from  freed  slaves  and  fugitive  slaves  at  Harper's 
Ferry  ;  especially  from  Dangerfield  Newby,  who,  poor  fellow !  had  a 
slave  wife  and  nine  slave  children  to  fight  for,  all  within  thirty  miles 
of  that  town. 

"  To  appreciate  the  character  of  the  family,  it  is  necessary  to  know 
these  things  ;  to  understand  that  they  have  all  been  trained  from  child 
hood  on  this  one  principle,  and  for  this  one  special  project  %  taught  to 
believe  in  it  as  they  believed  in  their  God  or  their  father  A  It  has  given 
them  a  wider  perspective  than  the  Adirondacks.  Vive' years  before, 
when  they  first  went  to  Kansas,  the  father  and  sons  had  a  plan  of 
going  to  Louisiana,  trying  this  same  project,  and  then  retreating  into 
Texas  with  the  liberated  slaves.  Nurtured  on  it  so  long,  for  years 
sacrificing  to  it  all  the  other  objects  of  life,  the  thought  of  its  failure 


64  North  Elba. 

never  crossed  their  minds  ;  and  it  is  an  extraordinary  fact  that  when 
the  disastrous  news  first  came  to  North  Elba,  the  family  utterly  refused 
to  believe  it,  and  were  saved  from  suffering  by  that  incredulity  till  the 
arrival  of  the  next  weekly  mail." 

A   PAUSE   AT   THE   THRESHOLD. 

"  I  had  left  the  world  outside,  to  raise  the  latch  of  this  humble  door 
amid  the  mountains ;  and  now  my  pen  falters  on  the  threshold,  as  my 
steps  did  then.  This  house  is  a  home  of  sacred  sorrow.  How  shall 
we  enter  it  ?  Its  inmates  are  bereft  and  ruined  men  and  women,  as  the 
world  reckons;  what  can  we  say  to  them  ?  Do  not  shrink  ;  you  are 
not  near  the  world  ;  you  are  near  John  Brown's  household.  '  In  the 
world  ye  shall  have  tribulation ;  but  be  of  good  cheer  :  they  have 
overcome  the  world.' 

"  It  had  been  my  privilege  to  live  in  the  best  society  all  my  life  — 
namely,  that  of  abolitionists  and  fugitive  slaves.  I  had  seen  the  most 
eminent  persons  of  the  age  :  several  men  on  whose  heads  tens  of  thou 
sands  of  dollars  had  been  set ;  a  black  woman,  who,  after  escaping 
from  slavery  herself,  had  gone  back  secretly  eight  times  into  the  jaws 
of  death  to  bring  out  persons  whom  she  had  never  seen ;  and  a  white 
man,  who,  after  assisting  away  fugitives  by  the  thousand,  had  twice 
been  stripped  of  every  dollar  of  his  property  in  fines,  and  when 
taunted  by  the  Court,  had  mildly  said,  '  Friend,  if  thee  knows  any 
poor  fugitive  in  need  of  a  breakfast,  send  him  to  Thomas  Garrett's 
door.'  I  had  known  these,  and  such  as  these  ;  but  I  had  not  known 
the  Browns.  Nothing  short  of  knowing  them  can  be  called  a  liberal 
education.  Lord  Byron  could  not  help  clinging  to  Shelley,  because  he 
said  he  was  the  only  person  in  whom  he  saw  any  thing  like  disinter 
ested  benevolence.  He  really  believed  that  that  man  would  give  his  life 
for  another.  Poor  Byron  !  he  might  well  have  exchanged  his  wealth, 
his  peerage,  and  his  genius  for  a  brief  training  at  North  Elba. 

"  Let  me  pause  a  moment,  and  enumerate  the  members  of  the  fam 
ily.  John  Brown  was  born  in  1800,  and  his  wife  in  1816,  though  both 
might  have  been  supposed  older  than  the  ages  thus  indicated.  He 
has  had  in  all  twenty  children  —  seven  being  the  offspring  of  his  first 
wife,  thirteen  of  his  second.  Four  of  each  race  are  living  —  eight  in 
all.  The  elder  division  of  the  surviving  family  are  John  and  Jason, 
both  married,  and  living  in  Ohio ;  Owen,  unmarried,  who  escaped  from 
Harper's  Ferry,  and  Ruth,  the  wife  of  Henry  Thompson,  who  lives 
on  an  adjoining  farm  at  North  Elba,  an  intelligent  and  noble  woman. 
The  younger  division  consists  of  Salmon,  aged  twenty-three,  who 
resides  with  his  young  wife  in  his  mother's  house,  and  three  unmar 
ried  daughter?,  Anne,  (sixteen,)  Sarah,  (thirteen,)  and  Ellen,  (five.) 


North  Elba,  65 

In  the  same  house  dwell  also  the  widows  of  the  two  slain  sons  — 
young  girls,  aged  but  sixteen  and  twenty.  The  latter  is  the  sister  of 
Henry  Thompson,  and  of  the  two  Thompsons  who  were  killed  at 
Harper's  Ferry ;  they  also  lived  in  the  same  vicinity,  and  one  of  them 
also  has  left  a  widow.  Thus  complicated  and  intertangled  is  this 
genealogy  of  sorrow. 

' '  All  these  young  men  went  deliberately  from  North  Elba  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  join  in  this  enterprise.  '  They  could  not,' 
they  told  their  mother  and  their  wives,  '  live  for  themselves  alone ; ' 
and  so  they  went.  One  young  wife,  less  submissive  than  the  others, 
prevailed  011  her  husband  to  remain ;  and  this  is  the  only  reason  why 
Salmon  Brown  survives.  Oliver  Brown,  the  youngest  son,  only 
twenty,  wrote  back  to  his  wife  from  Harper's  Ferry  in  a  sort  of  pre 
monition  of  what  was  coming,  « If  I  can  do  a  single  good  action,  my 
life  will  not  have  been  all  a  failure.' " 

THE   FAMILY   OF   JOHN   BROWN. 

<«  Having  had  the  honor  of  Captain  Brown's  acquaintance  for  some 
years,  I  was  admitted  into  the  confidence  of  the  family,  though  I  could 
see  them  observing  me  somewhat  suspiciously  as  I  approached  the 
door.  Every  thing  that  was  said  of  the  absent  father  and  husband 
bore  testimony  to  the  same  simple,  upright  character.  Though  they 
had  been  much  separated  from  him  for  the  last  few  years,  they  all  felt  it 
to  be  a  necessary  absence,  and  had  not  only  no  complaint  to  make,  but 
cordially  approved  it.  Mrs.  Brown  had  been  always  the  sharer  of  his 
plans.  /Her  husband  always  believed,'  she  said,  'that  he  was  to  be 
an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  Providence,  and  she  believed  it  too.' 
«  This  plan  had  occupied  his  thoughts  and  prayers  for  twenty  years.' 
*  Many  a  night  he  had  lain  awake,  and  prayed  concerning  it.'  '  Even 
now,'  she  did  not  doubt, '  he  felt  satisfied,  because  he  thought  it  would 
be  overruled  by  Providence  for  the  best.'  «  For  herself,'  she  said, 
« she  had  always  prayed  that  her  husband  might  be  killed  in  fight 
rather  than  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  slaveholders ;  but  she  could 
not  regret  it  now,  in  view  of  the  noble  words  of  freedom  which  it  had 
been  his  privilege  to  utter,'  )  When,  the  next  day,  on  the  railway,  I 
was  compelled  to  put  into  ner  hands  the  newspaper  containing  the 
death  warrant  of  her  husband,  I  felt  no  fears  of  her  exposing  herself 
to  observation  by  any  undue  excitement.  She  read  it,  and  then  the 
tall,  strong  woman  bent  her  head  for  a  few  minutes  on  the  seat  before 
us  ;  then  she  raised  it,  and  spoke  calmly  as  before. 

"I  thought  that  I  had  learned  the  lesson  once  for  all  in  Kansas, 
which  no  one  ever  learns  from  books  of  history  alone,  of  the  read 
iness  with  which  danger  and  death  fit  into  ^ie  ordinary  grooves  of 
daily  life,  so  that  on  the  day  of  a  battle,  for  instance,  all  may  go  on  as 


66  North  Elba. 

usual ;  breakfast  and  dinner  are  provided,  children  cared  for,  and  all 
external  existence  has  the  same  smoothness  that  one  observes  at  Niag 
ara,  just  above  the  American  Fall ;  but  it  impressed  me  anew  on  visit 
ing  this  household  at  this  time.  Here  was  a  family  out  of  which  four 
noble  young  men  had,  within  a  fortnight,  been  killed.  I  say  nothing 
of  a  father  under  sentence  of  death,  and  a  brother  fleeing  for  his  life, 
but  only  speak  of  those  killed.  Now  that  word  killed  is  a  word  Avhich 
one  hardly  cares  to  mention  in  a  mourning  household  circle,  even  under 
all  mitigating  circumstances,  when  sad  unavailing  kisses  and  tender 
funeral  rites  have  softened  the  last  memories ;  how  much  less  here, 
then,  where  it  suggested  not  merely  wounds,  and  terror,  and  agony, 
but  also  coffinless  graves  in  a  hostile  land,  and  the  last  ignominy  of 
the  dissecting  room. 

"Yet  there  was  not  one  of  that  family  who  could  not  pronounce 
that  awful  word  with  perfect  quietness ;  never,  of  course,  lightly,  but 
always  quietly.  For  instance,  as  I  sat  that  evening,  with  the  women 
busily  sewing  around  me,  preparing  the  mother  for  her  sudden  de 
parture  with  me  on  the  morrow,  some  daguerreotypes  were  brought 
out  to  show  me,  and  some  one  said,  '  This  is  Oliver,  one  of  those  who 
were  killed  at  Harper's  Ferry.'  I  glanced  up  sidelong  at  the  young, 
fair-haired  girl,  who  sat  near  me  by  the  little  table  —  a  wife  at  fifteen, 
a  widow  at  sixteen;  and  this  was  her  husband,  and  he  was  KILLED. 
As  the  words  were  spoken  in  her  hearing,  not  a  muscle  quivered,  and 
her  finger  did  not  tremble  as  she  drew  the  thread.  For  her  life  had 
become  too  real  to  leave  room  for  wincing  at  mere  words.  She  had 
lived  through,  beyond  the  word,  to  the  sterner  fact,  and  having  con 
fronted  that,  language  was  an  empty  shell.  To  the  Browns,  killing 
means  simply  dying  —  nothing  more  ;  one  gate  into  heaven,  and  that 
one  a  good  deal  frequented  by  their  family ;  that  is  all. 

" There  was  no  hardness  about  all  this,  no  mere  stoicism  of  will; 
only  God  had  inured  them  to  the  realities  of  things.  They  were  not 
supported  by  any  notions  of  worldly  honor  or  applause,  nor  by  that 
chilly  reflection  of  it,  the  hope  of  future  fame.  In  conversing  with 
the  different  members  of  this  family,  I  cannot  recall  a  single  instance  of 
any  heroics  of  that  description.  There,  in  that  secluded  home  among 
the  mountains,  what  have  they  to  do  with  the  world's  opinion,  even 
now,  still  less  next  century  ?  You  remember  Carlyle  and  his  French 
man,  to  whom  he  was  endeavoring  to  expound  the  Scottish  Covenant 
ers.  '  These  poor,  persecuted  people,'  said  Carlyle,  —  '  they  made 
their  appeal.'  '  Yes,'  interrupted  the  Frenchman,  '  they  appealed 
to  posterity,  no  doubt.'  « Not  a  bit  of  it,'  quoth  Carlyle  ;  '  they 
appealed  to  the  Eternal  God  ! '  So  with  these  whom  I  visited.  I  was 
:he  first  person  who  had  penetrated  their  solitude  from  the  outer 


North  Elba.  67 

world  since  the  thunderbolt  had  fallen.     Do   not  imagine  that  they   y 
asked,  What  is  the  world  saying  of  us  ?     Will  justice  be  done  to  the 
memory  of  our  martyrs  ?     Will  men  build  the  tombs  of  the  prophets  ? 
Will  the  great  thinkers  of  the  age  affirm  that  our  father  <  makes  the 
gallows  glorious,  like  the  cross  '  ?  *     Not  at  all ;  they  asked  but  one 
question  after  I  had  told  them  how  little  hope  there  was  of  acquittal 
or  rescue,  f  Does  it   seem  as  if  freedom  were   to  gain  or  lose  by  this  ?  I 
That  was  all.     Their  mother  spoke  the  spirit  of  them  all  to  me,  next ' 
day,  when  she  said,  'I  have  had  thirteen  children,  and  only  four  are 
left ;  but  if  I  am  to  see  the  ruin  of  my  house,  I  cannot  but  hope  that 
Providence  may  bring  out  of  it  some  benefit  to  the  poor  slaves.' 

"No;  this  family  work  for  a  higher  price  than  fame.  You  know 
it  is  said  that  in  all  Wellington's  despatches  you  never  meet  with  the 
word  Glory  ;  it  is  always  DUTY.  In  Napoleon's  you  never  meet  with 
the  word  Duty ;  it  is  always  Glory.  The  race  of  John  Brown  is  of 
the  Wellington  type,  principle  is  the  word  I  brought  away  with  me 
as  most  familiar  in  their  vocabulary.  That  is  their  standard  of  classi 
fication.  A  man  may  be  brave,  ardent,  generous ;  no  matter  —  if  he  is 
not  all  this  from  principle,  it  is  nothing.1)  The  daughters,  who  knew 
all  the  Harper's  Ferry  men,  had  no  confidence  in  Cook,  because  <  he 
was  not  a  man  of  principle.'  They  would  trust  Stevens  round  the 
world,  because  '  he  was  a  man  of  principle.'  '  He  tries  the  hardest  to 
be  good,'  said  Annie  Brown,  in  her  simple  way,  '  of  any  man  I  ever 
saw.' 

"It  is  pleasant  to  add  that  this  same  brave-hearted  girl,  who  had 
known  most  of  her  father's  associates,  recognized  them  all  but  Cook 
as  being  men  of  principle.  « People  are  surprised,'  she  said,  <  at 
father's  daring  to  invade  Virginia  with  only  twenty-three  men  ;  but  I 
think  if  they  knew  what  sort  of  men  they  were,  there  would  be  less 
surprise.  /  never  saw  such  men.'  f 

"  And  it  pleases  me  to  remember  that  since  this  visit,  on  the  day  of 
execution,  while  our  Worcester  bells  were  tolling  their  melancholy 
refrain,  I  took  from  the  post  office  a  letter  from  this  same  young  girl, 
expressing  pity  and  sorrow  for  the.  recreant  Cook,  and  uttering  the 
hope  that  allowances  might  be  made  for  his  conduct,  '  though  she 
could  not  justify  it.'  And  on  the  same  day  I  read  that  infuriated  let 
ter  of  Mrs.  Mahala  Doyle  —  a -letter  which  common  charity  bids  us 


*  It  was  Eraorson  who  uttered  this  truth  of  John  Brown's  death.    J.  R. 

f  It  was  so  in  Kansas  "I  never  saw  such  men  "  outside  of  John  Brown's  camp  as 
I  saw  when  in  it.  When  the  old  hero  was  last  in  Boston,  I  said  of  Cook  :  "  He  is  brave, 
generous,  but  too  talkative,  and  without  discretion ;  he  has  no  moral  foundation  for  his 
bravery."  "You've  hit  the  nail,  exactly,  sir,"  he  said.  "That's  just  my  opinion  of 
him."  J.  R. 


68  North  Elba. 

suppose  a  forgery,  uttering  fiendish  revenge  in  regard  to  a  man, 
against  whom,  by  her  own  showing,  there  is  not  one  particle  of  ev 
idence  to  identify  him  with  her  wrongs.  Nothing  impressed  me  more 
in  my  visit  to  the  Brown  family,  and  in  subsequent  correspondence 
with  them,  than  the  utter  absence  of  the  slightest  vindictive  spirit, 
even  in  words." 

JOHN   BROWN   AMONG   HIS    CHILDREN. 

"  The  children  spoke  of  their  father  as  a  person  of  absolute  rectitude, 
thoughtful  kindness,  unfailing  foresight,  and  inexhaustible  activity. 
On  his  flying  visits  to  the  farm,  every  moment  was  used ;  he  was  'up 
at  three.  A.  M.,  seeing  to  every  thing  himself,'  providing  for  every 
thing,  and  giving  heed  to  the  minutest  points.  It  was  evident  that 
some  of  the  older  ones  had  stood  a  little  in  awe  of  him  in  their  childish 
years.  < We  boys  felt  a  little  pleased  sometimes,  after  all,'  said  the 
son,  'when  father  left  the  farm  for  a  few  days.'  '"We  girls  never 
did,'  said  the  married  daughter,  reproachfully,  the  tears  gushing  to 
her  eyes.  '  Well,'  said  the  brother,  repenting,  <  we  were  always 
glad  to  see  the  old  man  come  back  again ;  for  if  we  did  get  more  holi 
days  in  his  absence,  we  always  missed  him.' 

"Those  dramatic  points  of  character  in  him,  which  will  of  course 
make  him  the  favorite  hero  of  all  American  romance  hereafter,  are 
nowhere  appreciated  more  fully  than  in  his  own  family.  In  the  midst 
of  all  their  sorrow,  their  strong  and  healthy  hearts  could  enjoy  the 
record  of  his  conversations  with  the  Virginians,  and  applaud  the  keen, 
wise,  simple  answers  which  I  read  to  them,  selecting  here  and  there 
from  the  ample  file  of  newspapers  I  carried  with  me.  When,  for  in 
stance,  I  read  the  inquiry,  '  Did  you  go  out  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Society  ? '  and  the  answer,  ( No,  sir ;  I  went  out  under 
the  auspices  of  John  Brown,*)  three  voices  eagerly  burst  in  with, 
'  That's  true,'  and  '  That's  so.'  And  when  it  was  related  that  the 
young  Virginia  volunteer  taxed  him  with  want  of  military  foresight  in 
bringing  so  small  a  party  to  conquer  Virginia,  and  the  veteran  imper- 
turbably  informed  the  young  man  that  probably  their  views  on  mili 
tary  matters  would  materially  differ,  there  was  a  general  delighted 
chorus  of,  « That  sounds  just  like  father.'  And  his  sublimer  expres 
sions  of  faith  and  self-devotion  produced  no  excitement  or  surprise 
amcng  them  —  since  they  knew  in  advance  all  which  we  now  know  of 
him  —  and  these  things  only  elicited,  at  times,  a  half-stifled  sigh  a3 
they  reflected  that  they  might  never  hear  that  beloved  voice  again. 

"References  to  their  father  were  constant.  This  book  he  brought 
them ;  the  one  sitting  room  had  been  plastered  with  the  last  money  he 
sent ;  that  desk,  that  gun,  were  his  ;  this  was -his  daguerreotype  ;  and 
at  last  the  rosy  little  Ellen  brought  me,  with  reverend  hands,  her  prima 


North  Elba.  69 

treasure.  It  was  a  morocco  case,  enclosing  a  small  Bible  ;  and  in  the 
beginning,  written  in  the  plain,  legible  hand  I  knew  so  well,  the  fol 
lowing  inscription,  which  would  alone  (in  its  touching  simplicity) 
have  been  worthy  the  pilgrimage  to  North  Elba  to  see. 

"  « This  Bible,  presented  to  my  dearly  beloved  daughter  Ellen  Brown, 
is  not  intended  for  common  use,  but  to  be  carefully  preserved  for  her 
and  by  her,  in  remembrance  of  her  father,  (of  whose  care  and  atten 
tions  she  was  deprived  in  her  infancy,)  he  being  absent  in  the  Territory 
of  Kansas  from  the  summer  of  1855. 

"  «  May  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  incline  your  heart,  in  earliest  child 
hood,  "to  receive  the  truth  in  the  love  of  it,"  and  to  form  your 
thoughts,  words,  and  actions  by  its  wise  and  holy  precepts,  is  my  best 
wish  and  most  earnest  prayer  to  Him  in  whose  care  I  leave  you. 
Amen.  From  your  affectionate  father, 

"  'April  2,  1857.  JOHN  BROWN.' 

"This  is  dated  two  years  ago  ;  but  the  principles  which  dictated  it 
were  permanent.  Almost  on  the  eve  of  his  last  battle,  October  1, 
1859,  he  wrote  home  to  his  daughter  Anne,  in  a  letter  which  I  saw, 
'  Anne,  I  want  you  first  of  all  to  become  a/sincere,  humble,  and  con 
sistent  Christian  —  and  then  [this  is  characteristic]  to  acquire  good 
and  efficient  business  habits.\  Save  this,  to  remember  your  father  by, 
Anne.  God  Almighty  bless  and  save  you  all.'  " 

JOHN  BROWN'S  ORTHODOXY. 

"  John  Brown  is  almost  the  only  radical  abolitionist  I  have  ever 
known  who  was  not  more  or  less  radical  in  religious  matters  also. 
His  theology  was  Puritan,  like  his  practice ;  and  accustomed  as  we 
now  are  to  see  Puritan  doctrines  and  Puritan  virtues  separately  exhib 
ited,  it  seems  quite  strange  to  behold  them  combined  in  one  person 
again.  He  and  his  wife  were  regular  communicants  of  the  Presby 
terian  church ;  but  it  tried  his  soul  to  see  the  juvenile  clerical  gen 
tlemen  who  came  into  the  pulpits  up  that  way,  and  dared  to  call 
themselves  Presbyterians  —  preachers  of  the  gospel  with  all  the  hard 
applications  left  out.  Since  they  had  lived  in  North  Elba,  his  wife 
said  but  twice  had  the  slave  been  mentioned  in  the  Sunday  services,  and 
she  had  great  doubts  about  the  propriety  of  taking  part  in  such  wor 
ship  as  that.  But  when  the  head  of  the  family  made  his  visits  home 
from  Kansas,  he  commonly  held  a  Sunday  meeting  in  the  little  church, 
'  under  the  auspices  of  John  Brown,'  and  the  Lord  heard  the  slavo 
mentioned  pretty  freely  then. 

"In    speaking  of  religious  opinions,   Mrs.  Brown  mentioned  two 


o  North  Elba. 


preachers  whose  sermons  her  sons  liked  to  read,  and  '  whose  anti- 
slavery  principles  she  enjoyed,  though  she  could  not  agree  with  all 
their  doctrines.'  She  seemed  to  regard  their  positions  as  essentially 
the  same.  I  need  not  say  who  the  two  are  —  the  thunders  of  Brook 
lyn  and  of  Boston  acquire  much  the  same  sound  as  they  roll  up  among 
the  echoes  of  the  Adirondacks." 

POLITICS. 

"In  respect  to  politics,  Mrs.  Brown  told  me  that  her  husband  had 
taken  little  interest  in  them  since  the  election  of  Jackson,  because  he 
thought  tha/politics  merely  followed  the  condition  of  public  sentiment 
on  the  slavery  question,  and  that  this  public  sentiment  was  mainly 
created  by  actual  collisions  between  slavery  and  freedom^  Such,  at 
least,  was  the  view  which  I  was  led  to  attribute  to  him,  by  combining 
this  fact  which  she  mentioned  with  my  own  personal  knowledge  of 
his  opinions.  He  had  an  almost  exaggerated  aversion  to  words  and 
speeches,  and  a  profound  conviction  of  the  importance  of  bringing  all 
questions  to  a  direct  issue,  and  subjecting  every  theory  to  the  test  of 
practical  application." 

THE    CHARGE   OF   INSANITY. 

"  I  did  not,  of  course,  insult  Mrs.  Brown  by  any  reference  to  that 
most  shallow  charge  of  insanity  against  her  husband,  which  some  even 
of  his  friends  have,  with  what  seems  most  cruel  kindness,  encouraged, 
—  thereby  doing  their  best  to  degrade  one  of  the  age's  prime  heroes 
into  a  mere  monomaniac,  —  but  it  may  be  well  to  record  that  she 
spoke  of  it  with  surprise,  and  said  that  if  her  husband  were  insane,  he 
had  been  consistent  in  his  insanity  from  the  first  moment  she  knew 
him."  ,^Hf 

PECUNIARY   CONDITION    OF   THE   FAMILY. 

"Now  that  all  is  over,  and  we  appear  to  have  decided,  for  the  present, 
not  to  employ  any  carnal  weapons,  such  as  steel  or  iron,  for  the  rescue 
of  John  Brown,  but  only  to  use  the  safer  metals  of  gold  and  silver  for 
the  aid  of  his  family,  it  may  be  natural  for  those  who  read  this  narra 
tive  to  ask,  What  is  the  pecuniary  condition  of  this  household  ?  It  is 
hard  to  answer,  because  the  whole  standard  is  different,  as  to  such 
matters,  in  North  Elba  and  in  Massachusetts.  The  ordinary  condition 
of  the  Brown  family  may  be  stated  as  follows  :  They  own  the  farm, 
such  as  it  is,  without  incumbrance,  except  so  far  as  unfelled  forest 
constitutes  one.  They  have  ordinarily  enough  to  eat  of  what  the  farm 
yields,  namely,  bread  and  potatoes,  pork  and  mutton  —  not  any  great 
abundance  of  these,  but  ordinarily  enough.*  They  have  ordinarily 
enoug}-  to  wear,  at  least  of  woollen  clothing,  spun  by  themselves. 


North  Elba.  71 

And  they  have  no  money.  When  I  say  this  I  do  not  merely  mean 
that  they  have  no  superfluous  cash  to  go  shopping  with,  but  I  mean 
almost  literally  that  they  have  none.  For  nearly  a  whole  winter,  Mrs. 
Brown  said,  they  had  no  money  with  which  to  pay  postage,  except  a 
any  treasury  which  the  younger  girls  had  earned  for  that  express 
object,  during  the  previous  summer,  by  picking  berries  for  a  neighbor 
three  miles  off.  / 

"The  reason  of  these  privations  simply  was,  that  it  cost  money  to  live  Y 
in  Kansas  in  /adherence  to  the  cause  of  freedom,]  (see  the  tombstone 
inscription  agam,)  but  not  so  much  to  live  at  Norm  Elba  ;  and  there 
fore  the  women  must  stint  themselves  that  the  men  might  continue 
their  Kansas  work.  But  when  the  father  came  upon  his  visits,  he 
never  came  empty-handed,  but  brought  a  little  money,  some  plain 
household  stores,  flour,  sugar,  rice,  salt  fish ;  tea  and  coffee  they  do 
not  use.  But  what  their  standand  of  expense  is  may  be  seen  from 
the  fact  that  Mrs.  Brown  seemed  to  speak  as  if  her  youngest  widowed 
daughter  were  not  totally  and  absolutely  destitute,  because  her  hus 
band  had  left  a  property  of  five  sheep,  which  would  belong  to  her. 
These  sheep,  I  found  on  inquiry,  were  worth,  at  that  place  and  season, 
two  dollars  apiece :  a  child  of  sixteen,  left  a  widow  in  the  world,  with  an 
estate  amounting  to  ten  dollars !  The  immediate  financial  anxieties  of 
Mrs.  Brown  herself  seemed  chiefly  to  relate  to  a  certain  formidable  tax 
bill,  due  at  New  Year's  time ;  if  they  could  only  weather  that,  all  was 
clear  for  the  immediate  future.  How  much  was  it,  I  asked,  rather  sur 
prised  that  that  wild  country  should  produce  a  high  rate  of  taxation. 
It  was  from  eight  to  ten  dollars,  she  gravely  said ;  and  she  had  put  by 
ten  dollars  for  the  purpose,  but  had  had  occasion  to  lend  most  of  it  to  a 
poor  black  woman,  with  no  great  hope  of  repayment.  And  one  of  the 
first  things  done  by  her  husband,  on  recovering  his  money  in  Virginia, 
was  to  send  her,  through  me,  fifteen  dollars,  to  make  sure  of  that 
tax  bill. 

"  I  see,  on  looking  back,  how  bare  and  inexpressive  this  hasty  narra 
tive  is  ;  but  I  could  not  bear  to  suffer  such  a  privilege  as  this  visit  to 
pass  away  unrecorded.  I  spent  but  one  night  at  the  house,  and  drove 
away  with  Mrs.  Brown,  in  the  early  frosty  morning,  from  that  breezy 
mountain  home,  which  her  husband  loved  (as  one  of  them  told  me) 
« because  he  seemed  to  think  there  was  something  romantic  in  that 
kind  of  scenery.'  There  was,  indeed,  always  a  sort  of  thrill  in  John 
Brown's  voice  when  he  spoke  of  mountains.  I  never  shall  forget  the 
quiet  way  in  which  he  once  told  me  that  f«  God  had  established  the ' 
Alleghany  Mountains  from  the  foundation  of  the  world  that  they 
might  one  day  be  a  refuge  for  fugitive  slaves.')  I  did  not  then  know 
that  his  own  home  was  among  the  Adirondacks. 


72  North  Elba. 

"  Just  before  we  went,  I  remember,  I  said  something  or  aher  to 
Salmon  Brown  about  the  sacrifices  of  their  family  ;  and  he  looked  up 
in  a  quiet,  manly  way,  which  I  shall  never  forget,  and  said  briefly,  « I 
sometimes  think  that  is  what  we  came  into  the  world  for  —  to  make 
sacrifices.'  And  I  know  that  the  murmuring  echo  of  those  words 
went  with  me  all  that  day,  as  we  came  down  from  the  mountains,  and 
out  through  the  iron  gorge  ;  and  it  seemed  to  me  that  any  one  must  be 
very  unworthy  the  society  which  I  had  been  permitted  to  enter  who 
did  not  come  forth  from  it  a  wiser  and  a  better  man." 

From  the  family  we  learn  that : 

"In  1851  John  Brown  and  his  family  returned  to  Akron,  Ohio, 
where  he  managed  Mr.  Perkins's  farm,  and  carried  on  the  wool  busi 
ness.  In  185-5,  on  starting  for  Kansas,  he  again  moved  his  house 
hold  to  North  Elba,  where  they  still  reside,  and  where  his  body  lies 
buried." 


At  the  Agricultural  Fair  of  Essex  County,  for  1850,  a  great  sensation  was  created  by 
the  unlooked-for  appearance  on  the  grounds  of  a  beautiful  herd  of  Devon  cattle.  They 
were  the  first  that  had  been  exhibited  at  the  county  festival,  and  every  one  was  sur 
prised  and  delighted  at  the  incident.  The  inquiry  was  universal,  Whose  are  these 
cattle,  and  from  whence  do  they  come?  The  surprise  and  excitement  were  not  dimin 
ished  when  it  was  understood  that  a  certain  John  Brown  was  the  owner,  and  that  he 
resided  in  the  town  of  North  Elba.  The  report  of  the  society  for  that  year  contains  the 
following  reference  to  that  event:  "The  appearance  upon  the  grounds  of  a  number 
of  very  choice  and  beautiful  Devons,  from  the  herd  of  Mr.  John  Brown,  residing  in  ono 
of  our  most  remote  and  secluded  towns,  attracted  great  attention,  and  added  much  to 
the  interest  of  the  fair.  The  interest  and  admiration  they  excited  have  attracted  public 
attention  to  the  subject,  and  have  already  resulted  in  the  introduction  of  several  choice 
animals  into  this  region.  We  have  no  doubt  that  this  influence  upon  the  character 
of  the  stock  of  our  county  will  be  permanent  and  decisive."  (Trans.  1850,  page  229.) 

The  writer  of  this  article  soon  after  opened  a  correspondence  with  Brown  iu  relation 
to  these  cattle.  His  reply  is  now  before  me.  The  letter  is  written  in  a  strong  and 
vigorous  hand,  and  by  its  orthography,  accurate  punctuation,  and  careful  arrangement 
of  paragraphs,  evinces  far  more  than  ordinary  taste  and  scholarship.  I  consider  it 
remarkable,  not  only  for  the  force  and  precision  of  the  language,  for  a  business  letter, 
and  for  the  distinctness  of  its  statements,  but  equally  for  its  sound  sense  and  honesty 
of  representation.  I  think  I  am  not  wrong  in  the  impression  that  an  extract  will 
interest  your  readers,  as  illustrating  the  former  habits  and  pursuits  of  a  man  -who  has 
impressed  an  ill-omened  episode  upon  our  national  history. 

"  Your  favor  of  the  30th  of  September  came-  on  seasonably;  but  it  was  during  my 
absence  in  Ohio,  so  that  I  could  not  reply  sooner.  In  the  first  place,  none  of  my 
cattle  are  pure  Devons,  but  are  a  mixture  of  that  and  a  particular  favorite  stock  from 
Connecticut,  a  cross  of  which  I  much  prefer  to  any  pure  English  cattle  after  many 
years'  experience  of  different  breeds  of  imported  cattle.  *  *  *  I  was  several 
months  in  England  last  season,  and  saw  no  one  stock  on  any  farm  that  would  average 
better  than  niy'  own,  and  would  like  to  have  you  see  them  all  together/' —  Correspon 
dence  of  the  New  York  Observer. 


GOLIATH'S    CHALLENGE  ACCEPTED. 

73 


26.  And  David  spake  to  the  men  that  stood  by  him,  saying,  .  .  . 
Who  is  this  uncircumcised  Philistine,  that  he  should  defy  the  armies  of 
the  living  God  ? 

32.  And  David  said  to -Saul,  Let  no  man's  heart  fail  because  of 
him ;  thy  servant  will  go  and  fight  with  this  Philistine. 

42.  And  when  the  Philistine  looked  about  and  saw  David,  he  dis 
dained  him. 

43.  And  the  Philistine  cursed  David  by  his  gods. 

44.  And  the  Philistine  said  to  David,  Come  to  me  and  I  will  give 
thy  flesh  unto  the  fowls  of  the  air  and  to  the  beasts  of  the  field. 

45.  Then  said  David  to  the  Philistine,  Thou  comest  to  me  with  a 
sword,  and  with  a  spear,  and  with  a  shield ;  but  I  come  to  thee  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  the  armies  of  Israel,  whom 
thou  hast  defied. 

46.  This  day  will  the  Lord  deliver  thee  into  my  hands :  and  I  will 
smite  thee,  and  take  thine  head  from  thee ;  and  I  will  give  the  car 
casses  of  the  host  of  the  Philistines  this  day  unto  the  fowls  of  the  ah 
and  to  the  wild  beasts  of  the  earth,  that  all  the  earth  may  know  that 
there  is  a  God  in  Israel. 

50.  Thereupon  David  ran  and  stood  upon  the  Philistine,  and  took 
his  sword,  and  drew  it  out  of  the  sheath  thereof,  and  slew  him,  and  cut 
off  his  head  therewith.  And  when  the  Philistines  saw  their  cham 
pion  was  dead,  they  fled.  —  /  Samuel,  Chapter  xvii. 

74 


I. 

THE  LORD'S  FIRST  CALL. 


j6  The  Lord's  Firft  Call. 

Kansas  and  Nebraska  thrown  open  for  settlement. 
The  vital  and  moral  question  of  the  extension  of  sla 
very,  it  was  pretended,  in  justice  to  "  the  people," 
should  be  settled  solely,  and  could  only  constitutionally 
be  determined  by  the  first  inhabitants  themselves. 
This  atrocious  doctrine,  so  revolting  to  every  Christian 
or  manly  heart,  was  euphoniously  designated,  in  the 
act  of  repeal  and  organization,  the  right  to  "  form 
their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject 
only  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States."  Thus 
the  nation  solemnly  repudiated  the  validity  of  the  will 
of  God,  disregarded  the  principles  of  the  Revolutionary 
Fathers,  and  ignored  the  venerated  maxim  of  the  com 
mon  law,  that  all  immoral  statutes  are  void.  The 
enslaving  of  God's  poor  children  ;  the  traffic  in  human 
souls  and  bodies ;  the  forced,  frequent,  and  final  sep 
aration  of  families ;  the  violation  of  all  marital  obliga 
tions  —  all  the  crimes  of  which  slavery  is  the  source, 
and  by  which  it  is  supported  :  the  expansion  and  per 
petuation  of  the  sum  of  all  villanies,  were  questions, 
this  instrument  declared,  which  should  be  settled  by 
the  squatters  alone,  "  subject  only  to  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States."  For,  that  the  authors  of  the 
bill  intended  nothing  else  or  more,  was  admitted  in  all 
their  subsequent  discussions ;  by  the  President  in  his 
message  ;  and  by  the  South  and  the  Government,  in  all 
their  actions.  Non-intervention  was  the  order  of  the 
day.  Great  and  undisguised  was  the  rejoicing  at  the 
South ;  for  they  thought  that  Kansas  was  now  secured 
to  them  forever. 

But,  in  the  North,  the  indignation  of  the  people, 


The  Lord's  Firft  Call.  77 

thus  treacherously  defrauded  of  the  territorial  bribe 
that  had  been  tendered  long  ago  for  the  surrender  of 
Missouri,  was  organized  into  companies  for  the  en 
couragement  of  emigration,  and  it  was  every  where 
determined,  that,  if  the  pioneers  or  first  denizens  of 
Kansas  should  pronounce  the  doom  of  slavery  there, 
the  Free  States  should  have  a  voice  and  a  vote  in  the' 
solemn  and  momentous  decision. 

Emigration  flowed  rapidly  into  Kansas,  both  from 
the  North  and  South.  But,  for  a  long  time,  all  the 
advantages  were  on  the  side  of  slavery.  Missouri, — 
her  borders  on  Kansas  peopled  with  semi-barbarous 
ruffians,  —  was  the  jealous  guardian  of  the  interests, 
and  a  fit  representative  of  the  Southern  States.  Every 
obstacle  was  soon  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  Northern 
emigrants.  They  were  driven  back ;  they  were  tarred 
and  feathered ;  their  claims  were  seized ;  their  cabins 
were  burned  down  ;  they  were  often  ordered,  by  com 
mittees  of  Southern  emigrants,  or  the  Missouri  rabble, 
to  leave  the  Territory  at  once,  under  penalty  of  death. 
A  single  paragraph  from  a  single  speech  by  one  of  the 
acknowledged  champions  of  the  South,  will  better 
illustrate  their  early  career  in  Kansas,  than  even  an 
extended  account  of  their  outrages.  It  is  from  a 
speech  delivered  at  St.  Joseph,  Missouri,  in  1854,  by 
General  Stringfellow,*  a  prominent  citizen  of  that  van 
dal  state : 

"I  tell  you  to  mark  every  scoundrel  among  you  who  is  the  least 
tainted  with  abolitionism,  or  free  soilism,  and  exterminate  him.  Nei 
ther  give  nor  take  quarter  from  the  d — d  rascals.  To  those  who  have 

*  This  is  an  honorary  title  ;  he  had  no  right  to  it ;  he  proved  him 
self  a  great  coward. 
7* 


78  The  Lord's  Firft  Call. 

qualms  of  conscience  as  to  violating  laws,  state  or  national,  say,  the 
time  has  come  when  such  impositions  must  be  disregarded,  as  your 
rights  and  property  are  in  danger.  I  advise  you,  one  and  all,  to  enter 
every  election  district  in  Kansas,  in  defiance  of  Reeder  and  his  myr 
midons,  and  vote  at  the  point  of  the  bowie  knife  and  revolver.  Nei 
ther  take  nor  give  quarter,  as  the  cause  demands  it.  It  is  enough  that 
the  slaveholding  interest  wills  it,  from  which  there  is  no  appeal." 

This  advice,  reiterated  by  every  paper  and  politician 
in  the  Platte  Purchase,  —  which  was  preeminently  the 
border  ruffian  region,  —  was  translated  into  action  on 
the  29th  of  November,  1854,  at  the  first  election  ever 
held  in  Kansas  for  a  delegate  to  Congress.  Seventeen 
hundred  men  from  Missouri  marched  over  the  border 
and  voted  in  the  Territory  for  the  pro-slavery  can 
didate. 

i  /     The  news  of  this  crime  against  republican  institu- 

'/  tions  jexcited  the  miewed_indignation  of  the  North. 

/   Liberty-loving  hearts  were  every  where  moved  by  it. 

Instead  of   deterring,  it  incited  emigration.     Among 

the  bravejpulses  thus  stirred  were  those  of  the  family 

of  old  John  Brown. 

"  In  1854,  the  four  eldest  sons  of  John  Brown,* 
named  John,  Jr.,  Jason,  Owen,  and  Frederick,  all  chil 
dren  by  a  first  wife,  then  living  in  Ohio,  determined  to 
remove  to  Kansas.  John,  Jr.,  sold  his  place,  a  very 
desirable  little  property  near  Akron,  in  Summit  County. 
The  other  two  sons  held  no  landed  property,  but  both 
were  possessed  of  some  valuable  stock,  (as  were  also 
the  two  first  named,)  derived  from  that  of  their  father, 
which  had  been  often  noticed  by  liberal  premiums, 
both  in  the  State  of  New  York  and  also  of  Ohio. 

*  This  is  a  quotation  from  a  manuscript   in  John  Brown's  hand- 
writinsr.  found  at  his  hmrafi  nf>ar  TT;irnp>r*R  Ferrv. 


The  Lord's  Firft  Call.  79 

"  Jason  Brown  had  a  very  valuable  collection  of 
grape  vines,  and  also  of  choice  fruit  trees,  which  he 
took  up  and  shipped  in  boxes  at  a  heavy  cost.  The 
two  first  named,  John  and  Jason,  had  both  families. 
Owen  had  none.  Frederick  was  engaged  to  be  married, 
and  was  to  return  with  his  wife.  In  consequence  of 
an  extreme  dearth  in  1854,  the  .crops  in  Northern  Ohio 
were  almost  an  entire  failure,  and  it  was  decided  by 
the  four  brothers  that  the  two  youngest  should  take 
the  teams  and  entire  stock,  cattle  and  horses,  and  move 
them  to  South-Western  Illinois  to  winter,  and  to  have 
them  on  early  in  the  spring  of  1855.  This  was  done 
at  very  considerable  expense,  and  with  some  loss  of 
stock  to  John,  Jr.,  some  of  his  best  stock  having  been, 
stolen  on  the  way. 

"  The  wintering  of  the  animals  was  attended  with 
great  expense,  and  with  no  little  suffering  to  the  two 
youngest  brothers,  one  of  whom,  Owen,  being  to  some 
extent  a  cripple  from  childhood,  by  an  injury  of  the 
right  arm,  and  Frederick,  though  a  very  stout  man, 
was  subject  to  periodical  sickness  for  many  years, 
attended  with  insanity.  It  has  been  publicly  stated 
that  he  was  idiotic  ;  nothing  could  be  more  false.  He 
had  subjected  himself  to  a  most  dreadful  surgical 
operation  but  a  short  time  before  starting  for  Kansas, 
which  had  well  nigh  cost  him  his  life ;  and  was  but 
just  through  with  his  confinement  when  he  started  on 
his  journey,  pale  and  weak.  They  were  obliged  to 
husk  corn  all  winter,  out  of  doors,  in  order  to  obtain 
fodder  for  their  animals. 

"  Solomon  Brown,  a  very  strong  minor  son  of  the 


8o  The  Lord's  Firft  Call. 

family,  eighteen  years  of  age,  was  sent  forward  early 
in  1855,  to  assist  the  two  last  named,  and  all  three 
arrived  in  Kansas  early  in  the  spring.  During  this 
slow  journey  with  their  stock  across  the  entire  width 
of  Missouri,  they  heard  much  from  her  people  of  the 
stores  of  wrath  and  vengeance  which  were  then  and 
there  gathering  for  the  free  state  men  and  abolitionists 
gone  or  going  to  Kansas,  and  were  themselves  often 
admonished,  in  no  very  mild  language,  to  stop  ere  it 
should  be  '  too  late.'  " 

They  settled  near  the  Pottawattomie,  a  little  stream 
in  Southern  Kansas,  in  Lykins  County,  about  eight 
miles  distant  from  the  site  of  Ossawattomie,  which 
their  father  subsequently  converted  into  classic  ground. 
Of  the  hardships  they  endured,  and  the  outrages  in 
flicted  on  them  by  the  champions  of  slavery,  their 
father,  in  the  paper  above  quoted,  gave  a  detailed 
account ;  but  as  to  have  published  it  would  have  dam 
aged  the  democratic  party  in  the  elections  then  pend 
ing,  we  are  told  that  "  a  portion  of  the  manuscript  was 
lost,"  and  that  "  the  history  was  of  considerable  length, 
but  did  not  further  possess  special  interest." 

"  The  brothers,"  writes  a  friend  of  the  family, 
"  were  all  free  state  men  in  opinion ;  but,  removing 
thither  with  the  intention  of  settling  there,  went  with 
out  arms.  They  were  harassed,  plundered,  threat 
ened,  and  insulted  by  gangs  of  marauding  border  ruf 
fians,  with  whom  the  prime  object  was  plunder ;  and 
noisy  pro-slavery  partizanship  was  equivalent  to  a  free 
charter  to  do  so  with  impunity.  The  sons  wrote  to 
their  father,  requesting  him  to  procure  such  arms  as 


The  Lord's  Firft  Call.  81 

might  enable  them,  in  some  degree,  to  protect  ihem- 
selves,  and  personally  to  bring  them  to  Kansas." 

It  was  not  in  the  nature  of  John  Brown  to  resist  this^, 
petition.     He  undoubtedly  regarded  it  as  a  call  from     j! 
the  Almighty  to  gird  up  his  loins  and  go  forth  to  do  // 
battle  "  as  the  warrior  of  the  Lord,"  as  "the  warrior/; 
of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty,"  in  behalf  of  His  de-( 
spised  poor  and  His  downtrodden  people.    The  moment  \. 
long  waited  for  had  at  length  arrived  ;  the  sign  he  had  | 
patiently  expected  had  been  given ;  and  the  brave  old   \ 
soldier  of  the  God  of  Battles  prepared  at  once  to  obey     ) 
the  summons. 

A  meeting  of  abolitionists  was  held  in  a  county 
adjoining  Essex,  New  York,  in  the  summer  of  1855. 
"  When  in  session,  John  Brown  appeared  in  that  con 
vention,  and  made  a  very  fiery  speech,  during  which  ;' 
he  said  he  had  four  sons  in  Kansas,  and  had  three 
others  who  were  desirous  of  going  there,  to  aid  in  \y? 
fighting  the  battles  of  freedom.  He  could  not  consent 
to  go  unless  he  could  go  armed,  and  he  would  like  to 
arm  all  his  sons ;  but  his  poverty  prevented  him  from 
doing  so.  Funds  were  contributed  on  the  spot ;  prin 
cipally  by  Gerritt  Smith." 

He  had  only  two  objects  in  going  to  Kansas :  first, 
to  begin  the  work  for  which,  as  he  believed,  he  had 
been  set  apart,  by  so  acting  as  to  acquire  the  confidence 
of  the  friends  of  freedom,  who  might  thereby  subse 
quently  aid  him ;  and,  secondly,  because,  to  use  his 
own  language,  "  with  the  exposure,  privations,  hard 
ships,  and  wants  of  pioneer  life,  he  was  familiar,  and 
thought  he  could  benefit  his  children,  and  the  new  j , 


82  The  Lord's  Firft  Call. 

beginners  from  the  older  parts  of  the  country,  and 
help  them  to  shift  and  contrive  in  their  new  home." 

John  Brown  did  not  go  to  Kansas  to  settle  there. 
Already,  elsewhere,  I  have  made  this  statement  ;  and 
have  seen  it  doubted  by  men  who  are  friendly  to  him 
—  not  from  knowledge  of  his  motives,  but  the  dictates 
of  policy  —  because  democratic  journals  and  pro-slavery 
politicians  have  sought  to  create  a  prejudice  against 

s^s?  and  solely 


to  fight  the^  battles  of  freedom^  as^if  it  had  been  a 
crime  or  a  disgrace,  instead  of  an  illustrious,  patriotfc? 
and  Christian  act  for  a  Northern  man  to  defend  Xorth- 
0m  rights;  for  an  anti-slaveryVshampion  to  oppose  by 
tlie  sword  the  armed  propagandists  of  slavery  ;  for  a 
believer  in  the  Bible  to  emulate  the  examples~oF  Moses, 
Joshua,  and  Gideon,  and  obey  the  solemn  utterances 
of  the  Most  High  God.  Believing  God  to  be  a  Being 
infallible  and  unchangeable  ;  believing  that  He  once 
had  ordered  His  enemies  to  be  smitten  hip  and  thigh  ; 
believing  that  the  Ever  Just  had  commanded  liberty 
to  be  proclaimed  "  throughout  all  the  land,  unto  all 
the  inhabitants  thereof;"  John  Brown  did  not  dare 
to  remain  tending  sheep  at  North  Elba  when  the 
American  Goliath  and  his  hosts  were  in  the  field, 
defying  the  little  armies  of  the  living  Lord,  and  sowing 
desolation  and  great  sorrow  on  the  soil  set  apart 
for  his  chosen  people.  Either  Freedom  has  no  rights, 
and  the  Bible  is  a  lie,  or  John  Brown,  in  thus  acting, 
was  a  patriot  and  a  consistent  Christian. 


II. 

THE  WORK    BEGUN. 

BEFORE  John  Brown  reached   Kansas,  the   South 
had   thrown   off  its    flimsy   disguises.     Its   hyp 
ocritical  pretence  of  enabling  the  people  to  determine 
the  nature   of  "  their  own   domestic   institutions "  — 
that  is  to  say,  in  honest  English,  to  establish  or  pro 
hibit  the  cowardly  crime  of  American  slavery  —  was 
("finally  abandoned  in  the  month,  and  on  the  fourth,  of 
[March,  1856  ;  when,  instead  of  permitting  the  inhabit- 
in  ts  of  the  Territory  "  freely  "  to  vote  for  the  members 
>f  their  legislature,  four  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
sight  non-residents,  citizens  of  Missouri,  invaded  Kan 
sas,  and  controlled  the  elections  at  every  precinct  save 
|)ne.*     They  elected  several  men  who  did  not  live  in 
Kansas ;  who  never  intended  to  settle  there  ;  who  are 
itizens  of  Missouri  still.     The  writer  was  present  at 
ie  first  session  of  the  legislature  thus  chosen,  and  saw 
pass  laws  establishing  human  slavery,  and  punishing 

Manhattan.     It  was  distant  a  hundred  miles,  and  more,  from  Mis- 
ri ;  and  the  company  elected  to  control  it  remained  at  home,  IE. 
to   watch  the  movements  of  Colonel  Park,  until  it  was  too 
to  go  to  their  appointed  post. 

83 


84  The  Work  Begun. 

"  offences  "  against  it — such  as  liberating  negroes  — 
with  the  penalty  of  death  ;  prohibiting,  by  incarceration 
in  the  penitentiary,  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  free 
speech  and  a  free  press ;  excluding  Northern  (if  anti- 
slavery)  men  from  the  bar,  the  bench,  the  ballot  box, 
and  the  jury  chamber ;  and  many  other  statutes, 
transcribed  from  Southern  codes,  of  equal  moral 
atrocity  and  despotic  character. 

The  Free  State  men  declared  that  they  would  never 
recognize  the  code  thus  compiled,  or  obey  the  executive 
officers,  whom,  by  an  unprecedented  usurpation,  this 
legislature  had  chosen  to  enforce  their  statutes. 

During  the  last  week  of  November,  1855,  an  inci 
dent  occurred  to  test  the  sincerity  of  the  Free  State 
men.  A  cowardly  murder  was  committed  by  a  person 
named  Coleman,  a  pro-slavery  settler,  on  Mr.  Dow,  a 
quiet  New  England  emigrant.  The  authorities,  instead 
of  arresting  the  assassin,  leagued  themselves  with  him ; 
and  seized  an  innocent  Free  State  squatter,  in  order  to 
have  him  rescued  in  Lawrence  —  the  Boston  of  the 
prairies  —  that,  thereby,  they  might  have  a  plausible 
excuse  for  calling  on  Missouri  to  destroy  the  town, 
under  the  pretence  of  enforcing  the  territorial  laws. 
The  prisoner  was  unexpectedly  rescued  several  miles 
from  Lawrence ;  but,  despite  of  this  accident,  the 
"territorial  militia" — as  the  rabble  from  Missouri 
was  officially  styled  —  were  called  to  arms;  and,  in 
December,  Lawrence  was  invested  by  a  force  of  fifteen 
hundred  armed  men. 

Not  more  than  seventy-five,  at  any  time,  were  resi 
dents  of  Kansas  "  Missouri,"  confessed  Governor 


The  Work  Begun.  85 

Shannon,  "  sent  not  only  her  young  men,  but  her  gray- 
haired  citizens  were  there ;  the  man  of  seventy  winters 
stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  youth  of  sixteen." 

The  writer  and  three  companions  were  taken  pris 
oners  at  this  period  a  few  miles  from  Lawrence,  by  a 
company  of  eighteen  men,  who  were  presently  joined 
by  a  still  larger  number ;  and  not  one  of  them,  as  their 
leader  confessed,  was,  or  had  ever  been,  a  resident  of 
Kansas,  or  had  any  social  or  pecuniary  interest  in  its 
present  or  future  prosperity. 

To  Lawrence  at  once  repaired  the  fighting  men  from 
every  district  of  the  Territory.  Five  hundred  Free  State 
men  were  soon  gathered  there,  drilled  daily,  and  pre 
pared  to  defend  the  town  to  a  "  bloody  issue."  The 
Southern  invaders,  although  three  to  one,  and  armed 
with  United  States  muskets, —  although  furnished  with 
heavy  artillery,  and  having  horsemen  in  great  num 
bers,  were  afraid  to  attack  the  free  men  of  the  North 
in  Lawrence  assembled.  Governor  Shannon,  alarmed 
at  the  tempest  he  had  raised  but  could  not  control, 
hastened  up  from  the  Shawnee  Mission  to  effect  a  com 
promise  with  the  leaders  of  the  rebels.  He  saw  hun 
dreds  of  ruffians  around  Lawrence  armed  with  guns, 
which  they  acknowledged  to  have  stolen  from  a 
United  States  arsenal  in  Missouri ;  yet  he  never  com 
plained  of  them,  and  none  of  them  have  ever  been 
indicted  or  arrested,  although  the  affidavits  attesting 
the  fact  of  the  robbery  are  in  the  archives  of  Govern 
ment,  and  the  perpetrators  of  it  are  well-known  per 
sons,  men  of  influence  and  position  in  the  border 
districts.  .; ».«: 

I 


86  The  Work  Begun. 

This  army  encamped  around  Lawrence  nearly  two 
weeks.  The  Free  State  boys  were  impatient  for  a 
fight.  But  it  was  the  policy  of  the  leaders  to  avoid 
a  collision,  if  possible  ;  or,  at  least,  to  compel  the 
enemy  to  commence  the  conflict. 

i^  "  When  the  siege  was  pending,"  writes  an  eye 
...  witness,  "  the  old  man,  John  Brown,  and  his  four  sons, 
arrived  in  Lawrence.  The  balance  he  reported  sick. 
As  they  drove  up  in  front  of  the  Free  State  hotel,  they 
were  all  standing  in  a  small  lumber  wagon.  To  each 
of  their  persons  was  strapped  a  short,  heavy  broad 
sword.  Each  was  supplied  with  a  goodly  number  of 
fire-arms  and  navy  revolvers,  and  poles  were  standing 
endwise  around  the  wagon  box,  with  fixed  bayonets 
pointing  upwards.  They  looked  really  formidable,  and 
were  received  with  great  eclat.  A  small  military  com 
pany  was  organized  at  once,  and  the  command  was 
given  to  Old  Brown.  From  that  moment,  he  com 
menced  fomenting  difficulties  in  camp,  disregarding 
the  command  of  superior  officers,  and  trying  to  induce 
the  men  to  go  down  to  Franklin,  and  make  an  attack 
upon  the  pro-slavery  forces  encamped  there.  The  Com 
mittee  of  Public  Safety  were  called  upon  several  times 
to  head  off  his  wild  adventure,  as  the  people  of  Law 
rence  had  planted  themselves  on  the  law,  claiming  that 
they  had  not  been  guilty  of  its  infraction,  and  that  no 
armed  body  of  men  should  enter  the  town  for  any  pur 
pose  whatever,  and  that  they  would  not  go  out  of  town 
to  attack  any  such  body.  Peace  was  established,  and 
Old  Brown  retired  in  disgust." 

I  have   quoted   this   passage   rather   to   contrast   it 


The  Work  Begun.  87 

with  the  ideas  of  John  Brown  than  for  the  facts  that  it 
contains,  and  to  show  the  timid  spirit  of  politicians  as 
compared  with  the  undaunted  bearing  of  earnest,  truth- 
devoted  men.  The  Free  State  party,  when  it  first  met, 
resolved  unanimously  and  with  unbounded  enthusiasm 
to  resist  the  enforcement  of  the  invader's  code  :  if  need 
be — "to  a  bloody  issue."  Now  that  the  test  came, 
the  people  were  armed  and  ready  to  translate  their  res 
olution  into  revolution ;  to  repeat  their  acclamations 
of  that  brave  determination  through  the  muzzles  of 
their  rifles  and  with  the  edges  of  their  swords.  But 
the  politicians  quibbled ;  sought  other  grounds  to  stand 
on  ;  "  planted  themselves  on  the  law ;  "  restrained  the 
ardor  of  the  people  which  sought  to  drive  the  ruffians 
homeward  or  to  the  grave  ;  saw  the  good  Thomas  Bar 
ber  murdered  in  the  open  day  for  the  crime  of  having 
visited  their  town  ;  and  yet,  with  hundreds  of  invaders 
of  their  soil  within  sight,  who  were  sacking  their  cabins 
and  robbing  and  imprisoning  their  citizens,  they  calmly 
"  urged  them  not  to  allow  the  daily  outrages  to  drive 
them  to  commence  hostilities !  "  * 

The  leading  military  man  made  frequent  fierce 
speeches  ;  but,  as  the  Kansas  phrase  is,  "  they  all  fizzled 
out"  —  in  urging  inaction.  He  loved  to  have  the  citi 
zens  under  arms,  for  in  tumults  he  was  king ;  while 
the  leading  politician  dreaded  war  for  the  sake  of  the 
republican  party. 

John  Brown  was  not  of  this  spirit.  Slavery  to  him 
was  a  heinous  crime,  and  its  propagandists  the  enemies 

*  See  Conquest  of  Kansas,  by  William  Phillips,  p.  214. 


88  The  Work  Begun. 

of  his  God  ;  and  with  hosts  of  such  men  embattled 
and  in  view,  who  added  to  their  championship  of  sla 
very  the  additional  crime  of  invading  the  soil  set  apart 
for  freedom,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  express  his  contempt 
for  the  "Committee  of  Safety" — most  of  them  ox- 
intellects,  vainly  striving  to  fill  an  office  fit  for  lion- 
hearts  only  —  and  to  denounce  the  political  preachers 
of  peace  as  recreant  to  their  recent  and  loudly-vaunted 
resolutions.  He  went  out  once  with  a  dozen  men  to 
meet  the  Missouri  invaders  —  "  to  draw  a  little  blood," 
as  he  styled  it  —  but,  at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  Gen 
eral  Lane,  he  returned  to  the  town  without  doing  it. 

Lane  sent  for  him  to  attend  a  council  of  war.  The 
reply  was  characteristic  of  the  brave  old  man,  who 
despised  all  manner  of  assumptions  with  no  fact  be 
hind  them  to  give  them  vitality  and  a  title  to  respect. 

"  Tell  the  General,"  he  said,  "  that  when  he  wants 
me  to  fight,  to  say  so :  but  that  is  the  only  order  I  will 
ever  obey."  * 

Governor  Shannon  soon  arrived  in  Lawrence,  and 
was  duly  made  drunk  by  the  sagacious  Free  State 
leaders.  While  in  this  condition,  or  approaching  it,  he 

*  To  better  understand  John  Brown's  reasons  for  despising  tlie 
commands  of  these  so-called  "  superior  officers,"  it  may  be  necessary 
for  some  minds  to  know  his  opinions  of  the  two  chief  leaders : 

"  I  am  sorry  for  friend  Lane,"  he  remarked,  as  we  were  speaking  of 
his  blustering  style  of  oratory;  "I  am  afraid  he  does  not  respect 
himself." 

Of  the  other  prominent  leader,  Dr.  Robinson,  as  some  radicals  were 
speaking  of  his  subsequent  conservatism,  he  said,  "What  a  pity  it  is, 
that  men  when  they  begin  life,  should  not  get  hold  of  some  fixed 
principled —  make  up  their  minds  that  they  are  right,  and  then  hold 
on  tc.  them  !  He  did  not  do  that.  That  is  his  fault." 


The  Work  Begun.  89 

made  a  treaty  with  General  Lane  and  Dr.  Robinson,  in 
behalf  of  the  "abolition  rebels;"  and,  after  guaran 
teeing  that  he  would  disperse  the  Missourians,  or 
take  from  them,  at  least,  the  cover  of  legality,  he  au 
thorized  these  gentlemen  to  "  take  such  measures,  and 
use  the  enrolled  force  under  their  command  in  such 
manner,  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  and  protec 
tion  of  the  persons  and  property  of  the  people  of  Law 
rence  and  vicinity,  as,  in  their  judgment,  should  best 
secure  that  end."  * 

This  negotiation  undoubtedly  exhibited  both  diplo 
matic  tact  and  Yankee  ingenuity ;  but  John  Brown,  a 
prophet  by  virtue  of  his  purity  of  life  and  devotion  to 
ideas,  foresaw  that  it  was  in  fact  a  coming  victory  to 
the  South.  For  what  was  this  enrolment  of  the  Free 
State  men  but  a  tacit  acknowledgment  of  Southern 
usurpation  ? 

Governor  Shannon,  on  recovering  from  his  drunken 
ness,  made  a  speech  to  the  people  assembled  in  Law 
rence.  -  He  said,  — 

"There  was  a  part  of  the  people  of  this  Territory,  who  denied  the 
validity  of  the  laws  of  the  Territorial  Legislature.  He  was  not  there 
to  urge  that  validity,  but  these  laws  should  be  submitted  to  until  a 
legal  tribunal  set  them  aside.  He  did  not  see  how  there  was  any 
course  but  such  submission  to  them,  and  it  certainly  was  not  his  part, 
as  an  executive  officer,  to  set  them  aside  or  disregard  them.  He  was 
happy  to  announce  that,  after  having  an  interview  with  the  officers  of 
their  Committee  of  Safety,  he  had  induced  them  thus  far  to  respect 
those  laws,  they  being  willing  to  see  them  enforced,  provided  they  had 
the  reserved  right  of  testing  and  escaping  from  them  legally.  He 

*  Kansas,  Its  Interior  and  Exterior  Life,  &c.,  by  Mrs.  Sara  T.  L. 
Robinson,  p.  154. 


go  The  Work  Begun. 

was  happy  to  announce  that  all  difficulties  were  settled.  (Faint 
cheers.)  There  was  a  perfect  understanding  between  the  Executive 
and  the  Committee." 

Lane  uttered  a  few  fiery  sentences,  "  which  were 
cheered  heartily,"  when  Dr.  Robinson  was  called  for  ; 
who  is  reported  as  having  "  nothing  to  say  but  that 
they  had  taken  an  honorable  position." 

I  now  quote  the  Hook  of  Mr.  William  Phillips,  the 
most  trustworthy  historian  of  Kansas  as  to  facts : 
"  There  was  an  evident  suspicion  among  the  people 
that  the  negotiations  had  been  closed  too  easily,  and 
that  their  leaders  had  concealed  something. 

"  CAPTAIN  BROWN  got  up  to  address  the  people ;  but 
a  desire  was  manifested  to  prevent  his  speaking.  Amid 
some  little  disturbance,  he  demanded  to  know  what  the 
terms  were.  If  he  understood  Governor  Shannon's 
speech,  something  had  been  conceded,  and  he  conveyed 
the  idea  that  the  Territorial  laws  were  to  be  observed. 
Those  laws  they  denounced  and  spit  upon,  and  would 
never  obey  —  no  ! 

"  Here  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  the  almost 
universal  cry,  No,  no  !  Down  with  the  bogus  laws. 
Lead  us  down  to  fight  first ! 

"  Seeing  a  young  revolution  on  the  tapis,  the  influ 
ential  men  assured  the  people  that  there  had  been  no 
concession.  They  had  yielded  nothing.  They  had 
surrendered  nothing  to  the  usurping  Legislature. 
With  these  assurances  the  people  were  satisfied  and 
withdrew.  At  that  time  it  was  determined  to  keep  the 
treaty  secret,  but  before  many  days  it  was  sufficiently 
public." 


The  Work  Begun.  91 

The  politicians  feared  the  old  man,  knowing  thatx 
neither    cunning    nor    duplicity   would   please    him.   \ 
Hence   their   desire   to  prevent  his  speaking ;    hence      \ 
their  determination  to  keep  the  Treaty  secret ;  hence 
their  unblushing  announcement  that  nothing  had  been      / 
conceded. 

This  Treaty,  when  published,  justified  the  old  man's 
suspicions.  By  an  adroit  but  dishonest  use  of  the 
phrases,  "  legal  process  "  and  "  the  laws,"  the  Treaty 
was  susceptible  of  a  double  interpretation ;  the  most 
obvious  and  honest  one,  construing  them  to  refer  to 
Territorial  enactments  and  Territorial  legal  instru 
ments;  while  the  other,  or  the  Free  State  translation, 
rendered  it  Federal  laws  and  Federal  processes  only. 

John  Brown  ever  afterwards  regretted  that  he  re 
turned   at   General   Lane's    request,   and   maintained 
that  this  Treaty,  and  the  policy  which  led  to  it,  only 
served  to  postpone  the  inevitable  conflict  then  rapidly 
approaching,  and  to  demoralize  the  spirit  of  the  Free 
State  party.     It  occasioned,  he  thought,  the  death  of 
many  Northern  men,  whom,  encouraged  by  this  com-  *•  r 
promising  action,  the  marauders,  on  their  return,  mur-  f\ 
dered  in  cold  blood  or  in  desultory  warfare. 

"  I  have  often  heard  him  lament,"  says  an  able  cor 
respondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  "  the  loss  of  this 
chance,  with  the  most  earnest  sincerity.  The  odds  of 
five  to  one  he  accounted  as  nothing.  '  What  are  five 
to  one  ?  '  said  he,  <  when  our  men  would  be  fighting  for 
their  wives,  their  children,  their  homes  and  their  liber 
ties  against  a  party,  one  half  of  whom  were  mercenary 
vagabonds,  who  enlisted  for  a  mere  frolic,  lured  on  by 


92  The  Work  Began. 

the  whiskey  and  the  bacon,  and  a  large  portion  of  the 
others  had  gone  under  the  compulsion  of  opinion  and 
proscription,  and  because  they  feared  being  denounced 
as  abolitionists  4f  theyVrefused  ?  ' 

The  politician^*  called  John  Brown  an  "  impractica 
ble  man,"  but  tlifeir  own  subsequent  history,  and  the 
history  of  Lawrence,  afford  an  ample  vindication  of  his 
conduct  at  this  crisis.  His  predictions,  in  less  than  a 
year,  were  historical  facts. 

*  The  following  amusing  paragraph  occurs  in  a  Life  of  John  Brown, 
written  by  a  Republican  politician,  and  published  in  the  New  York 
Herald.  To  spare  an  old  acquaintance  from  ridicule,  I  omit  a  few 
words  only. 

"In  December,  1855,  during  the  <  Shannon  war,'  Brown  first  made 
his  appearance  among  the  Free  State  men  at  Lawrence.  His  entrance 
into  the  place  at  once  attracted  the  attention  of  the  people  towards  him. 
He  brought  a  wagon  load  of  cavalry  sabres,  and  was  accompanied  by 
twelve  men,  seven  of  whom  were  his  own  sons.  He  nrst_exhibited  his 
e  State  and  pro-slavery  parties,  under  ±he 


lead  of  Governor  Robinson  on  one  side,  and  Governor  Shannon  onjhe 
other,  met  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace.  Aftej^Gpvernor  :..I^obinso_n_had 

stated_to_  the  people  who  were  gathered  around  the_h.otel.  the.  terms  of 
the  peace,  Brown  took  the  stand  uninvited,  and  opposed  the  terms  of 
the  treaty.  He  was  in  favor  of  ignoring  all  treaties,  and  such  leading 
men  as  llobinson,  Lane,  &c.,  and,  proceeding  at  once  against  the  bo_r_- 
dor  ruffian  invaders,  drive  them  from  the  soil,  or  hang  them  if  taken. 
The  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  ordered  Brown  under  arrest. 
The  latter  made  no  physical  resistance,  but  it  icas  soon  discovered  that 
Jie  was  altogether  too  combustible  a  person  to  retain  as  a  j>n',swHT,  and  a 
compromise  was  made  with  him  by  the  Free  State  men,  and  he  was  re 
leased.  He  was  informed  by  the  leaders  of  that  party  that  his  remarks 
were  intended  to  undo  what  they  were  trying  to  accomplish  by  means 
of  the  treaty  ;  that  he  was  a  stranger  in  Lawrence  and  Kansas,  and 
ought  not,  by  his  rash  remarks,  to  compromise  the  people  of  Law 
rence,  until  he  had  known  them  longer  and  knew  them  better." 


III. 

"SOUTHERN   RIGHTS  TO  ALL." 

THE  siege  of 'Lawrence  raised,  the  ruffians,  on  re 
turning  homeward,  on  the  15th  of  December,  1855, 
destroyed  the  Free  State  ballot  box  at  Leavenworth  ; 
and,  on  the  20th,  threw  the  press  and  types  of  the  Ter 
ritorial  Register,  the  political  organ  of  the  author  of 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  into  the  muddy  streets  of  the 
little  town,  and  the  still  muddier  bed  of  the  Missouri 
Elver.  The  leaders  of  the  riot  did  the  writer  of  this 
volume  the  honor  to  say  that  the  outrage  was  occa 
sioned  by  an  offensive  paragraph  emanating  from  his 
pen,  and  expressed  themselves  exceedingly  solicitous  to 
see  him  dangling  in  the  air — for  daring  "freely"  to 
exercise  the  rights  of  a  free  press  !  This  was  my  first 
public  honor;  a  good  beginning,  I  hoped,  for  a  friend 
of  the  slave  ;  and  one  which,  ever  since,  I  have  striven 
to  deserve. 

The  election,  thus  riotously  interrupted  by  the  ruf 
fians  at  Leavenworth,  was  held  under  the  auspices  of  2 
voluntary  political  organization  ;  and  the  question  sub 
mitted  was  —  Shall  the  Topeka  Constitution  be  re 
jected  or  sustained  ? 

93 


94  "Southern    Rights    to    All." 

The  Topeka  Constitution,  ever  intrinsically  value 
less,  but  sacred  as  the  rallying  standard  of  the  Free 
State  men,  was  an  instrument  which  originated  in  the 
ostensible  and  vaunted  principles  of  the  Organic  Act  — 
the  right  of  a  people,  inhabiting  a  Territory,  to  form 
their  own  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way  ;  among 
which,  if  there  had  been  any  honesty  in  the  framers  of  the 
Bill,  or  the  advocates  of  the  doctrine,  the  right  of  choos 
ing  a  Governor,  Judges,  Legislators,  Executive  State 
officers  and  municipal  functionaries  must  inevitably 
have  been  included.  Assuming  the  good  faith  of  the 
framers  of  the  Act,  the  Free  State  men  proceeded  to 
carry  out  their  principles  —  first,  by  repudiating  the 
code  of  enactments  compiled  by  the  invaders,  and  de 
nying  the  authority  of  the  officers  they  had  elected  and 
appointed  to  execute  them ;  and,  secondly,  by  calling 
on  the  pioneers  to  choose  representatives  to  a  Conven 
tion  to  be  held  at  Topeka,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
State  Constitution.  The  squatters  did  so  ;  the  Topeka 
Constitution  was  adopted  ;  and,  on  the  15th  of  January, 
1856,  an  election  under  it,  for  State  officers  and  legis 
lators,  was  held  throughout  the  Territory. 

The  pro-slavery  Mayor  at  Leavenworth  forbade  an 
election  being  held  there.  But  there  was  one  man,  — 
Captain  R.  P.  Brown,  —  as  brave  a  hero  as  his  venera 
ble  namesake  —  who  determined  to  resist  this  tyranny  ; 
and,  on  the  adjournment  of  the  polls  to  a  neighboring 
town,  went  out  there  with  a  few  friends  to  defend  the 
rights  of  free  men.  The  Kickapoo  Rangers,  a  ruffianly 
gang  of  Southern  desperadoes,  marched  out  there  also  ; 
a  skirmish  ensued  ;  they  were  successfully  resisted  and 


"  Southern  Rights  to  All."  95 

driven  back  ;  but  Captain  Brown,  on  the  following  day, 
in  returning  home,  was  surrounded  by  an  overwhelm 
ing  force  ;  and,  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his  compan 
ions,  although  against  his  own  judgment,  surrendered 
under  a  promise  that  their  persons  should  be  safe. 

"  But  the  moment  this  was  complied  with,"  writes 
Mr.  Phillips,  whose  every  statement  I  know  to  be  cor 
rect  :  — 

"The  terms  were  violated.  One  young  man  was  knocked  down, 
and  a  ruffian  was  going  to  cut  him  with  his  hatchet,  (the  Kickapoo 
Rangers  carried  hatchets,)  but  was  prevented  by  the  Captain  of  the 
Company.  The  prisoners  were  taken  back  to  Easton ;  but  Brown  was 
separated  from  them,  and  put  in  an  adjoining  building.  A  rope  was 
purchased  at  the  store,  and  was  shown  to  the  prisoners,  with  the  inti 
mation  that  they  should  be  hanged  with  it.  ...  It  was  fiercely  dis 
cussed  for  hours  what  should  be  done  with  them ;  and  meanwhile 
liquor  was  drank  pretty  freely;  and  they  who  were  brutal  enough 
without  any  thing  to  make  them  more  so,  became  ungovernably  fierce. 
Unwilling  that  all  of  these  men  should  be  murdered,  the  Captain 
allowed  the  other  prisoners  to  escape.  One  of  them  hastened  to  Fort 
Leavenworth,  in  hopes  of  getting  some  troops  to  go  and  rescue  Brown  ; 
but  it  was  a  vain  attempt  —  such  protection  was  refused.  Then  fol 
lowed  a  scene  of  atrocity  and  horror.  Captain  Brown  had  surrendered 
his  arms,  and  was  helpless.  His  enemies,  who  dared  not  face  him  the 
night  before,  though  they  had  a  superior  force,  now  crowded  round 
him.  When  they  began  to  strike  him,  he  rose  to  his  feet,  and  asked  to 
be  permitted  to  fight  any  one  of  them.  He  challenged  them  to  pit  him 
against  their  best  man  — he  would  fight  for  his  life ;  but  not  one  of  the 
cowards  dared  thus  to  give  the  prisoners  a  chance.  Then  he  volun 
teered  to  fight  two,  and  then  three  ;  but  it  was  in  vain.  .  .  .  These 
men,  or  rather  demons,  rushed  around  Brown,  and  literally  hacked  him 
to  death  with  their  hatchets.  One  of  the  rangers,  a  large,  coarse-look 
ing  wretch  named  Gibson,  inflicted  the  fatal  blow  —  a  large  hatchet 
gash  in  the  side  of  the  head,  which  penetrated  the  skull  and  brain  manj 
inches.  The  gallant  Brown  fell,  and  his  remorseless  enemies  jumped 
on  him,  while  thus  prostrate,  or  kicked  him.  Desperately  wounded 


96  "Southern  Rights  to  All." 

though  he  was,  he  still  lived  ;  and,  as  they  kicked  him,  he  said,  « Don't 
abuse  me  ;  it  is  useless  ;  i  am  dying.'  It  was  a  vain  appeal.  *  One  of 
the  wretches  [since  a  United  States  Deputy  Marshal]  stooped  over  the 
prostrate  man,  and,  with  a  refinement  of  cruelty  exceeding  the  rudest 
savage,  spit  tobacco  juice  in  his  eyes.  Satiated  brutality  at  last  went 
back  to  its  carousals,  and  it  was  then  that  a  few  of  their  number,  whom 
a  little  spark  of  conscience  or  a  fear  of  punishment  had  animated,  raised 
the  dying  man,  still  groaning,  and,  placing  him  in  a  wagon,  his  gaping 
wounds  but  poorly  sheltered  from  the  bitter  cold  of  that  winter's  day, 
drove  him  to  the  grocery,  where  they  went  through  the  farce  of  dress 
ing  his  wounds ;  but,  seeing  the  hopelessness  of  his  case,  took  him 
home  to  his  wife.  .  .  .  The  pulse  of  life  was  ebbing  out.  She  asked 
him  what  was  the  matter,  and  how  he  came  thus.  'I  have  been  mur 
dered  by  a  gang  of  cowards,  in  cold  blood,  without  any  cause  ! '  he  said. 
And,  as  the  poor  wife  stooped  over  the  body  of  her  gallant  husband, 
he  expired." 

And,  as  she  thus  stooped,  with  a  fiendishness  truly 
Southern,  one  of  the  ruffians  dared  to  offer  her  an  in 
sult. 

No  notice  has  ever  been  taken  of  this  atrocious  mur 
der  by  the  powers  that  be ;  never  once  did  they  inter 
fere  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the  ballot  box  or  the  right 
of  free  speech.  The  polls  were  not  permitted  to  be 
opened  either  at  Kickapoo,  or  Atchisou,  or  the  other 
pro-slavery  villages;  and  a  clergyman,  who,  at  Atchison, 
said  in  a  private  conversation,  that  he  was  a  Free  State 
man,  was  tarred  and  feathered,  and  sent  down  the  river 
on  a  raft  —  Federal  officeholders  leading  and  encour 
aging  the  rioters. 

John  Brown,  Junior,  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Topeka  Legislature. 

In  the  month  of  February,  the  President,  in  an  offi 
cial  proclamation,  denounced  the  Topeka  Legislature 
as  an  illegal  assembly ;  endorsed  the  code  of  the  in- 


"Southern  Rights  to  All."  97 

vaders  as  the  laws  of  Kansas ;  and  ordered  the  Federal 
troops  to  aid  the  Territorial  officers  in  the  execution 
of  these  infamous  enactments.  With  the  opening  of 
navigation  on  the  river  came  hordes  of  Southern  high 
waymen  from  Georgia,  the  Carolinas,  and  Alabama,  with 
the  avowed  intention  of  exterminating  or  banishing  the 
Free  State  men.  Organizing  into  guerilla  companies, 
they  soon  scattered  desolation  throughout  the  Terri 
tory  ;  but  first  were  enrolled  as  Territorial  militia,  by 
Governor  Shannon,  and  armed  with  United  States  mus 
kets,  the  more  effectually  to  enable  them  to  carry  out 
their  purpose.  An  excuse  was  needed  to  march  against 
Lawrence,  in  order  to  destroy  it ;  for  while  it  stood, 
they  could  hardly  hope  to  succeed  in  their  nefarious 
mission.  A  pretext  was  soon  afforded.  Sham  writs 
were  issued  for  the  arrest  of  its  citizens ;  United  States 
troops  entered  Lawrence  to  enforce  them.  To  Federal 
authority  no  opposition  was  made ;  for  the  sentiment 
of  devotion  to  the  Union,  notwithstanding  that  to  Kan 
sas  the  Union  was  a  curse,  was  in  almost  every  breast 
an  uneradicable  prejudice.  The  Sheriff,-  thus  protected 
and  unopposed,  in  order  to  incite  the  people  to  resist 
him,  encamped  with  bis  prisoners  in  Lawrence  over 
night,  and,  in  coarse  and  filthy  language,  abused  the 
Northern  citizens  and  his  captives.  Tired  of  the  cow 
ardice  of  the  politicians,  and  exasperated  by  the  out 
rages  daily  committed  by  the  Southern  marauders,  one 
brave  but  wayward  boy,  on  hearing  the  abusive  lan 
guage  of  the  Sheriff,  swore  that  he  would  bring  matters 
to  a  crisis  forthwith ;  and,  in  the  evening,  he  and  two 
companions,  half  drunk,  and  wholly  incensed,  fired  at 
9 


98  "Southern    Rights   to   All." 

and  wounded  the  insolent  officeholder  as  he  stood  at 
the  entrance  of  his  tent. 

He  was  not  dangerously  wounded  ;  hut,  to  subserve 
the  interests  of  the  South,  it  was  reported  that  he  was 
dead.  Missouri,  again  appealed  to,  invaded  the  Terri 
tory  ;  the  far  Southern  marauders  assembled  at  Le- 
compton  ;  and  now,  in  order  that  they  might  march 
together  on  devoted  Lawrence,  "  under  the  shadow  of 
the  wings  of  the  Federal  eagle,"  it  was  determined  to 
arrest  Governor  Reeder,  then  the  leader  of  the  party, 
under  the  pretence  of  needing  him  as  a  witness  at 
Tecumseh.  Mr.  Reeder,  dismissed  from  his  office  as 
Federal  Governor,  in  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  be 
the  passive  instrument  of  the  ruffians,  was  elected  as 
the  Free  State  delegate  to  Washington,  and  was  now  in 
Kansas,  with  the  Congressional  Committee  of  Investiga 
tion,  collecting  evidence  to  sustain  his  claim  to  a  seat 
in  the  National  House  of  Representatives. 

Governor  Reeder,  of  course,  refused  to  go,  —  for  to 
have  gone  would  have  interrupted  his  duties,  and  have 
forfeited  his  life.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  case,  in 
which,  it  was  pretended,  he  was  needed  as  a  witness. 
This  refusal  was  instantly  made  the  pretext  for  march 
ing  on  Lawrence,  under  the  authority  of  a  United 
Statos  Marshal. 

The  news  spread  rapidly,  that  Lawrence  was  to  be 
destroyed. 

John  Brown,  Junior,  at  the  head  of  sixty  men,  or 
more,*  marched  from  Ossawattomie,  and  offered  to 

*  My  personal  recollection  is,  that  there  were  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men  in  his  company ;  but,  as  I  cannot  recall  my  authority,  I 


"Southern    Rights    to  All."  99 

defend  the  town  ;  but  the  Committee  of  Safety,  now  so 
odious  that  it  was  ironically  styled  the  Safety  Yalve, 
while  valiantly  declaring  that  "  they  would  fight  first," 
rather  than  submit  to  ignominious  terms,  and  receiv 
ing  from  Governor  Shannon  the  very  courteous  and 
patriotic  answer,  "Then  war  it  is,  by  God!"  —  took 
no  efficient  measures  for  defence,  and  determined  to 
offer  no  resistance.  John  Brown,  Junior,  marched 
back  to  Ossawattomie  ;  but  ere  he  reached  it  and  dis 
banded,  his  father,  with  a  company  of  seven  men,  left 
his  camp,  and  began  in  right  earnest  the  war  of 
liberty. 

Meanwhile,  Messrs.  Reeder,  Robinson,  and  others, 
urged  to  it  by  the  Congressional  Committee,  had  fled  ; 
but,  excepting  Reeder,  were  overtaken,  arrested,  and 
imprisoned  on  a  charge  of  high  treason.  Their  crime 
consisted  in  accepting  office  under  the  Free  State  Con 
stitution  ;  save  one,  an  editor,  whose  offence  was  the 
publication  of  a  Free  State  journal.* 

On  the  5th  of  May,  the  two  Free  State  papers  in  Law 
rence,  and  a  hotel  erected  by  the  Emigrant  Aid  Com 
pany  ;  as,  also,  a  bridge  over  a  stream  to  the  south  of 
Lawrence,  which  had  been  built  by  a  Free  State  man  ; 
were  each  indicted  by  a  jury,  under  the  instructions  of 
the  Federal  Judge,  Lecompte,  as  a  public  nuisance,  and 
orders  for  their  destruction  were  issued  by  the  Court. 

On  the  llth  of  the  same  month,  the  United  States 
Marshal  issued  a  proclamation  assembling  the  "  mili 
tia  ; "  and  from  that  time,  as  the  writer  personally 

*  He  subsequently  sold  himself  to  the  Federal  Administration. 


loo  "Southern    Rights   to  All." 

knows,  till  the  20th  instant,  in  the  words  of  a  demo 
cratic  author,*  "  preparations  were  going  forward,  aria 
vigorously  prosecuted,  for  the  sacking  of  Lawrence. 
The  pro-slavery  people  were  to  wipe  out  this  ill-fated 
town,  under  authority  of  law.  They  had  received  the 
countenance  of  the  President,  the  approbation  of  the 
Chief  Justice,  the  favorable  presentment  of  the  Grand 
Jury,  the  concurrence  of  the  Governor,  the  order  of  the 
Marshal,  and  were  prepared  to  consummate  their  pur 
pose  with  the  arms  of  the  Government,  in  the  hands  of 
a  militia  force  gathered  from  the  remotest  sections  of 
the  Union.  They  concentrated  their  troops  in  large 
numbers  around  the  doomed  city,  stealing,  or,  as  they 
termed  it,  '  pressing  into  the  service '  all  the  horses 
they  could  find  belonging  to  Free  State  men  ;  whose 
cattle  were  also  slaughtered,  without  remuneration,  to 
feed  the  Marshal's  forces  ;  and  their  stores  and  dwell 
ings  broken  open  and  robbed  of  arms,  provisions, 
blankets,  and  clothing.  And  all  this  under  the  pre 
tence  of  i  law  and  order,'  and  in  the  name  and  under 
the  sanction  of  the  government  of  the  United  States." 

These,  and  worse  outrages,  the  murdering  of  the 
young  boys  Stewart  and  Jones,  and  the  ravishing  of 
a  mother  and  a  daughter  among  them,  were  speedy 
and  infallible  illustrations  of  the  spirit  of  the  South  ; 
convincing  proofs  to  every  man  who  would  look  with 
his  own  eyes,  instead  of  using  the  false  mirror  of  a  con 
servative  education,  that  the  American  Union  is  not 
a  Nation,  but  an  unnatural  joining  of  two  hostile 

*  Gihon. 


"Southern    Rights    to  All."  101 

peoples  —  of  a  free,  progressive,  tolerant,  enlightened, 
iaw-loving  race,  on  the  one  hand  ;  and,  on  the  other, 
of  lawless  organized  bands  of  despots,  with  able  but 
unprincipled  leaders,  and  with  a  lower  class  only  slight 
ly  in  advance  of  our  barbarous  semi-civilized  Indian 
tribes  of  the  West. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  the  United  States  Marshal,  at 
the  head  of  eight  hundred  men,  entered  the  town  of 
Lawrence,  and  made  arrests  ;  and  then,  with  an  inge 
nuity  worthy  of  the  South,  or  Austria,  or  any  other 
power  satanic,  dismissed  his  immense  force  within  the 
limits  of  the  corporation.  Had  the  army  then  com 
mitted  any  lawless  act,  how  could  the  Democracy  have 
been  held  responsible  ?  The  posse  comitatus  was  now 
a  mob.  But  the  shot  Sheriff,  who  so  lately  had  been 
lamented  as  dead,  stepped  forward  at  this  juncture  ; 
reorganized  the  force  as  his  official  staif ;  and  then, 
filling  the  streets  with  these  Southern  marauders,  de 
stroyed  the  presses  and  offices  of  the  two  Northern 
papers,  battered  at  with  cannon,  and  finally  burned 
down,  the  recently  finished  and  splendid  hotel.  In  the 
eyes  of  the  Government,  they  were  "  public  nuisances." 
This  mob  was  headed  by  an  ex-Senator  and  ex-Vice 
President  of  the  United  States  ! 

Among  the  brave  young  men  who  saw  these  out 
rages  committed,  were  Charley  Lenhart  and  John  E 
Cook.      Next   day  they  left  the  town,  to  commence 
reprisals.     Nearly  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  worth 
of  property  had  been  stolen  or  destroyed,  without  reck 
oning,  in  this  amount,  nearly  two  hundred  horses  that 
had  been  "  pressed  into  the  service  "  of  the  South. 
9* 


102  "Southern    Rights    to  All." 

North  of  the  Kansas  River,  the  conquest  of  the  Terri 
tory  was  complete  ;  and,  south  of  it,  several  Free  State 
districts  had  submitted  to  the  power  of  the  invaders. 
AH  the  towns  on  the  Missouri  River  were  in  their 
hands  ;  Lawrence  had  been  sacked,  its  prosperity 
checked,  and  its  prestige  broken  ;  while  Tecumseh, 
and  Lecompton,  Fort  Scott,  and  the  far  Southern  re 
gion,  had  always  been  faithful  to  the  traffic  in  human 
souls.  On  a  flag  that  waved  in  the  ranks  of  the  lawless 
sheriff's  southern  force,  on  that  memorable  20th  of 
May,  was  printed  the  Goliath-like  boast  of  the  embattled 
propagandists  of  oppression : 

"  You  Yankees  tremble,  and  Abolitionists  fall ; 
Our  motto  is,  Southern  Rights  to  All." 

The  cause  of  God,  and  his  servants,  and  despised 
poor,  looked  gloomy  ;  but  there  were  many  hearts, 
fully  conscious  that,  armed  with  justice  and  Sharpens 
rifles,  the  right  would  come  uppermost  ere  long.  And 
among  them,  encamped  in  the  woods  of  Southern  Kan-, 
sas,  was  a  stern  old  man,  whose  cold  blue  eye  lighted 
up  with  a  holy  lustre,  as  he  read  in  the  Sacred  Book, 
written  by  the  finger  of  his  God  and  Father  : 

»" Be  strong  and  courageous;  be  not  afraid  nor  dismayed  for  the 
king  of  Assyria,  nor  for  all  the  multitude  that  is  with  him :  for  there 
be  more  with  us  *,han  with  him  ; 

"  With  him  is  an  arm  of  flesh ;  but  with  us  is  tl  e  Lord  our  God,  to 
help  us,  and  to  fight  our  battles." 


IV. 

IN  CAUCUS  AND  CAMP. 

IN  CAUCUS. 

first  time  that  I  heard  of  Old  Brown  was  in 
connection  with  a  caucus  at  tho  town  of  Ossawat- 
tomie.*  It  was  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  Terri 
tory.  The  politicians  of  the  neighborhood  were  care 
fully  pruning  resolutions  so  as  to  suit  every  variety 
of  anti-slavery  extensionists ;  and  more  especially  that 
class  of  persons  whose  opposition  to  slavery  was  founded 
on  expediency  —  the  selfishness  of  race,  and  caste,  and 
interest :  men  who  were  desirous  that  Kansas  should 
be  consecrated  to  free  white  labor  only,  not  to  FREE 
DOM  for  all  and  above  all.  The  resolution  that  aroused 
the  old  man's  anger  declared  that  Kansas  should  be  a 
free  white  State,  thereby  favoring  the  exclusion  of 
negroes  and  mulattoes,  whether  slave  or  free.  He 
rose  to  speak,  and  soon  alarmed  and  disgusted  the 
politicians  by  asserting  the  manhood  of  the  negro  race, 
and  expressing  his  earnest,  anti-slavery  convictions  with 
a,  force  and  vehemence  little  likely  to  suit  the  hybrids 

*  I  had  no   personal  knowledge  of  his  opposition   to  the  Treat* 
of  Peace. 

103 


104  In  Caucus  and  Camp. 

then  known  as  Free  State  Democrats.  There  were  a 
number  of  emigrants  from  Indiana,  I  was  told,  whom 
his  speech  so  shocked  that  they  went  over  and  remained 
in  the  pro-slavery  party.  This  was  John  Brown's  first 
ajid  last  appearance  in  a  public  meeting  in  Kansas. 
VLike  most  men  of  action,  he  underrated  discussion. 
He  secretly  despised  even  the  ablest  anti-slavery  orators. 
He  could  see  "  no  use  in  this  talking,"  he  said.  "  Talk 
is  a  national  institution,  but  it  does  no  manner  of  good 
to  the  slave."  He  thought  it  an  excuse  very  well 
adapted  for  weak  men,  with  tender  consciences.  Many 
abolitionists,  too  cowardly  to  fight,  and  yet  too  honest 
to  be  silent,  deceived  themselves  with  the  belief  that 
they  faithfully  discharged  their  duties  to  the  slave 
by  fiercely  denouncing  his  oppressors.  His  ideas  of 
duty  were  far  different.  /The  slaves,  in  his  eyes,  were 
prisoners  of  war  ;  their  tyrants,  he  held,  had  taken  the 
sword,  and  must  perish  by  it.  I 

HIS   POLITICAL   CREED. 

Here  let  me  speak  of  his  political  affinities.  It  has 
been  asserted  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Republican 
party.  It  is  false.  He  despised  the  Republican  party. 
It  is  true  that,  like  every  abolitionist,  lie  was  opposed 
to  the  extension  of  slavery  ;  and,  like  the  majority  of 
anti-slavery  men,  in  favor,  also,  of  organized  political 
action  against  it.  /But  he  was  too  earnest  a  man,  and 
too  devout  a  Christian,  to  rest  satisfied  with  the  only 
action  against  slavery  consistent  with  one's  duty  as  a 
citizen,  according  to  the  usual  Republican  interpreta 
tion  of  the  Federal  Constitution .)  It  teaches  us  that  we 
must  content  ourselves  with  resisting  the  extension  of 


In  Caucus  and  Camp.  105 

slavery.  Where  the  Republicans  said,  Halt !  John 
Brown  shouted,  Forward !  to  the  rescue !  ('He  was  an 
abolitionist  of  the  Bunker  Hill  school.  He  followed 
neither  Garrison  nor  Seward,  Gerritt  Smith  nor  Wen 
dell  Phillips :  but  the  Golden  Rule,  and  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Hebrew  war 
riors,  and  in  the  God-applauded  mode  that  they 
adopted.  "  The  Bible  story  of  Gideon,"  records  a 
man  who  betrayed  him,  "had  manifestly  a  great  in 
fluence  on  his  actions."  He  believed  in  human 
brotherhood  and  in  the  God  of  Battles ;  he  admired 
Nat  Turner,  the  negro  patriot,  equally  with  George 
Washington,  the  white  American  deliverer.  He  could 
not  see  that  it  was  heroic  to  fight  against  a  petty  tax 
on  tea,  and  war  seven  long  years  for  a  political  prin 
ciple  ;  yet  wrong  to  restore,  by  force  of  arms,  to  an 
outraged  race,  the  rights  with  which  their  Maker 
had  endowed  them,  but  of  which  the  South,  for  two 
centuries,  had  robbed  them.  The  old  man  distrusted 
the  republican  leaders.  He  thought  that  their  success, 
in  1860,  would  be  a  serious  check  to  the  anti-slavery 
cause.*  His  reason  was,  that  the  people  had  confidence 
in  these  leaders,  and  would  believe  that  by  their  action 
in  Congress  they  would  peacefully  and  speedily  abolish 
slavery.  That  the  people  would  be  deceived  ;  that  the 
Republicans  would  become  as  conservative  of  slavery  as 
the  Democrats  themselves,  he  sincerely  and  prophetically 
believed.  Apathy  to  the  welfare  of  the  slave  would 

*"  The  Republicans  of  1858  will  be  the  Democrats  of  1860"  —  a 
pithy  prophecy  found  among  the  manuscripts  at  Harper's  Ferry,  —  is 
a  brief  and  clear  statement  of  John  Brown's  ideas. 


106  In  Caucus  and  Camp. 

follow ;  and  hence,  to  avert  this  moral  and  national 
calamity,  he  hurried  on  to  Harper's  Ferry. 

He  was  no  politician.  He  despised  that  class  with  all 
the  energy  of  his  earnest  and  determined  nature.  He 
was  too  large  a  man  to  stand  on  any  party  platform. 
He  planted  his  feet  on  the  Rock  of  Ages  —  the  Eternal 
Truth  —  and  was  therefore  never  shaken  in  his  policy 
or  principles. 

MY   FIRST   JOURNEY   SOUTH. 

A  few  days  after  the  sacking  of  Lawrence,  a  startling 
rumor  reached  us.  A  messenger  from  Lecompton 
stated  that  a  Southern  squatter  from  Pottawattomie 
had  arrived  there  with  despatches  for  the  Governor, 
which  announced  that  five  pro-slavery  settlers  had  been 
murdered,  at  midnight,  and  their  bodies  shockingly 
disfigured  and  mutilated,  by  a  party  of  Free  State 
men.  He  brought  a  request  for  a  body  of  troops  to 
protect  the  pro-slavery  people  there ;  Avho,  up  to  this 
time,  had  ruled  that  region  with  a  rod  of  iron.  This 
fact  caused  every  one  to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  report. 
It  was  regarded  as  a  pretext  for  hurrying  down  the 
troops  to  arrest  Captain  John  Brown,  Junior,  and  the 
Free  State  force  that  he  commanded.  While  the 
people  of  Lawrence  were  discussing  the  news,  a  body 
of  troops  from  Lecompton  passed  the  town,  and  it  was 
discovered  that  they  were  destined  for  Osawatomie. 
Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost  if  John  Brown,  the 
younger,  and  his  boys,  were  to  be  warned  of  their  com 
ing  and  design.  I  was  urged  to  go  down  and  inform 
him  of  the  approach  of  the  troops.  A  horse  was  hired 
for  me,  and  I  started  on  the  mission  at  once.  Already 
the  troops  were  several  miler  ahead,  and  I  was  not 


In  Caucus  and  Camp.  1O) 

familiar  with  the  road ;  for  this  was  my  first  journey 
to  the  country  south  of  the  Wakarusa. 

My  first  object  was  to  overtake  the  troops  ;  the  sec 
ond,  to  pass  them,  and  defeat  their  design.  Of  every 
one  whom  I  met  I  inquired  if,  and  where,  they  had 
seen  the  soldiery.  Just  at  twilight  I  rode  up  a  hill ; 
and,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  brush,  heard  the  noise 
of  the  tramp  of  horses.  I  rode  through  it,  and  found 
myself  in  camp.  The  dragoons  were  preparing  to  dis 
mount  and  remain  there  for  the  night.  There  were 
two  or  three  civilians  of  the  ruffian-breed  along  with 
them,  who,  after  eyeing  me  with  fierce  looks,  went  and 
spoke  to  the  captain.  He,  like  the  majority  of  the 
army  officers  in  Kansas,  was  an  ultra  pro-slavery  man. 
He  looked  steadily  at  me,  and  I  returned  the  stare  ; 
but,  knowing  his  character,  I  did  not  salute  him. 
Without  speaking  to  any  one,  I  rode  out  of  camp.  In 
five  minutes,  it  was  already  dark ;  and  I  had  not  gone 
half  a  mile  ere  I  heard  two  men  riding  up  behind  me. 
I  stopped  my  horse  at  once  ;  turned  off  the  road  ;  and, 
with  my  pistol  ready  for  service,  halted  till  they  came 
up  to  me.  They  also  were  heavily  armed ;  but  their 
pistols  were  in  their  belts.  I  inquired  of  them  the 
way  to  Prairie  City ;  one,  in  giving  directions,  tried  to 
ride  outside  of  me.  It  was  no  time,  I  felt,  for  too  ten 
der  a  regard  for  the  forms  of  etiquette  ;  so  I  rode  still 
further  out,  slightly  raising  my  pistol  as  I  did  so.  We 
understood  each  other  at  once.  I  rode  with  them  a 
little  distance ;  and  then,  they  having  separated,  I 
halted  until  both  were  out  of  sight.  Prairie  City 
according  to  their  directions,  was  to  be  reached  by  an 


io8  In  Caucus  and  Camp. 

Indian  trail,  which,  difficult  enough  to  trace  in  the 
daylight,  it  was  impossible  for  a  stranger  to  find  or  fol 
low  at  night.  I  rode  on  to  a  hamlet  of  half  a  do>.en 
log  houses,  dignified  with  the  name  of  the  City  of  Pal 
myra  ;  and  there,  at  the  cabin  of  a  moderate  pro-slavery 
man,  rested  till  the  following  morning,  when  I  found 
that  my  horse  had  been  stolen,  and  that  my  host  had 
suffered  with  me  in  the  loss  of  an  Indian  pony.  IT. 
Clay  Pate  and  his  friend  Coleman,  the  murderer,  were 
supposed  to  be  encamped  in  the  neighborhood,  and  were 
with  reason  suspected  of  having  committed  this  theft. 
After  the  battle  of  Black  Jack,  and  not  till  then,  the 
horses  were  discovered  and  returned. 

I  walked  over  to  Prairie  City,  —  a  municipality  which 
consisted  of  two  log  cabins  and  a  well,  —  and  from 
there,  having  told  my  errand,  a  messenger  was  in 
stantly  despatched  to  inform  John  Brown,  Junior,  of  the 
approach  and  supposed  design  of  the  Federal  troops. 
I  remained  in  Prairie  City  several  days,  to  ascertain 
and  describe  the  condition  of  the  country. 

I  found  that,  in  this  region,  when  men  went  out  to 
plough,  they  always  took  their  rifles  with  them,  and 
always  tilled  in  companies  of  from  five  to  ten  ;  for, 
whenever  they  attempted  to  perform  their  work  sepa 
rately,  the  Georgia  and  Alabama  bandits,  who  were 
constantly  hovering  about,  were  sure  to  make  a  sudden 
descent  on  them,  and  carry  off  their  horses  and  oxen. 
Every  man  went  armed  to  the  teeth.  Guard  was  kept 
night  and  day.  Whenever  two  men  approached  each 
other,  they  came  up,  pistol  in  hand,  and  the  first  salu 
tation  invariably  was :  Free  State  or  Pro-Slave  ?  or  its 


In  Caucus  ahu  Camp.  109 

equivalent  in  intent :  Whar  ye  from  ?  It  not  unfre- 
quently  happened  that  the  next  sound  was  the  report 
of  a  pistol.  People  who  wished  to  travel  without  such 
collisions,  avoided  the  necessity  of  meeting  any  one,  by 
making  a  circuit  or  running  away  on  the  first  indica 
tion  of  pursuit. 

And  why  this  condition  of  things  ?  Because  the 
North  had  consented  to  compromise  with  the  deadly 
crime  of  Southern  slavery ;  because  it  had  been  taught 
that  this  stupendous  and  organized  iniquity  could  have 
any  other  right  than  to  be  crushed  under  the  feet  of 
Christian  freemen. 

ARREST   AS   A    HORSE   THIEF. 

On  the  afternoon  of  my  first  day  at  Prairie  City,  I 
was  sitting  reading  a  book  at  the  door  of  the  cabin, 
when,  unexpectedly,  I  saw  a  company  of  the  dragoons 
approaching.  They  were  riding,  in  double  file,  up  to 
where  I  sat ;  but  I  did  not  look  at  them  again  until 
the  horse  of  the  captain  was  about  to  tread  on  me.  1 
knew  that  it  was  designed,  in  revenge  for  my  indiffer 
ence,  on  the  captain's  part ;  and  to  anger  him  still 
more,  as  soon  as  I  stepped  aside,  instead  of  saluting 
him  or  looking  at  his  men,  I  reopened  my  book  and  re 
commenced  my  reading. 

In  a  voice  of  stifled  anger,  he  asked  me  if  my  name 
was  Redpath  ? 

I  told  him  that  it  was. 

"  Then,  sir,  you  are  my  prisoner  !  "  he  said. 

"  Indeed !"  I  responded.  "Why?  Where  is  jour 
warrant  ?  " 

•  "I  have  none,"  he  answered  angrily. 
10 


io8  In  Caucus  and  Camp. 

Indian  trail,  which,  difficult  enough  to  trace  in  the 
daylight,  it  was  impossible  for  a  stranger  to  find  or  fol 
low  at  night.  I  rode  on  to  a  hamlet  of  half  a  do>.en 
log  houses,  dignified  with  the  name  of  the  City  of  Pal 
myra  ;  and  there,  at  the  cabin  of  a  moderate  pro-slavery 
man,  rested  till  the  following  morning,  when  I  found 
that  my  horse  had  been  stolen,  and  that  my  host  had 
suffered  with  me  in  the  loss  of  an  Indian  pony.  H. 
Clay  Pate  and  his  friend  Coleman,  the  murderer,  were 
supposed  to  be  encamped  in  the  neighborhood,  and  were 
with  reason  suspected  of  having  committed  this  theft. 
After  the  battle  of  Black  Jack,  and  not  till  then,  the 
horses  were  discovered  and  returned. 

I  walked  over  to  Prairie  City,  —  a  municipality  which 
consisted  of  two  log  cabins  and  a  well,  —  and  from 
there,  having  told  my  errand,  a  messenger  was  in 
stantly  despatched  to  inform  John  Brown,  Junior,  of  the 
approach  and  supposed  design  of  the  Federal  troops. 
I  remained  in  Prairie  City  several  days,  to  ascertain 
and  describe  the  condition  of  the  country. 

I  found  that,  in  this  region,  when  men  went  out  to 
plough,  they  always  took  their  rifles  with  them,  and 
always  tilled  in  companies  of  from  five  to  ten  ;  for, 
whenever  they  attempted  to  perform  their  work  sepa 
rately,  the  Georgia  and  Alabama  bandits,  who  were 
constantly  hovering  about,  were  sure  to  make  a  sudden 
descent  on  them,  and  carry  off  their  horses  and  oxen. 
Every  man  went  armed  to  the  teeth.  Guard  was  kept 
night  and  day.  Whenever  two  men  approached  each 
other,  they  came  up,  pistol  in  hand,  and  the  first  salu 
tation  invariably  was :  Free  State  or  Pro-Slave  ?  or  its 


In  Caucus  aim  Camp.  109 

equivalent  in  intent :  Whar  ye  from  ?  It  not  imfre- 
quently  happened  that  the  next  sound  was  the  report 
of  a  pistol.  People  who  wished  to  travel  without  such 
collisions,  avoided  the  necessity  of  meeting  any  one,  by 
making  a  circuit  or  running  away  on  the  first  indica 
tion  of  pursuit. 

And  why  this  condition  of  things  ?  Because  the 
Nortli  had  consented  to  compromise  with  the  deadly 
crime  of  Southern  slavery ;  because  it  had  been  taught 
that  this  stupendous  and  organized  iniquity  could  have 
any  other  right  than  to  be  crushed  under  the  feet  of 
Christian  freemen. 

ARREST   AS   A    HORSE   THIEF. 

On  the  afternoon  of  my  first  day  at  Prairie  City,  I 
was  sitting  reading  a  book  at  the  door  of  the  cabin, 
when,  unexpectedly,  I  saw  a  company  of  the  dragoons 
approaching.  They  were  riding,  in  double  file,  up  to 
where  I  sat ;  but  I  did  not  look  at  them  again  until 
the  horse  of  the  captain  was  about  to  tread  on  me.  1 
knew  that  it  was  designed,  in  revenge  for  my  indiffer 
ence,  on  the  captain's  part ;  and  to  anger  him  still 
more,  as  soon  as  I  stepped  aside,  instead  of  saluting 
him  or  looking  at  his  men,  I  reopened  my  book  and  re 
commenced  my  reading. 

In  a  voice  of  stifled  anger,  he  asked  me  if  my  name 
was  Redpath  ? 

I  told  him  that  it  was. 

"  Then,  sir,  you  are  my  prisoner  !  "  he  said. 

"  Indeed  !  "  I  responded.  "  Why  ?  Where  is  jour 
warrant  ?  " 

•  "  I  have  none,"  he  answered  angrily. 
10 


no  in  Caucus  and  Camp. 

"  Then  how  can  you  arrest  me  ?  This  is  said  to  be 
a  country  of  law." 

"  We  won't  discuss  that,  sir,"  he  said,  savagely ; 
"  but  you  must  go  with  me  to  my  camp.  If  you  are 
not  guilty,  you  need  have  nothing  to  fear." 

"  I  don't  fear,  Captain,"  I  interrupted :  "  I  know 
enough  of  law  to  know  that  Federal  troops  dare  not 
punish  citizens." 

His  eyes  snapped.  I  had  been  trying  to  provoke 
him,  without  giving  him  an  excuse  for  violence,  and  I 
saw  that  I  had  thus  far  been  successful  in  hitting  the 
most  sensitive  part  of  dragoon  pride  —  the  superiority 
of  the  civil  Bench  over  the  military  Saddle. 

"  But  what  is  my  offence  ?  "  I  asked. 

"  You  are  suspected  of  stealing  horses  !  You  came 
into  our  camp  last  night,  acted  very  strangely,  never 
spoke  to  any  one,  and,  half  an  hour  after  you  were 
gone,  two  of  our  best  horses  were  missing." 

I  angered  the  vain  dragoon  still  more  by  laughing 
heartily  at  the  accusation,  and  explaining  my  reason 
for  sympathizing  with  him,  as  well  as  my  willingness  to 
go  to  his  camp,  if  only  to  have  so  good  a  chance  to 
write  an  amusing  letter.  This  intimation  did  not  re 
store  him  to  good  humor. 

"  Well,  sir,  I  hope  you  are  innocent,"  he  said,  and 
then  put  his  men  into  marching  order. 

I  found  that  the  strongest  evidence  against  me  was 
the  fact  they  had  discovered,  that,  on  the  previous  even 
ing,  I  had  anxiously  asked  of  every  one  where  the 
soldiers  were  !  Such  is  circumstantial  evidence  ! 

Returning  in  less  than  half  an  hour  from  the  camp 


In  Caucus  and  Camp.  ill 

of  the  soldiery,  to  which  the  horses,  traced  by  a  squat 
ter,  had  been  returned,  I  sat  down  and  wrote  a  descrip 
tion  of  the  adventure,  which  I  entitled  the  Confessions 
of  a  Horse  Thief.  Now,  how  to  send  it?  The  mails 
were  not  safe  ;  the  country  was  covered  with  guerillas  ; 
Leavenworth  was  in  the  hands  of  the  ruffians ;  to  send 
it  from  Lawrence  was  impossible.  I  heard  of  an  old 
preacher,  who  lived  a  few  miles  off,  and  who  was  going 
to  Kansas  City  in  Missouri.  I  went  to  find  him.  His 
house  was  situated  on  the  southern  side  of  a  creek, 
which  is  two  or  three  miles  from  Prairie  City.  I  was 
advised  to  seek  the  cabin  of  Captain  Carpenter ;  and 
there,  where  armed  men  were  constantly  on  guard, 
they  would  lead  me  to  "  Old  Moore,  the  minister." 

IN  CAMP. 

The  creeks  of  Kansas  are  all  fringed  with  wood.  1 
lost  my  way,  or  got  off  the  path  that  crosses  the 
creek  above  alluded  to,  when,  suddenly,  thirty  paces 
before  me,  I  saw  a  wild-looking  man,  of  fine  propor 
tions,  with  half  a  dozen  pistols  of  various  sizes  stuck  in 
his  belt,  and  a  large  Arkansas  bowie-knife  prominent 
among  them.  His  head  was  uncovered  ;  his  hair  was 
uncombed ;  his  face  had  not  been  shaved  for  many 
months.  We  were  similarly  dressed  —  with  red-topped 
boots  worn  over  the  pantaloons,  a  coarse  blue  shirt, 
and  a  pistol  belt.  This  was  the  usual  fashion  of  the 
times. 

"  Hullo !  "  he  cried,  "  you're  in  our  camp !  " 
He  had  nothing  in  his  right  hand  —  he  carried  a 
water-pail  in  his  left ;  but,  before  he  could  speak  again, 
I  had  drawn  and  cocked  my  eight-inch  Colt. 


114  In  Caucus  and  Camp. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  old  man  said  to  me :  "  I 

would  rather  have  the  small-pox,   yellow   fever,  and 
jNi 

cholera  all  together  in  my  camp,  than  a  man  without 

V        principles.     It's  a  mistake,  sir,"  he  continued,  "  that 

our  people  make,  when  they  think  that  bullies  are  the 

best  fighters,  or  that  they  are  the  men  fit  to  oppose 

^T      these  Southerners.     Give  me  men  of  good  principles  ; 

r^Xjrod- fearing  men  ;  men  who  respect  themselves  ;  and, 

S       with  a  dozen  of  them,  I  will  oppose  any  hundred  such 

men  as  these  Buford  ruffians." 

I  remained  in  the  camp  about  an  hour.  Never  be 
fore  had  I  met  such  a  band  of  men.  They  were  not 
earnest,  but  earnestness  incarnate.  Six  of  them  were 
John  Brown's  sons. 

I  left  this  sacred  spot  with  a  far  higher  respect  for 
the  Great  Struggle  than  ever  I  had  felt  before,  and 
with  a  renewed  and  increased  faith  in  noble  and  disin 
terested  champions  of  the  right ;  of  whose  existence  — 
since  I  had  seen  so  much  of  paltry  jealousy,  selfishness, 
and  unprincipled  ambition  among  the  Free  State  politi 
cians —  I  was  beginning  to  doubt,  and  to  regard  as  a 
pleasant  illusion  of  my  youth.  I  went  away,  thought 
ful,  and  hopeful  for  the  cause  ;  for  I  had  seen,  for  the 
first  time,  the  spirit  of  the  Ironsides  armed  and  en 
camped.  And  I  said,  also,  and  thought,  that  I  had  seen 
the  predestined  leader  of  the  second  and  the  holier 
American  Revolution. 


I 


V. 

POTTAWATTOMIE. 

HAYE.-  spoken  ofL  the  rumors  of  midnight  murder 
in  the  Pottawattomie  region,  and  stated  that  Cap 
tain  "Brown  was  accuseH5y^nTelnvaders  of  havTng^done 
flie  deed.'  ''''j^jihfirgft  is  falgft._  It  was  first  made  by 
his  enemies,  who  feared  him,  and_desired,.to  jhjye  him 
outof__the  district,  ajid  subsequently  repeated  by  a  rec- 
reant  Free  State  journalist,  who  sold  himself  to  the 
Federal  Administration  for  the  paltry  bribe  of  the  pub- 
licprintmg. 

The  killing  of  the  ruffians  of  Pottawattomie  was  one 
of  those  stern  acts  of  summary  justice  with  which  the 
history  of  the  West  and  of  every  civil  war  abounds. 
Lynch  law  is  one  of  the  early  necessities  of  far-western 
communities ;  and  the  terrors  of  it  form  the  only  effi 
cieiit  guarantee  of  tlie~peaceful  citizen  IrorrT "flieTriif- 
fianism  which  distinguishes  and  curses  every  new  Ter 
ritory.  The  true  story  of  Pottawattomie  is  briefly  told, 

In  all  that  region,  ever  since  the  opening  of  the 
Territory  for   settlement,   the   pro-slavery   party   had 
been  brutally  tyrannical.     Free  State  men  were  dail 
robbed,  beaten,  and  killed  ;  their  property  was  stolen 
openly,  before  their  eyes  ;  and  yet  they  did  not  dare 

(115) 


1 16  Pottawattomie. 

resist  the  outrages.  One  or  two  families  alone  were 
occasionally  exempted,  by  their  character  for  des 
perate  courage,  from  these  daring  and  unwarrantable 
assaults.  Among  them  were  the  sons  and  son-in-law 
of  Old  John  Brown ;  and  even  they  had  repeatedly 
suffered  from  the  conduct  of  the  ruffians,  until  the 
arrival  of  their  father  in  the  autumn,  with  arms.  Then, 
until  the  months  of  April  and  May,  a  season  of  peace 
was  allowed  them.  But  when,  in  fulfilment  of  the 
plan  of  the  Missouri  secret  lodges,  the  Territory  was  to 
be  conquered  for  slavery,  it  at  once  became  a  question 
of  life,  death,  or  immediate  banishment  to  the  settlers 
in  Southern  Kansas  how  they  should  act  against  the 
invading  pro-slavery  party  and  their  allies  among  the 
squatters.  Men  who  have  passed  their  lives  in  the  quiet 
of  New  England's  valleys,  or  in  Eastern  cities,  can  never 
know  what  it  is  to  be  in  earnest  on  what  is  seemingly 
a  mere  question  of  political  right  or  constitutional  in 
terpretation.  Hence  this  chapter  may  shock  them ; 
but  it  is  my  duty,  nevertheless,  to  write  it. 

The  pro-slavery  party,  in  all  the  region  around  Pot 
tawattomie,  renewed  their  system  of  aggressions  on  the 
Free  State  men.  John  Brown  began  to  stir  himself 
and  prepare  for  the  defence  of  his  neighborhood.  With 
two  sons  or  friends  he  went  out  into  the  prairies  where 
a  number  of  invaders  were  encamped,  and,  pretending 
to  survey  the  country,  drove  his  imaginary  lines 
through  the  middle  of  their  camp.  All  the  Govern 
ment  officers  in  Kansas,  from  the  Governor  down  to  the 
humblest  workmen,  were  at  this  time,  and  for  long 
afterwards,  ultr.^  pro-slavery  men ;  many  of  them  pro- 


Pottawattomie.  117 

fessed  Secessionists  who  publicly  cursed  the  Union  as  a 
burden  to  the  South.  John  Brown  frequently  adopted 
this  plan  of  entering  the  camp  of  the  invading  forces, 
and  not  only  never  was  suspected,  but  was  never  asked 
what  his  political  opinions  were.  Never  doubting  that 
he  was  a  Government  surveyor,  the  Southrons  never 
doubted  his  political  orthodoxy. 

The  men  in  this  camp  freely  told  him  their  plans. 
There  was  an  old  man  of  the  name  of  Brown,  they 
said,  who  had  several  sons  here,  whom  it  was  necessary 
to  get  out  of  the  way,  as,  if  they  were  driven  out  or 
killed,  the  other  settlers  would  be  afraid  to  offer  any 
further  resistance.  They  told  him  how  "\Vimnson,  the  \J^ 

oyles,  and  a  Dutchman  named  Sherman  had  recently 
been  in  Missouri,  and  succeeded  in  securing  forces  to 
drive  out  the  Browns,  and  that  it  was  determined  to 
kill  them  in  the  latter  part  of  May.  They  mentioned 
several  other  prominent  Free  State  men  who  were  to 
share  this  fate. 

John  Brown  left  their  camp,  and  at  once  notified  the 
settlers  who  had  been  marked  out  for  destruction,  of 
the  murderous  designs  of  the  Missourians.  A  meeting 
of  the  intended  victims  was  held  ;  and  it  was  deter 
mined  that  on  the  first  indication  of  the  massacre,  the 
Doyles, — a  father  and  two  sons,  —  Wilkinson,  and  Sher 
man  should  be  seized,  tried  by  Lynch  law,  and  sum 
marily  killed. 

On  the  23d  of  May,  John  Brown  left  the  camp  of  his 
son,  at  Osawatomie,  with  seven  or  eight  men,  and 
from  that  moment  began  his  guerilla  warfare  in  South 
ern  Kansas.  He  ordered  them  to  the  vicinity  of  hi* 


li8  Pottawattomie. 

home,  to  be  ready  for  the  Missourians  when  they  came. 
He  himself  went  in  a  different  direction,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  further  aid. 

On  the  night  of  the  25th  of  May,  the  Doyles,  Wil 
kinson,  and  Sherman  were  seized,  tried,  and  slain. 
This  act  was  precipitated  by  a  brutal  assault  com 
mitted  during  the  forenoon  on  a  Free  State  man  at 
the  store  of  Sherman,  in  which  the  Doyles  were  the 
principal  and  most  ruffianly  participators.  These 
wretches,  on  the  same  day,  called  at  the  houses  of  the 
Browns  ;  and,  both  in  words  and  by  acts,  offered  the 
grossest  indignities  to  a  daughter  and  daughter-in-law 
of  the  old  man.  As  they  went  away,  they  said,  "  Tell 
your  men  that  if  they  don't  leave  right  off,  we'll  come 
back  to-morrow  and  kill  them."  They  added,  in  lan 
guage  too  gross  for  publication,  that  the  women  would 
then  suffer  still  worse  indignities. 

What  redress  could  the  husbands  of  these  women 
have  received,  had  they  asked  the  protection  of  the 
law  ?  They  would  have  been  obliged  to  seek  it  from 
Wilkinson,  one  of  these  ruffians,  who  was  the  magis 
trate  of  the  Pottawattomie  District !  This  instance  had 
hundreds  of  parallels. 

I  do  not  know  whether  New  England  people  will  be 
able  to  vindicate  the  summary  punishment  inflicted  on 
these  wretches  ;  but  I  do  know  that  nearly  every  Free 
State  man  then  in  Kansas,  when  he  came  to  know  the 
cause,  privately  endorsed  it  as  a  righteous  act,  although 
many  of  them,  "  to  save  the  party,"  publicly  repudiated 
and  condemned  it. 

These  facts  I  derived  from  two  squatters  who  aided 


Pottawattomie.  lit) 

in  the  execution,  and  who  were  not  ashamed  of  the  part 
they  took  in  it.  Neither  of  them  was  a  son  of  John 
Brown.  They  were  settlers  in  the  neighborhood. 

John  Brown  himself  subsequently  corroborated  their 
statements,  without  knowing  that  they  had  made  them, 
by  his  account  of  the  affair  and  denial  of  any  participa 
tion  in  it.  "  But,  remember,"  he  added,  "  I  do  not  say 
this  to  exculpate  myself;  for,  although  I  took  no  hand 
in  it,  I  would  have  advised  it  had  I  known  the  circum 
stances  ;  and  I  endorsed  it  as  it  was." 

^Time  and  the  honest  verdict  of  posterity,"  he  said'/ 
in  his  Virginia  cell,  "will  approve  of  every  act  of 
mine."  )  I  think  it  will  also  endorse  all  the  acts  that 
he  endorsed;  and  among  them  this  righteous  slaughter 
of  the  ruffians  at  Pottawattomie.     John  Brown  did  not 
know  that  these  men  were  killed  until  the  following 
day  ;  for,  with  one  of  his  sons,  he  was  twenty-five  miles  j 
distant  at  the  time.     He  was  at  Middle  Creek.     This  j\ 
fact  can  be  proved  by  living  witnesses.    It  is  false,  also,  \\ 
that  the  ruffians  were  cruelly  killed.     They  were  tried,  I 
made  confession,  allowed  time  to  pray,  and  then  slain// ; 
in  a  second.  I  / 

The  effect  of  this  act  was  highly  beneficial  to  the 
security  of  the  Free  State  men.  It  gave,  indeed,  to  a 
preconcerted  invasion,  an  excuse  for  entering  the  Ter 
ritory  ;  but,  by  the  terror  which  it  inspired,  by  teach 
ing  the  Missourians  that  the  sword  of  civil  war  had  a 
double  edge,  it  saved  the  lives  of  hundreds  who  other 
wise  would  have  fallen  the  victims  of  Southern  aggrcs. 
sion.  Every  one  in  Kansas  at  the  time  admitted  that 
fact,  although  many  of  them  deny  it  now. 


VI. 

H.  CLAY  PATE. 

AMONG  the  unhappy  men  whom  Old  John  Brown 
has  dragged  into  an  exceedingly  undesirable  im 
mortality  is  H.  Clay  Pate,  author,  journalist,  and  war 
rior,  alike  unfortunate  in  each  of  these  capacities,  and 
in  every  thing  that  he  has  tried  and  lied  and  done  or 
hoped  for.  A  man-butterfly,  whom  no  one  would  have 
ever  thought  of  disturbing,  with  the  vanity  of  the  fa 
bled  frog  he  aspired  to  equal  John  Brown,  and  flew 
against  his  soul  of  fire  —  but  only  to  be  scorched  for 
his  pains,  and  pinned  to  a  page  of  history  by  the  stern 
old  Puritan,  and  then  placed,  as  a  curious  study,  in  the 
cabinet  of  human  imbecilities  forevermore. 

By  way  of  a  contrast,  if  for  no  other  reason,  he  de 
serves  a  separate  chapter  here  —  does  H.  Clay  Pate,  of 
Black  Jack  and  Virginia. 

Pate,  by  birth  a  Virginian,  first  sought  to  find  fame 
and  fortune  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati.  He  published 
"  a  thin  volume  of  collegiate  sketches,"  and  "  several 
pointless,  bombastically  written  stories,"  which,  we  are 
told,  "  was  embellished  with  the  author's  portrait  and 
autograph."  He  failed  to  get  readers  or  even  favorable 

120 


H.  Clay  Pate.  12 1 

reviewers,  altnough  lie  sought  to  make  genial  critics  by 
entering  into  sanctums  "  armed  with  a  cowhide  and 
revolver."  Not  even  by  his  next  effort,  "  a  large  en 
graved  portrait  of  himself,"  could  the  hungerer  after 
literary  reputation  find  satisfaction. 

He  then  sought  fame  as  a  journalist,  and  again  was 
preeminently  unsuccessful.  As  the  parasite  of  the  Prot 
estant  demagogue,  Gavazzi,  he  gained  in  pocket,  but 
he  lost  in  caste ;  arid  what  he  earned  in  purse  he  again 
squandered  in  publication — in  a  new  and  equally  fruit 
less  effort  to  win  a  literary  reputation  without  the  intel 
lect  to  found  it  on,  or  the  moral  character  to  dignify 
and  support  it.  "  He  had  a  signboard  on  his  door, 
inscribed,  H.  Clay  Pate,  Author;"  but  as  Heaven  had 
not  written  this  inscription  on  his  forehead,  the  sign  in 
due  time  disappeared,  and  "  the  author"  with  it. 

He  hurried  to  the  borders  to  seek  notoriety  as  a 
champion  of  the  South.  He  determined  at  first  to  be 
distinguished  by  his  pen  ;  but,  surpassed  on  every  hand 
as  a  journalist  and  writer,  he  next  sought  the  ever- 
flying  phantom  of  fame  with  sword  in  hand,  and  on 
the  tented  field. 

At  Lawrence,  when  the  town  was  sacked,  we  arc  in 
formed,  "  he  distinguished  himself  chiefly  by  riding 
about  on  a  fine  horse,  he  being  decorated  with  ribbons." 

What  a  contrast  was  this  vain  Virginian  to  the  stern 
old  Puritan,  who  always  dressed  in  the  plainest  cloth 
ing,  regarding  the  purchase  of  fine  apparel  as  a  robbery 
of  the  poor  —  who,  only  to  gratify  his  most  intimate 
acquaintances,  would  consent,  and  then  unwillingly,  to 
sit  for  a  daguerreotype ;  and  who,  when  an  admiring 
11 


122  H.  Clay  Pate. 

friend,  without  his  permission,  inscribed  a  volume  to 
him,  regretted  it,  lest  it  should  seem  to  be  courting 
notoriety,,  which  he  said,  with  simple  honesty,  is  "  not 
in  my  way." 

The  vain,  shallow,  boasting  pro-slavery  propagandist, 
and  the  modest,  thoughtful,  humble  warrior  of  the 
Lord,  were  destined  soon  to  meet  as  foes. 

Mr.  Pate  set  out  from  Westport,  Missouri,  about  the 
end  of  May,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  arresting  Old 
Brown,  whom  the  pro-slavery  men  had  charged  with  the 
slaughter  of  the  ruffians  of  Pottawattomie,  and  for 
whom  already  they  had  a  salutary  and  daily  increasing 
dread.  His  only  fear,  he  said,  was,  that  he  might  not 
find  him ! 

Captain  Pate's  achievements,  from  the  day  he  left 
Westport  until  "  Old  Moore,  the  minister,"  started  for 
Missouri,  with  my  letters  from  Prairie  City,  are  thus 
narrated  by  my  friend,  Mr.  Phillips,  in  his  Conquest  of 
Kansas : 

"While  near  Osawatomie,  he  contrived  to  seize  two  of  the  old 
man's  sons  —  Captain  John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  Mr.  Jason  Brown.  These 
were  taken  while  quietly  engaged  in  their  avocations.  Captain  Brown, 
Jr.,  had  been  up  with  his  company  at  Lawrence,  immediately  after  the 
sacking  of  the  place,  and  at  the  time  the  men  at  Pottawattomie  were 
killed.  He  had  returned  home  when  he  saw  he  could  not  aid  Law 
rence,  and  quietly  went  to  work.  He  and  his  brother  Jason  were 
taken  by  Pate,  charged  with  murder,  kept  in  irons  in  their  camp,  and 
treated  with  the  greatest  indignity  and  inhumanity.  "While  Pate  was 
thus  taking  people  prisoners  without  any  legal  authority  or  writs,  he 
was  joined  by  Captain  Wood's  company  of  .Dragoons,  who,  so  fai 
from  putting  a  stop  to  his  violent  career,  aided  him  in  it,  and  took 
from  him,  at  his  desire,  the  two  prisoners,  keeping  them  under  guard 
in  their  camp,  heavily  ironed  and  harshly  treated.  While  these  com 
panies  were  thus  travelling  close  to  each  other,  Captain  Pate's  com- 
oany  burned  the  store  pi  a  man  named  Winer,  a  German ;  the  home 


H.  Clay  Pate.  123 

at  John  Brown,  Jr.,  in  which,  amongst  a  variety  of  household  articles, 
a  valuable  library  was  consumed ;  and  also  the  house  of  another  of 
he  Browns  — for  the  old  man  had  six  grown  sons ;  and  also  searched 
houses,  men,  and  Free  State  settlers,  and  acted  in  a  violent  and  lawless 
manner  generally.  Not  being  able  to  find  Captain  Brown,  senior,  at 
Osawatomie,  Pate's  company  and  the  troops  started  back  for  the 
Santa  Fe  road.  In  the  long  march  that  intervened,  under  a  hot  sun, 
the  two  Browns,  now  in  charge  of  the  Dragoons,  and  held  without 
even  the  pretence  of  bogus  law,  were  driven  before  the  Dragoons, 
chained  like  beasts.  For  twenty-five  miles  they  thus  suffered  under 
this  outrageous  inhumanity.  Nor  was  this  all.  John  Brown,  Jr.,  who 
had  been  excited  by  the  wild  stories  of  murder  told  against  his  father, 
by  their  enemies,  and  who  was  of  a  sensitive  mind,  was  unable  to  bear 
up  against  this  and  his  treatment  during  the  march,  and  afterwards, 
while  confined  in  camp,  startled  his  remorseless  captors  by  the  wild 
ravings  of  a  maniac,  wh'ile  he  lashed  his  chains  in  fury  till  the  dull  iron 
shone  like  polished  steel.*  To  rescue  his  two  sons  from  their  captors 
became  the  determination  of  Captain  Brown.  Like  a  wolf  robbed  of 
its  young,  he  stealthily  but  resolutely  watched  for  his  foes,  while  he 
skirted  through  the  thickets  of  the  Marais  des  Cygnes  and  Ottawa 
Creeks.  Perhaps  it  was  a  lurking  dread  of  Captain  Brown's  rescu 
ing  the  prisoners,  that  made  Captain  Pate  deliver  them  to  the  United 
States  Dragoons.  The  Dragoons,  with  their  prisoners,  encamped  on 
Middle  Ottawa  Creek,  while  Pate  went  on  with  his  men  to  the  Santa 
Fc  road,  near  Hickory  Point.  On  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the  31st 
of  May,  he  encamped  on  the  head  of  a  small  branch  or  ravine,  called 
Black  Jack,  from  the  kind  of  timber  growing  there." 


*  Mrs.  Robinson,  whose  husband  was  detained  at  Lecompton  on  a  charge  of  high 
treason,  thus  describes  the  arrival  of  John  Brown,  Jr.,  in  their  camp:  —  "On  the  23d 
June,  the  prisoners  received  an  accession  to  their  numbers  in  the  persons  of  Captain 
John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  H.  II.  "Williams,  likewise  dignified  with  the  name  of  traitors. 
The  former  was  still  insane  from  the  ill-treatment  received  while  in  charge  of  the 
troops.  .  .  .  Captain  Brown  had  a  rope  tied  around  his  arms  so  tightly,  and  drawn 
behind  him,  that  he  will  for  years  bear  the  marks  of  the  ropes  where  they  wore  into 
his  flesh.  He  was  then  obliged  to  hold  one  end  of  a  rope,  the  other  end  being  carried 
by  one  of  the  Dragoons  ;  and  for  eight  miles,  in  a  burning  sun,  he  was  driven  before 
them,  compelled  to  go  fast  enough  to  keep  from  being  trampled  on  by  the  horses.  On 
being  taken  to  Tecumseh,  they  were  chained  two  and  two,  with  a  common  trace  chain, 
and  padlock  at  each  end.  It  was  so  fixed  as  to  clasp  tightly  around  the  ankle.  On< 
day  they  were  driven  thirty  miles,  with  no  food  from  early  morning  until  night.  Th 
journey,  in  a  hot  June  day,  was  most  torturing  to  them.  Their  chains  wore  upon 
their  ankles  until  one  of  them,  unable  to  go  farther,  was  placed  upon  a  horse." 

This  son  was  detained  in  camp  till  the  10th  September,  although  he  was  never  even 
Indicted  I 


124  H.  Clay  Pate. 

As  soon  as  Captain  Pate  had  reached  the  giound 
that  was  destined  to  witness  his  failure  as  a  military 
man,  and,  at  the  same  time,  with  a  humor  almost  puri 
tanic  in  its  grimness,  to  satisfy  his  longing's  for  ex 
tended  fame  —  although,  possibly,  not  the  kind  of  it 
he  most  desired  —  his  friend  Mr.  Coleman,  the  mur 
derer,  and  others  of  his  company,  marched  on  Palmyra, 
sacked  a  free  state  store  there,  and  then  blew  it  up 
with  a  keg  of  gunpowder.  I  heard  of  this  Tobbery  and 
outrage,  and  wrote  an  account  of  it ;  which,  with  my 
"  Confessions,"  and  a  note  to  a  lady,  I  handed  to  "  Old 
Moore,  the  minister."  I  advised  him,  if  he  were  pur 
sued,  to  destroy  the  large  letters,  which  were  intended 
for  publication  ;  but  to  preserve  the  other,  the  note, 
as  there  was  nothing  in  it  that  could  implicate  him 
with  pro-slavery  men. 

He  had  not  gone  many  miles  before  he  was  seen, 
and  pursued  by  Clay  Pate's  scouts.  In  his  excitement 
he  forgot  my  directions  —  preserved  the  "  incendiary 
documents,"  and  destroyed  the  harmless  billet-doux  ! 
He  was  captured,  and  brought  to  the  camp  of  the 
marauders.  Pate  ordered  the  letters  to  be  opened,  as 
soon  as  he  learned  that  they  were  mine,  and  appointed 
Coleman,  the  murderer  whom  I  had  denounced,  to  read 
my  productions  to  his  men  ! 

First,  came  my  humorous  "  Confessions  of  a  Horse 
Thief."  Captain  "Wood,  the  United  States  officer  who 
arrested  me,  was  spared  the  ridicule  I  had  endeavored 
to  tlirow  on  him ;  for  Pate  threw  the  letter  into  the 
fire! 

Next,  came  my  description  of  the  sacking  of  Pal- 


H.  Clay  Pate.  125 

myra,  and  the  Saxon  names  for  Pate  and  his  company. 
Old  Moore  declared  afterwards,  that  he  felt  uneasy  for 
his  safety  when  he  saw  the  rage  which  my  letters 
aroused.  It  was  universally  admitted  that  I  ought  to 
be  hanged  ;  and  they  swore  that  they  would  do  it,  too  — 
when  the  cat  was  belled.  Pate's  revenge  was  charac 
teristic,  lie  wrote  to  the  Missouri  Republican  an 
account  of  the  arrest  of  Mr.  Moore,  by  his  company, 
and  stated  that  a  number  of  my  incendiary  documents 
had  been  found  on  this  person.  This  Redpath,  he 
added,  as  if  parenthetically,  was  arrested  a  few  days 
ago  by  Captain  Wood,  of  the  United  States  army,  on  a 
charge  of  horse  stealing ;  and  was  not  released  until 
the  horses  were  produced  !  This  was  strictly  and  lit 
erally  true,  and  yet,  in  its  inference,  such  a  splendid 
lie,  that  I  should  have  admired  the  highwayman  for 
his  ingenuity,  and  given  him  credit  for  it,  if  he  had 
not  shown,  by  the  sentence  following,  that  the  con 
struction  of  the  words  was  accidental  only  :  "  He  was 
only  released,"  he  added,  "because  Captain  Wood  could 
not  find  a  magistrate  to  indict  him  !  " 

This  was  his  revenge  on  me  ;  on  Mr.  Moore  it  was 
more  brutal  and  cowardly,  and  still  more  character 
istic.  Some  of  Pate's  company  had  known  the  old 
man  in  Missouri,  and  knew  that  he  was  strictly  tem 
perate  in  his  habits  and  his  principles.  They  therefore 
seized  him,  and,  putting  a  tin  funnel  in  his  mouth, 
poured  liquor  down  his  throat  —  the  ruffians  swearing 
that  they  would  make  the  old  minister  drunk. 

These  were  the  men  whom  John  Brown  was  follow* 
ing  to  fight. 

11* 


VII. 

BATTLE  OF  BLACK  JACK. 

A  FEW  days  after  I  left  the  camp  of  Old  Brown,  and 
returned  to  my  post  at  Lawrence,  lie  had  his 
long-looked-for  fight  with  Captain  Pate's  marauders. 
A  friend  has  so  faithfully  narrated  this  action,  that 
I  prefer  to  transcribe  his  account  of  it,  rather  than 
describe  the  fight  from  my  own  recollections  of  the 
event.  I  make  a  few  additions  and  corrections  only. 

A   SABBATH   GATHERING. 

"  After  dinner  on  Sunday,  Pate's  men  wanted  to  go 
over  to  Prairie  City  and  plunder  it.  Fancying  that  it 
would  be  easily  taken,  and  that  no  resistance  would  be 
offered,  six  of  Pate's  men  started  on  the  expedition. 
At  the  time  this  party  approached  Prairie  City,  the 
people  of  that  place  and  vicinity  were  congregated  in 
the  house  of  Dr.  Graham  to  hear  preaching,  the  doctor 
himself  being  a  prisoner  in  the  camp  at  Black  Jack. 
They  could  watch  as  well  as  pray,  however.  There 
were  some  twenty  men  present,  and  most  of  them, 
after  the  old  Revolutionary  pattern,  had  gone  to  church 
with  their  guns  on  their  shoulders.  It  was  one  of  those 
primitive  meetings,  which  may  often  be  found  in  the 

126 


Battle  of  Black  Jack.  127 

West,  with  the  slight  addition  of  its  military  aspects  : 
simple  and  unostentatious  garb  ;  easy  and  primitive 
manners  ;  a  log  house,  the  ribbed  timbers  of  which 
gave  a  rough-cast  look  to  the  simple  scene,  with  here 
and  there  the  heavy  octagon  barrel  of  a  long  Western 
rifle,  or  the  smooth  barrel  of  a  shot  gun,  were  visible 
where  they  leaned  against  the  wall,  ready  for  action. 
The  worshippers  were  nearly  through  their  devotions, 
and  the  closing  psalm  was  echoing  through  the  timbers 
of  that  log  house  to  one  of  those  quaint  old  melodies 
to  be  found  in  the  Missouri  Harmony,  when  the  sacred 
strain  was  snapped  by  another  Missouri  harmony.  A 
watcher  entered,  saying, 

"  The  Missourians  !  They  are  coming  !  " 
Never  was  a  congregation  dismissed  on  shorter  no 
tice.  The  holy  man  forgot  the  benediction  in  remem 
bering  his  rifle.  The  six  ruffians  had  galloped  up ; 
when  the  congregation,  suddenly  rushing  out,  sur 
rounded  them.  Two  of  the  number,  who  were  a  little 
back,  wheeled  their  horses  and  galloped  off,  more  than 
one  bullet  going  whizzing  after  them  ;  but,  thanks  to 
their  fleet  steeds,  or  their  enemy's  hurried  shooting, 
they  got  off  scathless,  and  got  back  to  tell  a  frightful 
story  to  Pate  about  the  other  men  being  killed  —  hor 
ribly  !  <fcc.  Their  less  lucky  companions  were  merely 
taken  prisoners  of  war.  One  of  them,  however,  had 
come  very  near  getting  his  quietus.  A  son  of  Dr. 
Graham,  a  boy  of  about  eleven  years,  seized  his  father's 
double-barrelled  gun  at  the  first  alarm,  and  hurried  out 
to  the  fence,  the  Missourians,  who  were  all  thus  taken 
aback,  being  immediately  outside  of  it.  The  daring 


128  Battle  of  Black  Jack. 

boy,  with  his  Kansas  blood  up,  went  within  three 
rods  of  them,  and.  poking  his  gun  over  the  fence,  took 
deliberate  aim  at  one  of  the  men,  and  would  have  fired 
thr  next  moment,  —  for  "  Bub  "  was  not  enlightened 
in  the  mysterious  "articles  of  war,"  —  when  a  Free 
State  man  put  aside  his  gun,  and  said, 

"  Bub,  what  are  you  doing  ?  " 

"  Going  to  shoot  that  fellow." 

"  You  must  n't." 

Bub  shook  his  head,  and  began  to  put  up  his  gun 
again,  muttering, 

"  He's  on  pap's  horse."* 

A   SEARCH   FOR  PATE. 

Through  the  whole  of  that  Sunday  night  did  Cap 
tain  Brown  and  Shore's  united  company  hunt  for 
Captain  Pate  ;  but  their  search  was  unsuccessful.  As 
the  gray  dawn  of  Monday  morning,  June  2d,  glim 
mered  in,  they  had  returned  to  Prairie  City,  when 
two  scouts  brought  the  tidings  that  the  enemy  was 
encamped  on  Black  Jack,  some  four  or  five  miles  off. 
A  small  party  was  left  to  guard  the  four  prisoners,  and 
the  remainder  immediately  took  up  their  line  of  march 
for  the  enemy.  Of  those  who  thus  left  Prairie  City, 
Captain  Shore's  company  numbered  twenty  men,  him 
self  included  ;  and  Captain  Brown  had  nine  men  be 
sides  himself.  They  rode  towards  the  Black  Jack. 

*  A  similar  incident,  illustrating  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  children, 
during  the  Kansas  conflict,  came  under  my  own  notice  at  the  same 
house,  a  few  days  only  before  this  occurrence.  A  scout  came  in  and 
said  tnat  a  pro-slavery  guerilla  band  was  approaching. 

"O,"  shouted  a  little  girl  of  five  summers,  '  don't  I  wish  I  could 
shoot  one  of  them  !  " 


Battle  of  Black  Jack.  129 

Arrived  within  a  mile  of  it,  they  left  their  horses,  and 
two  of  their  men  to  guard  them.  They  despatched 
two  other  messengers  to  distant  points  for  additional 
assistance,  if  it  should  be  needed.  The  remainder,  — 
twenty-six  men,  all  told, — in  two  divisions,  each  cap 
tain  having  his  own  men,  marched  quietly  forward  on 
the  enemy. 

On  Sunday  night,  there  were  sixty  men  in  the  pro- 
slavery  camp  on  the  Black  Jack.  Three  or  four 
wagons  had  been  drawn  up  in  a  line,  as  a  sort  of 
breastwork,  several  rods  out  on  the  prairie  from  the 
ravine,  and  one  of  the  tents  was  there.  Such  was  the 
state  of  affairs  when  the  outer  picket-guard,  about 
seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  galloped  in  and  re 
ported,  "  The  abolitionists  are  coming  !  "  "  Where  — 
how  many  ?  "  There  was  a  hurrying  to  and  fro,  and 
seizing  of  arms.  "  Across  the  prairie  —  there's  a  hun 
dred  of  them,"  cried  the  frightened  border  ruffians, 
whose  fears  had  multiplied  the  approaching  force  by 
four,  and  who  probably  had  never  stopped  to  examine 
carefully  or  to  count,  but  had  galloped  off  as  soon  as 
he  caught  the  first  glimpse  of  them. 

PATE   FOUND   AND    FOUGHT. 

Captain  Pate's  position  at  Black  Jack  was  a  very 
strong  one.  It  afforded  shelter  for  his  men,  and, 
except  by  a  force  coming  up  the  ravine  or  stream  from 
the  timber  at  Hickory  Point,  had  to  be  approached  over 
an  open  prairie,  sloping  up  from  the  place  where  the 
Missourians  were  posted.  When  the  alarm  was 
sounded,  Captain  Pate  drew  up  his  men  in  line  behind 
the  breastwork  of  wagons. 


130  Battle  of  Black  Jack. 

When  they  neared  the  enemy's  position,  Capiam 
Brown  wished  Shore  to  go  to  the  left  and  get  into  the 
ravine  below  them,  while  he,  with  his  force,  would  get 
into  the  upper  or  prairie  part  of  the  ravine,  in  the  bot 
tom  of  which  was  long  grass.  As  the  ravine  made  a 
bend,  they  would  thus  have  got  in  range  of  the  enemy 
on  both  sides,  and  had  them  in  cross  fire,  without 
being  in  their  own  fire.  Captain  Brown,  with  his  nine 
men,  accordingly  went  to  the  right.  Captain  Shore, 
with  more  bravery  than  military  skill,  approached  the 
foe  over  the  hill,  to  the  west  of  their  camp,  marching 
over  the  prairie  up  within  good  range,  fully  exposed, 
and  with  no  means  of  shelter  near  them. 

"  Who  comes  there  ?  What  do  you  want  ?  "  cried 
Captain  Pate. 

"  When  I  get  my  men  in  line,  I'll  show  you," 
cried  the  gallant  Captain  Shore ;  and,  true  to  his 
word,  without  waiting  for  or  wanting  any  humbug  par* 
ley,  the  gallant  band  poured  in  a  volley  on  the  Missou- 
rians,  who  were  drawn  up  behind  the  wagons :  the 
latter  instantly  returning  it. 

Yolley  after  volley  pealed  through  the  air,  and 
echoed  through  the  ravine  at  Black  Jack,  away  up  to 
the  dense  timber  of  Hickory  Point. 

Meanwhile,  Captain  Brown  had  hurried  into  the 
ravine  on  the  right  of  Captain  Shore ;  and  posting  his 
men  well,  began  to  discourse  the  music  of  the  spheres 
from  that  quarter. 

"  We're  whipped !  we're  whipped  !  "  yelled  the  Mis- 
sourians,  before  the  battle  had  lasted  ten  minutes ;  and, 
breaking  from  the  wagon,  they  retreated  to  the  ravine, 


Battle  of  Black  Jack.  131 

and  concealed  themselves  there,  some  seven  or  eight  of 
them  being  wounded.  One  was  shot  through  the 
mouth  by  a  Sharpe's  rifle  bullet.  He  had  been  squat 
ted  behind  the  wagon  wheel ;  the  ball  hit  one  of  the 
spokes,  shivering  it,  and  the  border  ruffian,  in  trying 
the  juggler's  feat  of  catching  it  in  his  mouth,  got  it 
lodged  somewhere  away  about  the  root  of  the  tongue 
or  the  back  of  his  neck.  Another,  was  shot  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  breast,  or  the  lower  part  of  his  neck, 
the  bullet  descending  and  lodging  in  his  back.  An 
other,  a  citizen  of  Westport,  as  he  was  galloping  off, 
received  a  very  severe  wound  in  the  groin.  He, 
with  several  others,  who  were  also  wounded,  left  their 
camp  by  the  eastern  side  and  escaped. 

After  Pate's  men  retreated  to  the  ravine,  he  en 
deavored  to  rally  them,  and  a  fire  was  kept  up  from  the 
spot  where  they  lay  concealed,  although  the  bullets 
were  whistling  over  their  heads  at  a  fearful  rate.  And 
soon  the  position  of  Captain  Shore  was  found  to  be 
hazardous  and  critical  fully  exposed  to  an  enemy  who 
could  shoot  at  his  men  almost  without  running  risk, 
they  began  to  give  way ;  and  soon  they  had  nearly  all 
retreated  some  two  hundred  yards  up  the  slope,  to  the 
high  ground,  where  they  were  out  of  range.  Captain 
Shore,  however,  and  two  or  three  of  his  men,  went 
over  and  joined  Brown,  where  the  force  lay  in  the  long 
grass,  firing  down  the  ravine.  While  this  firing  was 
going  on,  to  little  purpose  on  either  side,  Captain 
Brown  went  after  the  boys  on  the  hill.  Some  few  of 
them  had  gone  off  after  ammunition ;  one  or  two 
of  them  were  sitting  in  th@  grass,  fixing  their  guns. 


132  Battle  of  Black  Jack. 

Finding  that  they  could  not  be  brought  up  again  to  a 
charge,  he  led  them  rather  nearer  the  enemy,  and  in 
duced  them  to  shoot  at  their  horses,  which  were  over 
the  ravine,  at  long  shot.  This  he  did  to  get  up  their 
spirits  —  as  most  of  them  were  mere  boys  —  and  to 
intimidate  the, enemy.  He  returned  to  the  ravine  ;  the 
firing  was  still  kept  up.  It  is  proper  to  state  that 
Brown  and  Shore's  men  had  but  four  guns  of  long 
range ;  there  were  only  three  or  four  Sharpe's  rifles  in 
both  companies. 

PATE'S  PRISONERS  AND  THE  WOUNDED. 
While  the  firing  was  going  on,  one  of  Pate's  men 
got  up  and  swore  he  would  see  to  the  prisoners.  A 
guard  had  been  stationed  to  watch  the  three  Free  State 
prisoners,  the  tent  in  which  they  were  being  the  most 
exposed  of  the  camp.  This  guard  was  in  great  trepi 
dation.  The  prisoners  had  thrown  themselves  on  the 
ground,  and  the  trembling  guard  also  lay  down,  taking 
care  to  get  the  person  of  Dr.  Graham  between  his  own 
precious  carcass  and  the  enemy.  So  matters  were, 
when  the  ruffian  to  whom  I  have  alluded  went  to  the 
tent  with  fierce  oaths.  Dr.  Graham  saw  him  approach 
with  ferocious  expression,  and,  just  at  that  moment,  the 
ruffian  raised  his  pistol,  aiming  at  the  Doctor,  who  gave 
a  spring  just  as  the  piece  went  off,  the  ball  hitting  him 
in  the  side,  and  inflicting  a  flesh  wound.  Graham 
sprang  into  the  ditch  of  the  ravine ;  and,  as  he  did  so, 
received  another  ball  in  his  hip.  He  broke  from  the 
camp  and  fled,  fifteen  pistol  shots  being  fired  after  him 
by  the  person  who  first  attacked  him,  assisted  by  the 
guard.  He  got  off  without  further  injury,  and  joined 
his  friends  on  the  hill. 


Battle  of  Black  Jack.  133 

The  firing  had  lasted  three  hours.  Only  two  Free 
State  men  were  wounded.  One  of  them  was  shot  in 
tli3  arm,,  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement.  The 
other,  a  young  man,  with  a  great  exuberance  of  spirits, 
kept  springing  up  in  the  grass,  shouting  and  firing  his 
gun,  when,  on  one  of  these  occasions,  he  was  struck  by 
a  ball  in  the  side.  Luckily  it  glanced  off  the  ribs,  or 
it  would  have  killed  him  ;  as  it  was,  it  inflicted  a  severe 
wound,  and  two  of  his  friends  had  to  take  him  off  the 
field.  There  were  now  only  nine  Free  State  men  in 
the  ravine  keeping  up  a  fire  ;  and  about  as  many  more 
on  the  hill,  three  hundred  yards  from  the  enemy,  who 
kept  firing  at  the  horses  and  occasionally  making  a 
sally,  but  never  near  enough  to  do  much  mischief. 

CAPTAIN   PATE    CAPTURED. 

At  this  juncture,  Frederick  Brown,  who  had  been  left 
in  charge  of  the  horses,  becoming  excited  by  the  pro 
longed  firing  on  both  sides,  suddenly  appeared  on  the 
top  of  the  hill,  midway  between  the  two  divisions  of 
the  Free  State  force,  and  in  full  view  of  the  enemy ; 
and,  brandishing  a  sword,  shouting,  "  Come  on  —  come 
on  ;  I  have  cut  off  all  communication :  the  sword  of 
the  Lord  and  of  Gideon  !  "  and  other  wild  expressions, 
struck  the  ranks  of  the  marauders  with  panic. 

The  Missourians  in  the  ravine  were  getting  discour 
aged  ;  they  did  not  dare  to  venture  out  of  their  shelter  ; 
and  the  bullets  of  the  Free  State  men  were  making  it  a 
decidedly  uncomfortable  shelter.  They  began  to  drop 
off,  one  by  one,  by  gliding  down  the  ravine  till  thev 
were  out  of  range,  running  to  where  their  horses  were 
tied,  and  then  galloping  away.  As  the  Free  State  men 
12 


134  Battle  of  Black  Jack. 

had  no  cavalry  force  in  the  field,  and  no  men  to  spare, 
this  prudential  policy  was  very  successful. 

At  last  Captain  Pate  sent  out  his  lieutenant  and  a 
prisoner  with  a  flag  of  truce.  They  walked  up  the 
slope  together  to  where  the  Free  State  men  were  ;  who, 
seeing  them  and  their  flag,  ceased  their  fire.  When 
they  reached  Captain  Brown,  he  demanded  of  the  Lieu 
tenant  whether  he  was  the  Captain  of  the  Company  ? 

"  No,"  said  the  Lieutenant. 

"  Then,"  said  the  old  man,  "  you  stay  here  with  me, 
and  let  your  companion  go  and  bring  him  out.  I  will 
talk  with  him." 

Thus  summoned,  Captain  Pate  came  out ;  and  as  he 
approached  Captain  Brown,  began  to*  say  that  he  was 
an  officer  under  the  United  States  Marshal,  and  that  he 
wanted  to  explain  this  fact ;  as,  he  supposed,  the  Free 
State  men  would  not  continue  to  fight  against  him,  if 
they  were  aware  of  that  circumstance.  He  was  run 
ning  on  in  this  way,  when  the  old  man  cut  him  short : 

"  Captain,  I  understand  exactly  what  you  are ;  and 
do  not  want  to  hear  more  about  it.  Have  you  a  propo 
sition  to  make  to  me  ?  " 

"Well,  no  —  that  is  — 

"  Very  well,  Captain,"  interrupted  the  old  man,  "  1 
have  one  to  make  to  you:  your  unconditional  sur 
render." 

There  was  no  evading  this  demand,  and  just  as  little 
chance  to  deceive  Old  Brown ;  who,  pistol  in  hand,  re 
turned  with  Pate  and  his  Lieutenant  to  their  camp  in 
the  ravine,  where  he  repeated  his  demand  for  the 
unconditional  surrender  of  the  whole  company.  They 


Battle  of  Black  Jack.  135 

surrendered  forthwith  ;  although  there  were  only  nine 
Free  State  men  in  the  ravine,  or  in  sight,  when  the 
demand  was  made ;  and  four  of  them,  by  Brown's 
orders,  had  remained  where  they  were  stationed.  Five 
heroes,  therefore,  of  whom  John  Brown  was  one, 
received  the  surrender  of  the  arms  and  persons  of 
twenty-one  men,  exclusive,  too,  of  the  wounded  ma 
rauders.  A  large  number  of  arms  were  obtained,  many 
of  which  had  been  taken  from  Lawrence  and  Palmyra ; 
twenty-three  horses  and  mules,  many  of  them  recently 
stolen  from  the  Northern  squatters ;  a  portion  of  the 
goods  plundered  at  the  sacking  of  the  Free  State  store, 
two  days  before  ;  as  well  as  wagons,  ammunition,  camp- 
equipage,  and  provisions  for  the  men.  The  wagons 
were  all  injured  by  the  bullets. 

The  prisoners,  being  now  disarmed,  were  ranged  in 
file  by  the  slender  band  of  captors.  The  boys  on  the 
hill  were  induced  to  come  in,  thereby  swelling  the  Free 
State  force  to  sixteen  persons.  Captain  Brown  marched 
with  the  prisoners  and  a  large  portion  of  the  spoils  to 
his  own  camp.  The  wounded  men  were  carefully  cared 
for ;  and,  on  their  recovery,  admonished  to  do  better 
in  the  future,  and  sent  home  to  Missouri. 


VIII. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  KANSAS   COMPLETE. 

WHEN  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  Clay  Pate  reached 
Missouri,  a  force  of  twenty-one  hundred  mounted 
men,  not  one  of  them  a  citizen  of  Kansas,  set  out  from 
the  border  village  of  Westport,  under  the  lead  of  the 
Territorial  delegate  to  Congress,  with  the  triple  purpose 
of  rescuing  their  brother-highwaymen,  seizing  Old 
Brown,  and  completing  the  conquest  of  the  disputed 
land. 

A  few  days  before  this  invasion  they  had  sent  on 
supplies  of  provisions  to  the  town  of  Franklin,  with 
cannon  and  ammunition  for  their  coming  forces ;  and 
there  the  Georgians  began  to  concentrate,  and  com 
mitted  robberies  and  other  outrages  on  the  persons  and 
property  of  the  Free  State  men.  To  defeat  the  design 
of  the  Missourians,  we  marched  upon  Franklin  on  the 
night  of  the  2d  of  June,  —  only  a  few  days  after  the 
fight  at  Black  Jack,  —  and,  after  two  or  three  hours  of 
firing,  chiefly  in  the  dark,  drove  the  ruffians  cut  and 
captured  their  provisions.  We  then  retired  to  Hickory 
Point,  and  there  concentrated  to  oppose  the  invading 
force ;  which,  although  doubling  us  in  numbers,  we 

136 


The  Conquest  of  Kanfas  Complete.       137 

saw  with  great  delight,  on  the  5th  of  June,  in  battle 
array  on  the  prairies  near  Palmyra.  Every  one  in  our 
camp  was  exultant  at  the  prospect  of  obliterating  and 
avenging  the  disgrace  of  Lawrence.  But  the  Federal 
troops  hastened  down,  and  induced  the  Missourians  to 
retire ;  which,  knowing  our  readiness  to  fight,  they 
willingly  consented  to  do  ;  but  not  until,  in  cold  blood, 
they  had  murdered  seven  Free  State  men,  not  one  of 
whom  was  armed,  when  they  were  taken  prisoners  by 
the  invading  forces.  Mr.  Cantroll  was  murdered  by  a 
ruffian  named  Forman,  one  of  Captain  Pate's  men, 
who  was  wounded  at  Black  Jack,  carefully  nursed  at 
Prairie  City,  and  dismissed  by  his  captors  uninjured. 
Of  such  were  the  Southern  companies. 

The  Captain  of  the  dragoons,  when  near  Prairie 
City,  heard  that  Old  John  Brown  was  in  the  neighbor 
hood,  and  sent  a  messenger  to  him,  requesting  to  have 
an  interview.  The  old  man  came  in  response  to  the 
call,  and  voluntarily  offered  to  give  up  his  prisoners,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  tried  for  their  highway  rob 
beries.  But  the  dragoons  insisted  that  they  should  be 
unconditionally  surrendered  ;  as,  whatever  their  offences 
might  be,  there  was  no  warrant  out  against  them ;  and 
to  receive  them  as  prisoners,  as  the  old  man  proposed, 
would  be  tacitly  to  admit  that  civil  war  existed,  which, 
as  a  Federal  officer,  he  could  not  acknowledge. 

John  Brown  had  voluntarily  entered  the  camp  of 
the  dragoons,  who  never  could  have  discovered  or 
dared  to  penetrate  his  hiding  place  ;  for,  as  a  Kansas 
author  has  truly  said,  "  so  carefully  could  he  conceal 
his  quarters,  that  when  you  wished  to  find  him,  when 
12* 


138      The  Conqueft  of  Kanfas  Complete. 

he  does  not  wish  it,  you  might  as  well  hunt  for  a  nee 
dle  in  a  haystack.  He  was  astonished  and  indignant 
when  the  Federal  officer  informed  him  that  he  must 
consider  himself  a  prisoner,  as  a  civil  functionary,  who 
accompanied  the  troops,  had  a  warrant  out  for  him 
which  he  was  there  to  serve.  "  Take  my  advice,"  said 
the  officer,  "  and  make  no  resistance."  Captain  Brown 
answered  that  if  any  territorial  official  dared  to  serve  a 
writ  on  him,  he  would  shoot  hkn  dead  on  the  spot ; 
and,  fixing  his  stern  glance  on  the  Marshal,  convinced 
that  trembling  official  that  the  presence  of  a  company 
of  soldiers  would  not  save  him  from  the  fate  the  old 
man  threatened. 

FATE   LIBERATED. 

"  Colonel  S ordered  him  to  stand  by  his  stirrup  and  lead  him 

into  camp.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  dragoons  went  into  the 
camp  of  Old  Brown.  So  rapidly  and  unexpectedly  did  the  thing 
occur,  that  there  was  no  opportunity  to  secure  the  arms  and  horses 
taken  at  Black  Jack.  Only  fifteen  of  Brown's  men  were  in  the  camp 

at  the  moment  they  entered  it;  *  but  that  camp,  Colonel  S ,  who 

was  astonished  at  it,  afterwards  said,  a  small  garrison  could  have  held 
against  a  thousand  men,  as,  from  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  ground, 
artillery  could  not  be  brought  to  bear  on  it.  It  is  not  wonderful  that 
both  Colonel  S and  the  Deputy  Sheriff  should  come  to  the  con 
clusion  that  the  handful  of  Free  State  men  they  saw,  with  nearly 
twice  their  own  number  of  prisoners,  were  only  a  part  of  Brown's 
force.  They  believed  that  a  hundred  riflemen  must  be  concealed  in 
the  thickets  around  it ;  consequently  the  tone  of  these  gallant  officers 

and  gentlemen  grew  more  urbane  and  polite.  Colonel  S asked 

the  Deputy  Sheriff  if  he  had  not  some  writs  of  arrest.  Deputy  looked 
carefully  around  him,  fixed  his  timid,  irresolute  eyes  on  the  prisoners, 
and  the  small  band  Captain  Brown  had  with  him,  and  at  the  dense  and 
mysterious  looking  thickets  around  him,  and  said,  in  a  hesitating 
voice, 

"  'Well,  I  believe  I  don't  see  any  body  here  against  whom  I  have 
any  writ.' 

*  Among  them  was  John  E.  Cook,  who,  a  few  days  before,  after  Lenhart's  campwaa 
broken  up  by  the  Dragoons,  went  and  joined  Old  Brown  for  a  time. 


The  Conqueft  of  Kanfas  Complete.      139 

"  '  You  don't ! '  said  Colonel  S ,  indignantly.  «  What  did  you 

toll  me  you  had  for  ?  What  did  you  mean  by  getting  my  help  to  make 
arrests,  if  you  have  none  ? ' 

"  '  Well,'  faltered  the  hesitating  Deputy,  'I  don't  think  there  is  any 
body  here  I  want  to  arrest ! ' 

"  Colonel  S ,  who  is  rather  blunt  and  off-handed,  and  not  much 

of  a  believer  in  humbug,  gave  the  Deputy  an  objurgatory  piece  of  his 
mind,  which  I  need  not  inflict  on  the  reader.  He  then  liberated  Cap 
tain  Pate  and  the  other  prisoners.  These  men  had  been  treated  ex 
ceedingly  well  by  Captain  Brown.  They  were  allowed  to  use  theii 
own  blankets  and  camp  equipage,  which  were  much  better  than  any 
thing  Brown  had ;  they  also  were  fed,  while  thus  held  captive,  much 
better  than  Brown  was  able  to  feed  his  own  soldiers.  Not  only  did 
the  prisoners  get  their  liberty,  but  their  horses,  arms,  equipage,  and 
stores  ;  nearly  all  that  had  been  taken,  and  all  except  what  Brown 
had  given  to  those  who  came  the  day  of  the  battle  to  help,  or  was  in 
the  hands  of  some  others  who  had  been  there,  and  who  were  not  now 
here.  The  guns  these  men  had  were  United  States  arms. 

"'Where  did  you  get  these  arms?'  asked  Colonel  S of  Cap 
tain  Pate. 

"  '  We  got  them  from  a  friend,'  was  the  reply.* 

"  '  A  friend  !  '  growled  S .  '  What  friend  had  a  right,  or  could 

give  you  United  States  arms  ? ' 

"In  this  dilemma,  Captain  Pate  did  as  many  a  wise  man  has  done 
before  him  —  evaded  the  question  when  he  did  not  feel  it  advisable  to 
answer  it.  The  arms  in  question  were  the  public  Territorial  arms, 
given  in  charge  of  the  Federal  officers  of  the  Territory,  for  the  use  of 
the  Territory,  and  by  them  given  to  the  Missourians.  This  not  being 
exactly  a  fit  story  to  tell,  Pate  entered  into  a.  disquisition  on  the  gen 
eral  subject  of  his  imprisonment,  and  told  S that  he  he  was  acting 

under  orders  of  Governor  Shannon  ;  and  that  his  being  taken  prisoner 
was  an  outrage. 

"'That  is  false,  sir!'  said  Colonel  S ,  sternly;  'I  had  a  con 
versation  with  Governor  Shannon  about  your  particular  case,  and  he 
declared  that  you  had  no  authority  for  going  about  the  country  with 
an  armed  force.' 

"  There  was  no  replying  to  this  ;  and  the  enraged  and  silenced  Pate 
bit  his  lip.  Colonel  S went  on  and  denounced  him  for  his  con 
duct  in  language  more  pointed  and  succinct  than  complimentary. 
He  wound  up  his  remarks,  however,  by  allowing  Pate  to  take  every 

*  A  more  truthful  answer  was  never  given  by  man.  The  Government  of  the  United 
States  was  the  friend  of  every  Missouri  highwayman  and  far-Southern  assassin,  horse- 
.aiefj  or  burglar,  who  at  this  period  infested  Kansas. 


140      The  Conqueft  of  Kanfas  Complete. 

thing  his  company  had  —  even  the  public  arms.     Captain  Brown  and 
his  company  were  then  ordered  to  disperse."  * 

This  was  the  first  instance  in  which  the  Missourians 
were  officially  reprimanded ;  and  for  this  rebuke.  Co 
lonel  Sumner,  a  relative  of  the  distinguished  Massa 
chusetts  Senator,  was  immediately  superseded  in  com 
mand  ! 

SACKING  OF   OSAWATOMIE. 

The  force  under  Whitfield,  although  they  had  given 
their  word  of  honor  to  disperse,  committed  numerous 
and  brutal  depredations  and  outrages  ;  and  on  the  7th 
of  June,  one  division  of  it  entered  the  town  of  Osawat- 
omie  without  resistance.  Lest  I  should  be  supposed 
to  be  a  partisan  historian,  I  will  transcribe  an  account 
of  their  proceedings  there,  as  written  by  a  National 
Democrat,  then  a  Federal  officeholder  : 

"  On  the  7th,  Reid,  with  one  hundred  and  seventy  men,  marched 
into  Osaw atomic,  and,  without  resistance,  entered  each  house,  rob 
bing  it  of  every  thing  of  value.  There  were  but  few  men  in  the  town, 
and  the  women  and  children  were  treated  with  the  utmost  brutality. 
Stores  and  dwellings  were  alike  entered  and  pillaged.  Trunks,  boxes, 
and  desks  Avere  broken  open,  and  their  contents  appropriated  or 
destroyed.  Even  rings  were  rudely  pulled  from  the  ears  and  fingers 
of  the  women,  and  some  of  the  apparel  from  their  persons.  The  liquor 
found  was  freely  drank,  and  served  to  incite  the  plunderers  to  in 
creased  violence  in  the  prosecution  of  their  mischievous  work.  Hav 
ing  completely  stripped  the  town,  they  set  fire  to  several  houses,  and 
then  beat  a  rapid  retreat,  carrying  off  a  number  of  horses,  and  loudly 
urging  each  other  to  greater  haste,  as  '  the  d — d  abolitionists  were 
coming  ! '  There  are  hundreds  of  well-authenticated  accounts  of  the 
cruelties  practised  by  this  horde  of  ruffians  ;  some  of  them  too  shock 
ing  and  disgusting  to  relate,  or  to  be  accredited  if  told.  The  tears 
and  shrieks  of  terrified  women,  folded  in  their  foul  embrace,  failed  to 
touch  a  chord  of  mercy  in  their  brutal  hearts  ;  and  the  mutilated 

*  Mr.  Phillips,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  this  narrative,  received  the  facts  from 
Captain  Brown,  Cook,  and  other  witnesses  of  the  scene. 


The  Conqueft  of  Kanfas  Complete.       141 

bodies  of  murdered  men,  hanging  upon  the  trees,  or  left  to  rot  upon 
the  prairies,  or  in  the  deep  ravines,  or  furnish  food  for  vultures  and 
wild  beasts,  told  frightful  stories  of  brutal  ferocity,  from  which  the 
wildest  savages  might  have  shrunk  with  horror."  * 

And  why  ?  Because  the  North  had  consented  to 
league  and  compromise  with  the  hideous  crime  of 
Southern  slavery. 

THE   SOUTH   TRIUMPHANT. 

Every  movement  made  by  the  Free  State  men  to 
defeat  and  punish  the  crimes  of  these  organized  ma 
rauders,  was  thwarted  by  the  Federal  troops,  who,  in 
an  official  proclamation,  were  ordered  to  disperse  "  all 
persons  belonging  to  military  companies,  unauthorized 
by  law ; "  in  which  were  not  included  the  banded 
Southern  invaders,  for  they,  as  soon  as  they  crossed 
over  the  border,  were  organized  into  Territorial  militia. 
The  face  of  Freedom  was  gloomy  ;  every  where  the 
South  was  triumphant,  or  had  conquered  ;  only  one 
additional  indignity  remained  to  be  inflicted.  Topeka 
had  hitherto  escaped  the  ravages  of  the  ruffians.  There, 
Colonel  Aaron  C.  Stevens,  a  man  afterwards  destined 
to  be  immortally  associated  in  fame  with  John  Brown, 
had  a  company  of  Free  State  boys,  who  were  ever  on 
the  alert  to  defeat  the  designs  of  the  invaders,  and 
always  ready,  at  call,  to  march  out  against  them. 

Up  to  this  time,  also,  the  Free  State  Constitution 
had  preserved  its  vitality.  On  the  4th  of  July,  1856, 
the  crowning  victory  of  the  South  was  gained  —  not 
by  their  own  cowardly  forces,  whom  Black  Jack,  Frank 
lin,  and  a  series  of  successful  guerilla  fights  had  in- 

*  Geary  in  Kansas.     By  John  H.  Gihon,  p.  91. 


142       The  Conquelt  of  Kanfas  Complete. 

spired  with  a  salutary  aversion  to  battles,  but  by  com 
panies  of  artillery  and  dragoons  of  the  United  States 
army,  led  on  by  a  Federal  officer.  On  that  day,  when, 
elsewhere,  Americans  were  celebrating  the  birth-day 
of  their  liberty,  the  Free  State  Legislature  was  broken 
up  by  force,  and  by  the  command  of  the  Federal 
Executive. 

This  was  the  last  drop  of  bitterness  in  the  Free  State 
cup ;  and  this  was,  also,  the  culmination  of  Southern 
success  ;  the  date,  at  once,  of  the  death  and  the  resur 
rection  of  Freedom  in  Kansas. 

The  Missouri  River  was  closed  against  Northern  em 
igration  ;  "  the  roads  were  literally  strewed  with  dead 
bodies;"*  the  entire  Free  State  population  of  Leav- 
enworth  had  been  driven  from  their  homes  ;  almost 
every  part  of  Kansas  was  in  the  power  of  the  invaders  ; 
the  army,  and  the  Government,  Federal  and  Territo 
rial,  the  Bench  and  the  Jury  box  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  oppressor  ;  and  our  State  Organization  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  Dragoons  ;  but  this  assemblage  of  eight 
hundred  men  at  Topeka,  on  the  4th  of  July,  inspired  a 
feeling  of  unity  and  power  never  known  before  ;  and, 
slowly  coming  to  the  Territory,  with  a  little  army,  but 
a  mightier  influence  of  inspiring  rude  men  with  furi 
ous  passions,  was  General  "  Jim  Lane  ;  "  while,  in  the 
woods  near  the  town,  lay  John  Brown  encamped,  who 
did  not  despair,  but  was  ready  to  release  the  prisoners 
at  Lecompton,  or  attack  the  Dragoons  if  the  party 
would  advise  it.  They  did  not ;  and  he  left  the  town. 

*  Declaration  of  Governor  Shannon. 


IX. 

BATTLE  OF  OSAWATOMIE. 

BROWN,  after  the  fourth  of  July,  re- 
\J  turned  to  Lawrence.  Early  in  the  month  of 
August,  General  Lane  entered  Kansas  by  the  way  of 
Nebraska  Territory.  The  confidence  that  the  fighting 
men  felt  in  his-  military  ability,  made  his  return  an 
event  of  historical  importance.  Several  revolting 
atrocities  —  the  mutilation  of  Major  Hoyt,  for  exam 
ple,  the  scalping  of  Mr.  Hopps,  and  a  dastardly  out 
rage  on  a  Northern  lady  *  —  aroused  once  more  the 
military  ardor  of  the  Free  State  men.  Aggressive  hos 
tilities  began.  The  cowardice  that  the  Southerners, 
now  vigorously  assailed,  displayed  at  every  point,  has 
never  probably  been  equalled  in  American  history : 

*  "On  the  following  morning,  a  young  lady  of  Bloomington  was 
dragged  from  her  home  by  a  party  of  merciless  wretches,  and  carried  a 
mile  or  two  into  the  country,  when  her  tongue  was  pulled  as  far  as 
possible  from  her  mouth,  and  tied  with  a  cord.  Her  arms  were  then 
securely  pinioned,  and,  despite  her  violent  and  convulsive  struggles  — 
But  let  the  reader  imagine,  if  possible,  the  savage  brutality  that  fol 
lowed.  She  had  been  guilty  of  the  terrible  offence  of  speaking 
adversely  of  the  institution  of  slavery."  —  Gilson's  Geary  in  Kan~ 
sets,  p.  98. 

>43 


144  Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 

excepting  recently,  indeed,  in  the  very  valiant  and  ven 
erable  State  of  Virginia. 

Hitherto,  the  Republican  leaders  in  the  East,  by 
every  mail  and  numerous  messengers,  had  earnestly 
and  successfully  counselled  peace  —  urging  the  Free 
State  men,  for  party  purposes,  to  submit  to  outrage 
rather  than  strike  an  offensive  blow.  The  insult  of  the 
Fourth  of  July,  followed  up,  on  the  13th  of  August,  by 
the  Governor's  proclamation,  —  which  practically  called 
on  the  Missourians  to  make  a  new  invasion, — ex 
hausted  the  patience  of  the  Northern  settlers,  and.  in 
a  rapid  series  of  surprises,  they  soon,  and  with  un 
exampled  precipitation,  drove  the  Southern  invaders 
from  all  their  inland  strongholds. 

Let  us  follow  John  Brown  during  this  eventful 
period.  From  the  4th  of  July  till  the  30th  of  August, 
he  was  neither  idle  nor  inactive.  With  a  wounded 
son-in-law,  who  had  been  shot  at  the  battle  of  Black 
Jack,  he  left  Topeka  about  the  end  of  July  ;  and,  on 
the  5th  of  August,  entered  the  camp  of  the  organized 
Northern  companies,  then  known  as  Jim  Lane's  army, 
at  a  place  four  miles  from  the  northern  boundary  line, 
which  the  emigrants  had  named  Plymouth,  in  honor 
of  the  Puritans,  —  who  had  crossed  the  sea  for  the 
same  purpose  that  they  were  now  crossing  the  prairie  : 

"  To  make  the  West  as  they  the  East, 
The  Homestead  of  the  Free." 

• 

A  brother  of  John  Brown's  wounded  son-in-law,  on 
learning  of  the  casualties  of  Black  Jack,  at  once  left 
North  Elba,  and  joined  the  second  Massachusetts  Corn- 
pan  v  at  Buffalo.  Th^  old  man  rode  into  camp,  and 


Battle  of  Ofkwatomie. 


'45 


inquired  if  Wm.  Thompson  *  was  there.  He  found  him, 
and  they  left  the  camp  together.  The  Captain  was 
riding  a  splendid  horse,  and  was  dressed  in  plain  white 
summer  clothing.  He  wore  a  large  straw  hat,  and 
was  closely  shaven  ;  every  thing  about  him  was  scru 
pulously  clean.  He  made  a  great  impression,  by  his 
appearance,  on  several  of  the  company ;  who,  without 
knowing  him,  at  once  declared  that  he  must  be  a  "  re 
markable  man "  in  disguise.  The  old  hero  and  his 
party  then  proceeded  to  Nebraska  City,  or  Tabor,  in 
Iowa,  and  left  the  wounded  man  and  his  brother  there. 
General  Lane  was  not  with  his  army,  but  came  clown 
with  a  few  friends,  —  among  them  Captain  Brown,  — 
reached  Topeka  on  the  night  of  the  10th  of  August ; 
and  at  once  took  command  of  the  Free  State  forces. 
He  immediately  started  for  Lawrence,  and,  on  arriv 
ing  there,  found  that  the  Northern  boys  were  pre 
paring  to  attack  the  Georgians,  then  at  Franklin.  He 
and  Captain  Brown  were  both  present  at  that  skirmish. 
They  proceeded  on  the  same  night  to  Rock  Creek,  for 
the  purpose  of  seizing  the  murderers  of  Major  Hoyt ; 
and  Captain  Brown  there  assumed  the  command  of  a 
small  company  of  cavalry.  They  encamped  near  Rock 
Creek  ;  the  disfigured  body  of  Major  Hoyt  was  discov 
ered,  and  decently  buried  ;  and,  in  the  morning,  they 
started  for  Fort  Sanders,  on  Washington  Creek,  to  find 
that  the  Missourians  had  fled.  It  is  probable  that  the 
old  man  was  also  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Titus  ;  and  it 
is  certain  that,  on  the  26th  of  August,  his  company 
was  at  Middle  Creek,  at  a  point  now  called  Battle 

*  He  fell  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

13 


146  Battle  of  Olawatomie. 

Mound,  eight  miles  from  Osawatomie,  where  there  was 
a  camp  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  Southern  invaders. 
The  Free  State  forces,  consisting  of  sixty  men,  —  the 
united  companies  of  John  Brown,  Captain  Shore,  and 
Preacher  Steward,*  —  surprised  and  attacked  these 
marauders  at  noon,  and  utterly  routed  them  in  a  few 
minutes,  killing  two  of  them,  and  capturing  thirteen 
prisoners,  and  twenty-nine  horses,  three  wagon  loads 
of  provisions,  and  one  hundred  stand  of  arms. 

On  the  same  night,  a  detachment  of  this  Free  State 
force  travelled  to  a  point  on  the  Sugar  Creek,  fifteen 
miles  distant,  and  captured  over  sixty  head  of  cattle, 
which  the  Southern  marauders  had  brought  into  the 
Territory,  or  stolen  from  the  settlers. 

A   NEW   INVASION. 

On  the  17th  of  August,  the  Missourians,  alarmed  at 
the  threatening  aspect  of  affairs  in  the  Territory,  is 
sued,  at  Lexington,  an  inflammatory  appeal  for  another 
grand  and  overwhelming  expedition  against  the  North 
ern  men  in  Kansas.  It  is  so  characteristic  of  the  times 
and  the  spirit  of  the  Slave  States,  and  indicates  so 
clearly  the  terro^  which  Old  Brown  had  inspired  in 
Missouri,  that  I  subjoin  it  with  a  few  rhetorical  omis 
sions  only : 

To  THE  CITIZENS  OF  LAFAYETTE  COUNTY  : 

It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform  you  that  civil  war  has  again 
commenced  in  Kansas.  Four  hundred  abolitionists,  under  Lane,  have 
actually  come  into  the  Territory,  and  commenced  a  war  of  extermina 
tion  upon  the  pro-slavery  settlers. 

*  This  gentleman  -was  even  more  expert  with  the  sword  of  Gideon  than  with  the 
sword  of  the  Spirit.  He  has  been  in  more  fights  and  liberated  more  slaves  than  any 
other  man  r.5?r  in  Kansas.  Ha  has  won  the  honorable  title  of  the  Fighting  Preacher. 
He  "  still  lives." 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie.  147 

On  the  6th  of  August,  the  notorious  Brown,  with  a  party  of  three 
hundred  abolitionists,  made  an  attack  upon  a  colony  of  Georgians, 
numbering  about  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  souls,  one  hundred 
and  seventy-five  of  whom  were  women,  children,  and  slaves.  Their 
houses  were  burned  to  the  ground,  all  their  property  stolen,  —  horses, 
cattle,  clothing,  money,  provisions,  all  taken  away  from  them,  — 
and  their  ploughs  burned  to  ashes.  This  colony  came  from  Georgia 
to  settle  peaceably  in  Kansas,  and  were  quietly  cultivating  the  soil, 
and  disturbing  no  one.  They  did  not  even  have  arms  for  defence. 
They  are  now  driven  from  the  territory,  with  nothing  left  but  their 
clothes  on  their  backs  —  indeed,  they  even  took  the  boots  off  the  men's 
feet,  and  put  them  on  their  own.  Captain  Cook,  who  has  charge  of 
the  colony,  is  now  here  asking  for  arms  and  men  to  aid  his  colony  to 
settle  again  in  the  Territory.* 

August  12.  —  At  night  three  hundred  abolitionists,  tinder  this  same 
Brown,  attacked  the  town  of  Franklin,  robbed,  plundered,  and  burnt, 
took  all  the  arms  in  town,  broke  open  and  destroyed  the  post  office, 
carried  away  the  old  cannon  "  Sacramento,"  which  our  gallant  Missou- 
rians  captured  in  Mexico,  and  are  now  turning  its  mouth  against  our 
friends.  Six  men  were  killed,  and  Mrs.  Crane  knocked  down  by  an 
abolitionist.  [All  false.] 

The  same  day  a  Mr.  Williams,  a  settler  near  St.  Bernard,  was  shot 
by  an  abolitionist,  who  sneaked  upon  him  while  he  was  quietly  maul 
ing  rails  on  his  claim. f 

August  13. — About  fifty  abolitionists  attacked  the  house  of  Mr. 
White,  J  in  Lykins  County,  robbed  him  of  every  thing,  and  drove  him 

*  This  "peaceable  colony  of  Georgia  men,  women,  children,  and  slaves,"  was  really 
composed  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  of  Buford's  Southron  invaders,  the  Georgia 
contingent  of  that  marauding  force.  About  the  beginning  of  July,  they  camped  near 
Batters ville,  a  village  of  the  Wea  Indians,  on  the  Reserve  belonging  to  that  nation. 
This  place  is  about  eight  miles  south-east  of  Osawatomie.  They  made  no  improve 
ments,  or  took  any  steps  toward  a  settlement,  the  fact  of  camping  on  the  Wea  lands 
being  sufficient  proof  that  they  had  no  such  intention,  for  they  were  not  open  to  set 
tlement.  They  lived  there  in  tents,  sold  whiskey  to  the  Weas  and  Miamis,  with  whom 
they  pretended  to  form  some  sort  of  treaty,  and  plundered  and  annoyed  the  Free  Stato 
settlers.  About  the  second  of  August,  they  took  prisoner  Preacher  Stewart,  robbed 
him  of  his  horse,  and  stated  that  they  intended  to  hang  him.  Preparatory  to  the 
execution  of  this  murderous  threat,  he  was  left  in  charge  of  two  drunken  Miami 
Indians.  Stewart,  not  being  desirous  of  a  "  suspension,"  made  his  escape,  and  reached 
Lawrence  as  speedily  as  possible.  Ho  immediately  raised  a  company  of  ninety  Free 
State  men,  and  started  for  the  Southern  camp.  They  heard  of  his  approach,  and  left 
in  haste.  When  the  Lawrence  "  boys  "  arrived  at  Battersville,  they  found  some  whiskcf 
and  a  broken  wagon.  Captain  Brown  was  on  the  northern  boundary  line  at  the  time. 
Preacher  Stewart  and  Captain  Cutler  were  in  command  of  the  Free  State  men. 

f  Mr.  Williams  was  a  quiet,  peaceable  man.  He  was  murdered  by  a  pro-slavery 
ruffian  named  McBride,  for  the  crime  of  being  a  Missourian  and  Free  State. 

J  Preacher  White,  the  murderer  of  Frederick  Brown.    This  statement  also  is  false. 


148  Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 

into  Missouri.     He  is  a  Free  State  man,  but  sustains  the  laws  of  the 
Territory. 

August  15.  —  Brown,  with  four  hundred  abolitionists,  mostly  Lane's 
men,  mounted  and  armed,  attacked  Treadwell's  settlement,  in  Douglass 
County,  numbering  about  thirty  men. 

They  planted  the  old  cannon  "  Sacramento"  towards  the  colony, 
and  surrounded  them.  They,  being  so  largely  overpowered,  attempted 
to  escape ;  but  as  they  were  on  foot,  it  is  feared  they  have  all  been 
taken  and  murdered. 

#  *  *  * 

Meet  at  Lexington  on  WEDNESDAY,  August  20,  at  12  o'clock. 
BRING  YOUR  HORSES,  YOUR  GUNS,  AND  YOUR  CLOTHING  —  all  ready  to 
go  on  to  Kansas.  Let  every  man  who  can  possibly  leave  home,  go 
now  to  save  the  lives  of  our  friends.  Let  those  who  cannot  go  hitch 
up  their  wagons  and  throw  in  a  few  provisions,  and  get  more  as  they 
come  along  by  their  neighbors,  and  bring  them  to  Lexington  on 
Wednesday.  Let  others  bring  horses  and  mules,  and  saddles  and  guns, 
—  all  to  come  in  on  Wednesday.  We  must  go  immediately.  There 
is  no  time  to  spare,  and  no  one  must  hold  back.  Let  us  all  do  a  little, 
and  the  job  will  be  light.  We  want  two  hundred  to  three  hundred 
men  from  this  county.  Jackson,  Johnson,  Platte,  Clay,  Ray,  Saline, 
Carroll,  and  other  counties  are  now  acting  in  this  matter.  All  of  them 
will  send  up  a  company  of  men,  and  there  will  be  a  concert  of  action. 
NEW  SANTA  FE,  Jackson  County,  will  be  the  place  of  rendezvous  for 
the  whole  crowd,  and  our  motto  this  time  will  be,  "No  quarter." 
Come  up,  then,  on  Wednesday,  and  let  us  have  concert  of  action. 
Let  no  one  stay  away.  We  need  the  old  men  to  advise,  the  young  men  to 
execute.  We  confidently  look  for  eight  hundred  to  one  thousand  citi 
zens  to  be  present. 

At  the  same  time  a  similar  address,  more  general  in 
its  character,  was  issued  from  Westport,  and  dated 
August  16.  It  was  signed  by  David  R.  Atchison,  W. 
H.  Russell,  A.  G.  Boone,  and  B.  F.  String-fellow. 

Thus  appealed  to,  a  force  of  two  thousand  men  as 
sembled  at  the  village  of  Santa  Fd,  on  the  border  ;  and, 
after  entering  the  Territory,  divided  into  two  forces 
—  one  division,  led  by  Senator  Atchison,  marching  to 
Bull  Creek,  and  the  other  wing,  under  General  Reid, 
advancing  to  Osawatomie. 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie.  149 

The  force  under  Atchison  fled  precipitately  on  the 
morning  of  August  31,  on  the  approach  of  General 
Lane,  and  after  a  slight  skirmish  between  the  advance 
guards  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  "armies,"  which 
occurred  about  sunset  on  the  previous  evening.  They 
fled  in  company  with  the  division  that  had  just  returned 
from  Osawatomie. 

The  reception  of  this  force  at  Osawatomie  by  Captain 
John  Brown  is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  episodes  of 
Kansas  history.  They  were  between  four  and  five 
hundred  strong,  —  armed  with  United  States  muskets, 
bayonets,  and  revolvers,  with  several  pieces  of  cannon 
and  a  large  supply  of  ammunition.  When  John  Brown 
saw  them  coming,  he  resolved,  to  use  his  own  modest 
phrase,  to  "  annoy  them." 

This  is  his  own  account  of  the  way  in  which  lie 
did  it: 

CAPTAIN   BROWN'S   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   BATTLE. 

"  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  August,  the 
enemy's  scouts  approached  to  within  one  mile  and  a 
half  of  the  western  boundary  of  the  town  of  Osawat 
omie.  At  this  place  my  son  Frederick  K.  (who  was 
not  attached  to  my  force)  had  lodged,  with  some  four 
other  young  moii  from  Lawrence,  and  a  young  man 
named  Garrison,  from  Middle  Creek. 

"  The  scouts,  led  by  a  pro-slavery  preacher  named 
White,  shot  my  son  dead  in  the  road,  whilst  he  —  as  I 
have  since  ascertained  —  supposed  them  to  be  friendly. 
At  the  same  time  they  butchered  Mr.  Garrison,  and 
badly  mangled  one  of  the  young  men  from  Lawrence, 
who  came  with  my  son,  leaving  him  for  dead. 
13* 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 


"  This  was  not  far  from  sunrise.  I  had  stopped  dur 
ing  the  night  about  two  and  one  half  miles  from  them, 
and  nearly  one  mile  from  Osawatomie.  I  had  no 
organized  force,  but  only  some  twelve  or  fifteen  new 
recruits,  who  were  ordered  to  leave  their  preparations 
for  breakfast,  and  follow  me  into  the  town  as  soon  as 
this  news  was  brought  to  me. 

"  As  I  had  no  means  of  learning  correctly  the  force 
of  the  enemy,  I  placed  twelve  of  the  recruits  in  a  log 
house,  hoping  we  might  be  able  to  defend  the  town.  I 
then  gathered  some  fifteen  more  men  together,  whom 
we  armed  with  guns  ;  and  we  started  in  the  direction 
of  the  enemy.  After  going  a  few  rods,  we  could  see 
them  approaching  the  town  in  line  of  battle,  about  one 
half  a  mile  off,  upon  a  hill  west  of  the  village.  I  then 
gave  up  all  idea  of  doing  more  than  to  annoy,  from  the 
timber  near  the  town,  into  which  we  were  all  retreated, 
and  which  was  filled  with  a  thick  growth  of  under 
brush,  but  had  no  time  to  recall  the  twelve  men  in  the 
log  house,  arid  so  lost  their  assistance  in  the  fight. 

"  At  the  point  above  named,  I  met  with  Captain 
Cline,  a  very  active  young  man,  who  had  with  him 
some  twelve  or  fifteen  mounted  men,  and  persuaded 
him  to  go  with  us  into  the  timber,  on  the  southern 
shore  of  the  Osage,  or  Marais-des-Cygnes,  a  little  to  the 
north-west  from  the  village.  Here  the  men,  numbering 
not  more  than  thirty  in  all,  were  directed  to  scatter 
and  secrete  themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  and  await 
the  approach  of  the  enemy.  This  was  done  in  full 
view  of  them,  (who  must  have  seen  the  whole  move 
ment,)  and  had  to  be  done  in  the  utmost  haste.  I 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 


believe  Captain  Cline  and  some  of  his  men  were  not 
even  dismounted  in  the  fight,  but  cannot  assert  posi 
tively.  When  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  had  ap 
proached  to  within  common  rifle  shot,  we  commenced 
firing ;  and  very  soon  threw  the  northern  branch  of 
the  enemy's  line  into  disorder.  This  continued  some 
fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  which  gave  us  an  unccm- 
mon  opportunity  to  annoy  them.  Captain  Cline  and 
his  men  soon  got  out  of  ammunition,  and  retired 
across  the  river. 

"  After  the  enemy  rallied,  we  kept  up  our  fire ; 
until,  by  the  leaving  of  one  and  another,  we  had  but 
six  or  seven  left.  We  then  retired  across  the  river. 

"  We  had  one  man  killed  —  a  Mr.  Powers,  from 
Captain  Cline's  company  —  in  the  fight.  One  of  my 
men  —  a  Mr.  Partridge  —  was  shot  in  crossing  the 
river.  Two  or  three  of  the  party,  who  took  part  in 
the  fight,  are  yet  missing,  and  may  be  lost  or  taken 
prisoners.  Two  were  wounded,  viz.,  Dr.  Updegraff 
and  a  Mr.  Collis. 

"  I  cannot  speak  in  too  high  terms  of  them,  and  of 
many  others  I  have  not  now  time  to  mention. 

"  One  of  my  best  men,  together  with  myself,  was 
struck  with  a  partially  spent  ball  from  the  enemy,  in  the 
commencement  of  the  fight,  but  we  were  only  bruised. 
The  loss  I  refer  to  is  one  of  my  missing  men.  Tho 
loss  of  the  enemy,  as  we  learn  by  the  different  state 
ments  of  our  own,  as  well  as  their  people,  was  some 
thirty-one  or  two  killed,  and  from  forty  to  fifty  wounded. 
After  burning  the  town  to  ashes,  and  killing  a  Mr. 
Williams  they  had  taken,  whom  neither  party  claimed, 


152  Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 

they  took  a  hasty  leave,  carrying  their  dead  and 
wounded  with  them.  They  did  not  attempt  to  cross 
the  river,  nor  to  search  for  us,  and  have  not  since 
returned  to  look  over  their  work. 

"  I  give  this  in  great  haste,  in  the  midst  of  constant 
interruptions.  My  second  son  was  with  me  in  the 
fight,  and  escaped  unharmed.  This  I  mention  for  the 
benefit  of  his  friends. 

"  Old  preacher  White,  I  hear,  boasts  of  having'  killed 
my  son.  Of  course  he  is  a  lion. 

"JOHN  BROWN. 

"  LAWRENCE,  KANSAS,  September  7,  1856." 

The  brilliancy  of  this  exploit  can  only  faintly  be 
traced  in  the  old  hero's  modest  and  characteristic  ac 
count  of  it.  Nearly  five  hundred  men,  as  the  Mis- 
sourians  subsequently  admitted,  —  and  all  of  them 
heavily  armed,  —  were  arrested  in  their  march  of  des 
olation  by  a  little  band  of  sixteen  heroes,  imperfectly 
equipped ;  for  the  company  of  Captain  Cline,  after 
firing  a  few  shots,  retired  from  the  conflict,  in  conse 
quence  of  being  out  of  ammunition  ;  and  there  was 
only  one  Sharpe's  rifle  in  Captain  Brown's  command. 
The  old  man  stood  near  a  "  sapling,"  which  is  still 
pointed  out,  during  the  whole  of  this  memorable  en 
gagement,  quietly  giving  directions  to  his  men,  and 
"  annoying  the  enemy"  with  his  own  steady  rifle, 
indifferent  to  the  grape  shots  and  balls  which  whizzed 
around  him,  and  hewed  down  the  limbs,  scattered  the 
foliage,  and  peeled  off  the  bark  from  the  trees  on  every 
side.  When  the  writer  visited  the  site,  many  months 
after  this  event,  the  wood  still  bore  the  marks  of  that 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 


glorious  conflict.  The  General  of  the  invading  army 
afterwards  admitted  that  if  Brown  had  been  provided 
with  Sharpe's  rifles,  nothing  could  have  prevented  his 
men  from  making  an  ignominious  retreat. 

The  fearful  slaughter  was  occasioned  by  the  lawless 
character  of  the  invading  force.  Alarmed  at  being 
fired  at,  they  refused  to  obey  orders,  and  foolishly  hud 
dled  around  the  dead  and  wounded,  instead  of  standing 
in  their  ranks  and  "  closing  up."  Into  these  panic- 
stricken  groups  Old  Brown  poured  a  deadly  fire  ;  and, 
before  the  officers  of  the  enemy  could  restore  order  in 
their  companies,  thirty-two  men  lay  dead,  and  more 
than  fifty  wounded.  The  brave  band  of  Captain  Brown 
saw  the  whites  of  the  enemy's  eyes,  ere  the  old  man 
gave  the  order  to  retreat. 

The  invaders,  true  to  the  Southern  instinct,  mur 
dered  a  wounded  prisoner  who  fell  into  their  hands, 
arrested  and  killed  a  Mr.  Williams,  who  was  "  claimed 
by  neither  party,"  and  who  took  no  part  in  this  or  any 
other  conflict  ;  and,  on  the  following  morning,  offered 
"  Charley,"  the  Hungarian,  a  chance  for  his  life,  if  he 
should  escape  their  fire  —  a  cowardly  excuse,  as  the 
fearless  boy  told  them,  for  riddling  him  with  balls. 
They  fired  a  volley  into  him,  as  he  faced  them  de 
fiantly. 

Erroneously  supposing  that  they  had  shot  Captain 
Brown,  they  returned  to  Missouri,  and  boasted  of  their 
success  ;  but  the  large  number  of  corpses  and  wounded 
men  whom  they  brought  from  Osawatomie,  and  a 
knowledge  of  the  insignificant  force  of  abolitionists 
that  had  opposed  them,  created  a  feeling  of  terror  in 


1_J4  Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 

the  State,  from  which  the  Missourians  never  fully  re 
covered.  They  never  afterwards  thought,  and  seldom 
said,  that  the  Yankees  would  not  fight.  Captain  Brown 
first  created  a  dread  of  the  NORTH  and  her  men  in  the 
minds  of  the  Missourians ;  which,  more  than  any  other 
terror,  prevented  them  from  proceeding  vigorously  with 
the  project  of  re-conquering  Kansas.  For  General 
Lane,  in  the  North,  with  hardly  any  loss  of  life,  had 
done  what  Captain  Brown,  with  this  salutary  slaughter, 
had  effected  in  the  South  of  Kansas  — made  it  necessary 
to  effect  a  re-subjugation  of  the  Territory,  or  to  give  it 
up  to  freedom.  Lane  frightened  the  Southern  in 
vaders  ;  but  Brown  struck  terror  into  the  centre  of 
their  souls. 

"  OLD  PREACHER  WHITE." 

Old  Preacher  White,  who  shot  Frederick  Brown 
through  the  heart,  —  although  his  victim  was  quietly 
walking  along  on  the  road  unsuspecting  and  unarmed, 
—  and  afterwards,  as  the  corpse  lay  stiff  and  bloody  on 
the  ground,  discharged  a  loaded  pistol  into  its  open 
mouth,  was  a  "  National "  Divine,  of  "  the  Church 
South,"  of  course,  whose  fate  deserves  a  passing  notice 
here. 

In  order  to  make  capital  against  the  Northern  cor 
respondents  in  the  Territory,  by  throwing  discredit  on 
their  statements  of  Southern  outrage,  a  pro-slavery  man 
of  Westport,  Missouri,  wrote  an  account  of  the  recent 
murder  of  a  person  whom  he  called  "  Poor  Martin 
White,  a  Free  State  preacher  of  the  Gospel."  It 
served  its  purpose  —  for  it  was  originally  published  in 
a  Republican  paper  and  widely  copied  ;  when  —  as  had 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 


been  arranged  —  Martin  White  re-appeared,  denied  the 
story  of  his  death,  and  ridiculed  the  Republicans  for 
believing  such  stories.  For  a  long  time  afterwards,  the 
pro-slavery  papers,  whenever  an  outrage  was  recorded, 
would  sneeringly  allude  to  "  Poor  Martin  White." 

For  his  services  in  furthering  this  stratagem,  and  as 
a  reward  for  the  murder  of  Frederick  Brown,  "  Poor 
Martin  White  "  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Territorial 
Legislature  which  assembled  at  Lecompton.  During 
the  course  of  the  session  he  gave  a  graphic  account  of 
the  killing  of  Frederick  ;  laughingly  described  how, 
when  shot,  he  "  toppled  over"  —  the  honorable  mem 
bers  roared  at  this  Southern-Christian  phrase  —  and 
abused  my  friend  Phillips,  author  of  "  The  Conquest 
of  Kansas,"  for  having  spoken  of  the  act  as  a  murder  ; 
when,  said  the  assassin-preacher,  calmly,  "I  was  acting 
as  a  part  of  the  law  and  order  militia." 

Poor  Martin  White,  when  the  session  was  finished, 
proceeded  to  his  home.  But  he  never  reached  it.  "  Ho 
went  to  his  own  place,"  indeed  ;  for  his  corpse  was 
found  stiff  and  cold  on  the  prairie  —  with  a  rifle  ball 
in  it.  Poor  Martin  White  ! 

BROWN'S  ADDRESS  TO  HIS  MEN. 

THEY  are  coming  —  men,  make  ready  ; 

See  their  ensigns  —  hear  their  drum  ; 
See  them  march  with  steps  unsteady  : 

Onward  to  their  graves  they  come. 

God  of  Freedom  !  ere  to-morrow, 

Slavers'  corpses  Thou  shalt  see  ; 
Georgia  maids  shall  wail  in  sorrow, 

For  my  sacrifice  to  Thee  ! 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie. 

Philistines  shall  fall  —  the  river 
That  meanders  through  this  wood 

Shall  be  red  with  blood  that  never 
Throbbed  for  outraged  womanhood  ; 

Blood  of  men,  who,  when  their  brothers 
Traffic  human  flesh  for  gold, 

Laugh,  like  arch  fiends,  as  poor  mothers' 
Heartstrings  break  for  daughters  sold ; 

Men  who  scoff  at  higher  statutes 
Than  their  codes  of  legal  wrong ; 

Men  whom  only  tyrant-rule  suits ; 
Men  whom  Hell  would  blush  to  own : 

I  will  lay  them  as  on  altars, 

Prairies  !  on  your  grasses  green : 

Curs6d  be  the  man  who  falters  — 
Better  had  he  never  been. 

Brothers  !  we  are  God-appointed 

Soldiers  in  these  holy  wars ; 
Set  apart,  sealed  and  anointed 

Children  of  a  Heavenly  Mars  ! 

Weakness  we  need  not  dissemble  — 

But  Jehovah  leads  us  on : 
"Who  is  he  that  dares  to  tremble, 

Led  by  God  of  Gideon  ? 

Let  them  laugh  in  mad  derision 

At  our  Kttle  feeble  band  — 
God  has  told  me  in  a  vision 

We  shall  liberate  the  land. 

Rise,  then,  brothers  ;  do  not  doubt  me ; 

I  can  feel  his  presence  now, 
Feel  his  promises  about  me, 

Like  a  helmet  on  my  brow. 

We  must  conquer,  we  must  slaughter ; 

We  are  God's  rod,  and  his  ire 
Wills  their  blood  shall  flow  like  water : 

In  Jehovah's  dread  name  —  Fire  ! 


Battle  of  Ofawatomie.  157 

A   KANSAS    POSTSCRIPT. 

Since  the  foregoing  chapter  was  stereotyped,  an 
unfriendly  Kansas  paper  has  related  the  following  inci 
dent  of  the  Battle  of  Osawatomie : 

"  We  have  no  disposition  to  extenuate  the  crimes 
recently  committed  by  this  noted  man.  But  there  is 
no  reason  why  the  acts  of  kindness  and  charity  which 
he  was  wont  to  perform  should  be  forgotten,  now  that 
he  is  about  to  suffer  the  doom  of  a  felon. 

"An  instance  of  this  sort  fell  under  our  personal 
observation.  At  the  sacking  of  Osawatomie,  one  of 
the  most  bitter  pro-slavery  men  in  Lykins  County  was 
killed.  His  name  was  Ed.  Timmons.  Some  time  after 
wards,  Brown  stopped  at  the  log  house  where  Timmons 
had  lived.  His  widow  and  children  were  there,  and  in 
great  destitution.  He  inquired  into  their  wants,  re 
lieved  their  distresses,  and  supported  them  until  her 
friends  in  Missouri,  informed  through  Brown  of  the 
condition  of  Mrs.  Timmons,  had  time  to  conie  to  her 
and  carry  her  to  her  former  home.  Mrs.  Timmons 
fully  appreciated  the  great  kindness  thus  shown  her, 
but  never  learned  that  Captain  John  Brown  was  her 
benefactor." 

14 


X. 

JOHN   BROWN'S   DEFENCE    OF    LAWRENCE. 

TT7E  next  find  our  hero  in  the  town  of  Lawrence, 
VV  at  the  most  perilous  crisis  of  its  history.  His 
defence  of  it  is  still  remembered  with  gratitude  by  all 
the  brave  men  who  witnessed  and  participated  in  it. 
The  writer  at  that  time  was  in  Iowa,  in  charge  of  a  train 
of  provisions,  clothing,  and  military  supplies,  furnished 
for  the  free  state  men  by  the  patriotism  and  philanthropy 
of  the  generous  North.  He  has,  therefore,  no  personal 
knowledge  of  John  Brown's  conduct  at  that  eventful 
period  of  the  history  of  Lawrence ;  but  from  a  friend 
who  was  an  eye  witness,  and  a  brave  actor  in  it  under 
the  command  of  "  the  mighty  man  of  valor,"  he  has 
been  furnished  with  the  following  faithful  and  graphic 
narration.  Brave  like  his  captain,  but,  like  the  old 
man,  modest  also,  we  are  not  permitted  to  announce 
his  name: 

"  On  the  13th  day  of  September,  1856,  Jim  Lane, 
with  an  army  of  some  seventy-five  or  eighty  men,  pur 
sued  a  number  of  the  "  enemy,"  and  compelled  them 
to  take  shelter  in  some  log  houses  at  Hickory  Point. 
These  were  so  situated  on  a  high,  rolling  prairie  as  to 

.58 


Defence  of  Lawrence. 


command  a  view  of  the  whole  country  about  it ;  and 
being  well  fortified  in  them,  the  besieged  considered 
themselves  safe  even  from  the  destructive  effects  of 
Sharpe's  rifles  ;  and  knowing  that  the  besiegers  were 
destitute  of  cannon,  they  ran  up  from  the  top  of  their 
main  building  a  black  flag  —  "  No  Surrender."  This 
was  too  much  for  the  besiegers,  for  they  were  the  de 
scendants  of  those  brave-hearted  men  who  had  once 
intrusted  their  lives  and  their  fortunes  to  the  May 
flower  and  to  their  God.  Immediately  despatching  a 
messenger  to  Lawrence  for  reinforcements  and  a  small 
six-pound  howitzer,  with  directions  to  come  via  Topeka, 
Lane  withdrew  his  men  a  few  miles  to  the  west,  and 
encamped  for  the  night  near  a  spring,  where  he  found 
a  copy  of  the  inaugural  of  Governor  Geary,  whose 
arrival  in  the  territory  had  been  announced  only  a 
few  days  before.  Upon  reading  this  document,  Lane 
at  once  became  satisfied  of  the  good  intentions  of 
Geary  towards  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  thereupon 
disbanded  his  men ;  and  after  having  sent  another 
messenger,  also  by  the  way  of  Topeka,  to  countermand 
his  previous  order  for  reinforcements,  he  proceeded 
in  person  to  the.  north  line  of  the  territory.  But 
Colonel  Harvey,  to  whom  this  message  was  sent,  in 
stead  of  going  by  Topeka,  commenced  his  march 
directly  for  Hickory  Point,  on  Saturday  night,  about 
ten  o'clock,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and 
one  piece  of  cannon.  He  arrived  there  about  two 
o'clock  on  Sunday  afternoon ;  and  being  unable  to 
agree  upon  any  terms  with  the  besieged,  immediately 
commenced  a  cannonade  upon  their  fortresses,  and  ere 


160  Defence  of  Lawrence. 

the  sun  set  on  that  Sabbath  eve,  that  black  flag  was 
taken  down,  and  a  white  one  run  up  in  its  place. 
The  vanquished  came  to  terms,  and  agreed  to  leave 
the  territory  if  Colonel  Harvey  would  graciously  per 
mit  them  to  do  so ;  which  reasonable  request,  it  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say,  was  granted. 

But  during  this  transaction,  another  scene  in  the 
Kansas  drama  was  enacted  at  Lawrence.  Brown,  who 
had  been  up  to  Topeka,  was  on  his  way  home,  and 
remained  in  Lawrence  over  Sunday.  \JETis  little  army 
—  which  consisted  of  some  eighteen  «or  twenty  men, 
and  probably  never  exceeded  thirty  at  one  timeV-  was 
at  Osawatomie,  where  he  lived.  This  was  an  inde 
pendent  company — so  independent,  indeed,  that  they 
trusted  alone  for  victory  to  their  Sharpe's  rifles  and  to 
the  God  of  battles.  With  these  brave  and  resolute 
men,  six  of  whom  were  Brown's  own  sons,  he  carried 
on  a  guerilla  warfare  ;  and  whatever  may  be  said  of 
his  movements  at  Harper's  Ferry,  whether  they  mili 
tate  against  his  sanity  or  his  loyalty  to  our  govern 
ment,  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  free  Kansas  will  not 
soon  be  forgotten  by  those  who  witnessed  them. 

I  was  up  early  on  Sunday  morning,  and  went  down 
to  the  river  and  bathed,  and  came  back  to  my  tent, 
which  was  on  the  west  side  of  Lawrence,  and  busied 
myself  in  the  forenoon  in  writing  letters  home,  and  in 
writing  in  my  journal  the  proceedings  of  the  last 
week,  for  I  had  been  absent  that  length  of  time,  and 
my  journal  had  necessarily  been  neglected.  The  num 
ber  of  men  in  town  on  that  day  was  considerably  less 
than  was  usual ;  for,  besides  those  at  Hickory  Point  and 


Defence  of  Lawrence.  161 

Osawatomie,  there  were  several  other  companies  in 
different  parts  of  the  territory,  leaving  Lawrence  un 
protected  by  a  single  company.  The  number  of  avail 
able  men  —  citizens,  parts  of  companies,  and  stran 
gers  —  that  were  in  town  that  day,  would  not,  when 
all  told,  amount  to  more  than  two  hundred ;  so  that  it 
would  not  have  been  a  very  difficult  job  for  a  thousand 
well-armed  and  well-disciplined  troops  to  have  marched' 
into  the  heart  of  the  city,  and  burned  it,  as  was  par 
tially  done  in  the  month  of  May  previous,  by  federal 
authority.  It  was  not,  therefore,  a  very  desirable  piece 
of  information,  on  this  Sabbath  morning,  when  the 
church  bells  should  have  been  tolling  the  hour  for  the 
worship  of  Almighty  God,  an  hour  that  is  made  holy  by 
the  long-remembered  associations  of  aged  pastors  and 
Sabbath  school  teachers,  whose  frail  forms  are  now  fast 
fading  from  our  view  —  the  announcement  that "  twenty- 
eight  hundred  Missourians  were  marching  down 
upon  Lawrence,  with  drums  beating,  and  with  eagles 
upon  their  banners."  Yet  such  was  actually  the  case. 
Such  an  announcement  was  actually  made,  with  the 
expectation  that  we  would  believe  it.  Bat  we  did  not ; 
for  we  considered  it,  as  we  had  become  accustomed 
to  consider  all  of  like  character,  only  rumors,  and 
gave  them  no  consideration  until  we  should  become 
convinced  of  their  truth.  We  continued  our  several 
occupations,  whatever  they  happened  to  be,  whether 
reading,  writing,  cooking,  moulding  bullets,  or  clean 
ing  guns,  and  paid  but  little  attention  to  rumors,  hav 
ing  found  by  experience  that  a  large  majority  of  them 
were  false  alarms.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this  seeming 
14* 


162  Defence  of  Lawrence. 

indifference  to  danger,  messenger  after  messenger 
arrived  in  town  during  the  day,  each  one  bringing 
additional  news  of  the  invading  army,  and  corrob 
orating  the  statements  of  those  who  had  preceded  him, 
viz.,  that  Atchison  and  Reid  were  at  the  head  of  a 
large  force  of  Missourians,  variously  estimated  at  from 
fifteen  hundred  to  three  thousand,  and  that  Lawrence 
would  be  the  object  of  their  attack  that  afternoon. 

At  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same 
day,  we  were  compelled  to  give  credence  to  these 
rumors,  for  we  had  almost  ocular  demonstration  of 
their  truth  ;  for  we  saw  the  smoke  of  Franklin,  a 
little  town  five  miles  south-east  of  Lawrence,  curling 
up  towards  heaven,  and  mingling  with  the  clouds. 
There  were  dwellings,  under  whose  roofs  were  clus 
tered  many  little  ones  ;  the  domicile  in  whose  sanctuary 
are  holily  kept  all  the  sacred  household  gods,  that 
receptacle  for  man's  happiness  here  below,  which,  by 
the  principles  of  the  great  common  law,  is  termed  the 
freeman's  castle,  was  crumbling  to  ashes  before  his 
eyes  —  the  work  of  a  horde  of  incendiaries,  who  are 
urged  on  to  their  deeds  of  darkness  and  death  by  the 
influence  of  that  missionary  system  which  a  northern 
contemporary  gravely  terms  "  a  southern  economical 
interest  of  paramount  magnitude."  Then  there  was 
"  hurrying  to  and  fro,"  but  not  in  "  hot  haste,"  and 
with  "  tremblings  and  tears  of  distress,"  but  with  the 
cool  and  determined  resolution  to  repel  the  invaders, 
if  there  was  enough  virtue  in  powder  to  do  so. 

I  believe  it  is  the  first  impulse  of  an  unorganized 
populace,  during  the  impending  of  such  danger  as  now 


Defence  of  Lawrence.  163 

threatened  us,  to  desire  a  leader  or  commander,  and  to 
obey  his  orders.  At  least,  it  was  so  in  the  present 
instance  ;  for  it  was  very  evident,  that  without  a  con 
cert  of  action,  and  a  combination  of  the  different 
forces  that  were  in  town,  there  would  be  but  little 
safety  in  that  immediate  vicinity.  The  inquiry  was 
next,  Who  shall  be  that  leader  ?  Who  can  so  arrange 
the  effective  force  of  the  place  as  to  defend  it  to  the 
best  advantage  ?  It  was  no  sooner  known  that  Cap 
tain  Brown  was  in  town,  than  he  was  unanimously 
voted  general-in-chief  for  the  day.  The  principal  por 
tion  of  the  people  had  assembled  in  Main  Street,  oppo 
site  the  post  office  ;  and  Captain  Brown,  standing  upon 
a  dry-goods  box  in  their  midst,  addressed  them  some 
what  as  follows  : 

"  Gentlemen,  it  is  said  there  are  twenty-five  hun 
dred  Missourians  down  at  Franklin,  and  that  they  will 
be  here  in  two  hours.  You  can  see  for  yourselves  the 
smoke  they  are  making  by  setting  fire  to  the  houses  in 
that  town.  Now  is  probably  the  last  opportunity  you 
will  have  of  seeing  a  fight ;  so  that  you  had  better  do 
your  best.  If  they  should  come  up  and  attack  us, 
don't  yell  and  make  a  great  noise,  but  remain  perfectly 
silent  and  still.  Wait  till  they  get  within  twenty-five 
yards  of  you  ;  get  a  good  object ;  be  sure  you  see  the 
hind  sight  of  your  gun  :  then  fire.  A  great  deal  of 
powder  and  lead,  and  very  precious  time,  is  wasted  by 
shooting  too  high.  You  had  better  aim  at  their  leg& 
than  at  their  heads.  In  either  case,  be  sure  of  the 
hind  sights  of  your  guns.  It  is  from  this  reason  that  I 
nyself  have  so  many  times  escaped  ;  for,  if  all  the  bul- 


164  Defence  of  Lawrence. 

lets  which  have  ever  been  aimed  at  me  had  hit  me,  J 
would  have  been  as  full  of  holes  as  a  riddle." 

Having  thus  taught  them  in  the  arts  of  war,  he 
commenced  his  preparations  for  defence.  There  were 
several  forts  and  breastworks,  and  also  one  or  two  un 
finished  churches  in  the  south,  south-west,  and  south- 
cast  sides  of  the  town  :  these  were  all  manned  with  as 
many  soldiers  as  could  be  spared  for  them.  On  the 
north  of  the  town  ran  the  Kansas  River  ;  on  the  west  was 
a  ravine ;  and  the  enemy  were  looked  for  on  the  south. 
As  for  myself,  I  occupied,  with  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
others,  a  breastwork  thrown  across  the  south  end  of 
Massachusetts  Street  —  a  precaution  which  had  been 
found  necessary  in  the  early  part  of  the  season. 

Captain  Brown  was  always  on  the  alert,  visiting 
every  portion  of  the  town,  and  all  the  fortifications,  in 
person,  giving  directions,  and  exhorting  every  man  to 
keep  cool,  and  do  his  duty,  and  his  reward  would  be 
an  approving  conscience.  Among  other  preparations 
for  a  vigorous  defence,  a  number  of  merchants  went 
into  their  stores  and  brought  out  a  large  lot  of  pitch* 
forks  ;  and  every  man  who  was  not  provided  with  a 
bayonet  on  his  gun  was  furnished  with  a  fork,  which 
certainly  would  be  no  mean  weapon,  if  dexterously 
handled. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  invading  army  had  left  Frank 
lin,  and  were  marching  towards  Lawrence  ;  and  about 
five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  their  advance  guard,  con 
sisting  of  four  hundred  horsemen,  crossed  the  Waka- 
rusa,  and  presented  themselves  in  sight  of  town,  about 
two  miles  off,  when  they  halted,  and  arrayed  them- 


Defence  of  Lawrence.  165 

selves  for  battle,  fearing,  perhaps,  to  come  within  too 
close  range  of  Sharpe's  rifle  balls.  Brown's  movement 
now  was  a  little  on  the  offensive  order ;  for  he  ordered 
out  all  the  Sharpe's  riflemen  from  every  part  of  town, 
—  in  all  not  more  than  forty  or  fifty,  —  marched  them 
a  half  mile  into  the  prairie,  and  arranged  them  three 
paces  apart,  in  a  line  parallel  with  that  of  the  enemy  ; 
and  then  they  lay  down  upon  their  faces  in  the  grass, 
awaiting  the  order  to  fire.  While  occupying  this  posi 
tion,  a  gallant  trooper  from  the  enemy's  side  rode  up 
about  half  a  mile  in  advance  of  his  comrades  to  re 
connoitre  ;  halting  upon  a  little  rise  in  the  road,  and 
while  feasting  his  eyes  with  a  sight  of  "  Lane's  Ban 
ditti,"  a  full  mile  off,  one  of  them,  not  having  the 
fear  of  the  Missourians  before  his  eyes,  drew  a  bead  on 
him,  and  fired  at  him,  waiting  with  breathless  anxiety 
to  see  what  came  of  it.  In  two  or  three  seconds,  the 
ball  struck  in  the  road,  immediately  at  the  horse's  feet, 
and  the  rider,  satisfied  with  this  demonstration,  imme 
diately  wheeled  about,  and  putting  spurs  to  his  horse, 
was  soon  out  of  the  reach  of  even  Sharpe's  rifle  balls. 

Brown  now  changed  the  position  of  his  men  to  a 
rising  piece  of  ground,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to 
the  left,  which  overlooked  a  small  cornfield  of  eight 
or  ten  acres,  and  there  stationed  them  as  before,  with 
their  faces  to  the  ground.  A  simultaneous  movement 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy  brought  the  two  armies  face 
to  face,  about  half  a  mile  apart,  and  with  the  cornfield 
between  them. 

It  was  now  just  approaching  dusk.  The  shades  of 
evening  were  fast  settling  upon  all  Kansas  :  and  in- 


166  Defence  of  Lawrence. 

stead  of  there  being  a  Joshua  there,  to  charter  a  little 
more  of  the  light  of  day,  the  sun,  in  anticipation  of  a 
fratricidal  strife,  went  rapidly  down  behind  the  moun 
tains  ;  there  was  no  light,  even  of  the  moon  and  stars, 
for  the  intervening  clouds ;  and  Night  —  the  good 
angel  that  she  was  —  came  and  spread  her  dark  man 
tle  over  the  earth,  and  concealed  the  further  shedding 
of  blood  from  those  who  would  weep  at  sight  of  it. 
But  during  this  cover,  there  were  those  among  us  who 
were  to  depart  and  be  no  more  with  us  forever.  They 
were  to 

"lie  down 

With  patriarchs  of  the  infant  world  —  with  kings, 
The  powerful  of  the  earth," 

in  that  grand  receptacle  for  the  dead,  "  the  distant 
Aidenn,"  on  the  confines  of  whose  shores  there  are 
doubtless  worthier  and  "  better  "  soldiers,  as  well  as 
«  elder." 

The  distance  now  between  the  contending  armies 
was  such  as  to  give  to  Sharpe's  rifle  balls,  that  were 
fired  with  precision,  a  deadly  effect ;  as  was  evinced  by 
the  fact  that  several  horses  were  found  riderless.  In  a 
few  moments,  the  firing  became  general ;  and  in  the 
darkness,  and  otherwise  stillness  of  the  night,  the  con 
tinual  flash,  flash,  flash  of  those  engines  of  death  along 
that  line  of  living  fire,  presented  a  scene  the  appear 
ance  of  which  was  at  once  not  only  terrible,  but  sub 
limely  beautiful.  For  fear  that  the  few  men  detailed 
to  meet  the  enemy  would  be  surrounded  in  the  dark 
ness  by  the  superior  number  of  horsemen,  and  cut  to 
pieces,  a  twelve-pound  brass  piece,  under  guard  of 


Defence  of  Lawrence.  167 

twelve  men,  was  sent  to  their  assistance ;  but  before  it 
had  arrived  upon  the  ground,  the  foe  had  become 
panic-stricken  and  fled.  The  sons  of  chivalry  and  of 
the  sunny  South,  four  hundred  strong,  well  armed  and 
mounted,  precipitately  fled  before  thirty  or  forty 
footmen. 

That  night,  T.  and  I  took  our  blankets  and  lay 
down  immediately  within  the  breastwork  before  men 
tioned,  with  a  stone  for  a  pillow  and  the  clouds  for 
a  covering.  We  had  been  here  for  a  few  moments 
only,  when  Captain  Brown  came  along,  and  said, 
«  With  your  permission,  I  will  be  the  third  one  to 
aid  in  defending  this  fortification  to-night."  We 
readily  granted  his  request,  and  he  then  lay  down  by 
our  side,  and  told  us  of  the  trials  and  the  wars  he 
had  passed  through ;  that  he  had  settled  in  Kansas 
with  a  large  family,  having  with  him  six  full-grown 
sons ;  that  he  had  taken  a  claim  in  Lykins  county,  and 
was  attending  peacefully  to  the  duties  of  husbandry, 
when  the  hordes  of  wild  men  came  over  from  Missouri 
and  took  possession  of  all  the  ballot-boxes,  destroyed 
his  corn,  stole  his  horses,  and  shot  down  his  cattle,  and 
sheep,  and  hogs,  and  repeatedly  threatened  to  shoot 
him,  hang  him,  or  burn  him,  if  he  did  not  leave  the 
territory ;  and  as  many  times  endeavored  to  put  their 
.  threats  in  force,  Jnit  were  as  often  prevented  by  his 
^  eternal  vigilanceX  which  he  found  to  be  the  price  of 
his  life,  and  of  those  of  his  family ;  that  they  after 
wards  did  kill  and  murder  one  of  his  sons,  in  cold 
blood,  in  his  own  hearing,  and  almost  in  his  own  sight; 
and  all,  forsooth,  because  he  hated  slavery  !  When  he 


i68  Defence  of  Lawrence. 

told  me  that  he  held  that  promising  son  in  his  arms  as 
he  drew  his  last  breath,  and  thought  of  the  resem 
blance  he  bore  to  his  mother,  I  thought,  in  the  indig 
nation  of  the  moment,  that  had  that  been  my  son,  I 
would  have  sworn,  by  the  blood  that  crimsoned  his 
face,  forever  to  raise  my  voice  and  my  arm  against  the 
measures  and  the  men  who  had  thus  hunted  him  to  an 
untimely  death." 

Another  eye  witness  and  participator  in  this  mem" 
orable  action,  who  was  posted  with  Major  Bickerton 
on  Mount  Oread,  afterwards  published  a  poetical 
account  of  it;  which,  as  the  writer  —  Richard  Realf  — 
had  engaged  to  be  at  Harper's  Ferry,  but  died  on  his 
passage  from  England  as  he  was  coming  over  for  that 
purpose,  I  subjoin,  as  well  as  on  account  of  its  histor 
ical  accuracy,  literary  merit,  and  an  indication  of  the 
range  of  intellect  which  the  brave  old  hero  gathered 
around  him. 

THE  DEFENCE  OF  LAWRENCE. 

All  night,  upon  the  guarded  hill, 

Until  the  stars  were  low, 
"Wrapped  round  as  with  Jehovah's  will, 

We  waited  for  the  foe  ; 
All  night  the  silent  sentinels 

Moved  by  like  gliding  ghosts  ; 
All  night  the  fancied  warning  bells 

Held  all  men  to  their  posts. 

We  heard  the  sleeping  prairies  breathe, 

The  forest's  human  moans, 
The  hungry  gnashing  of  the  teeth 

Of  wolves  on  bleaching  bones ; 


Defence  of  Lawrence.  i69 

We  marked  the  roar  of  rushing  fires, 

The  neigh  of  frighted  steeds, 
And  voices  as  of  far-off  lyres 

Among  the  river  reeds. 

We  M  t're  but  thirty- nine  who  lay 

Beside  our  rifles  then ; 
We  were  but  thirty-nine,  and  they 

Were  twenty  hundred  men. 
Our  lean  limbs  shook  and  reeled  about, 

Our  feet  were  gashed  and  bare, 
And  all  the  breezes  shredded  out 

Our  garments  in  the  air. 

Sick,  sick,  at  all  the  woes  which  spring 

Where  falls  the  Southron's  rod, 
Our  very  souls  had  learned  to  cling 

To  Freedom  as  to  God ; 
And  so  we  never  thought  of  fear, 

In  all  those  stormy  hours, 
For  ever}7  mother's  son  stood  near 

The  awful,  unseen  powers. 

And  twenty  hundred  men  had  met, 

And  swore  an  oath  of  hell 
That,  ere  the  morrow's  sun  might  set, 

Our  smoking  homes  should  tell 
A  tale  of  ruin  and  of  wrath, 

And  damning  hate  in  store, 
To  bar  the  freeman's  western  path 

Against  him  evermore. 

They  came  :  the  blessed  Sabbath  day, 

That  soothed  our  swollen  veins, 
Like  God's  sweet  benediction,  lay 

On  all  the  singing  plains ; 
The  valleys  shouted  to  the  sun, 

The  great  woods  clapped  their  hands, 

15 


Defence  of  Lawrence. 

And  joy  and  glory  seemed  to  run 
Like  rivers  through  the  lands. 

They  came  :  our  daughters  and  our  wivea, 

And  men  whose  heads  were  white, 
Rose  sudden  into  kingly  lives, 

And  walked  forth  to  the  fight ; 
And  we  drew  aim  along  our  guns, 

And  calmed  our  quickening  breath ; 
Then,  as  is  meet  for  Freedom's  sons, 

Shook  loving  hands  with  Death. 

And  when  three  hundred  of  the  foe 

Rode  up  in  scorn  and  pride, 
"Whoso  had  watched  us  then  might  know 

That  God  was  on  our  side ; 
For  all  at  once,  a  mighty  thrill 

Of  grandeur  through  us  swept, 
And  strong  and  swiftly  down  the  hill 

Like  Gideons  we  leapt. 


throughout  that  Sabbath  day 

A  wall  of  fire  we  stood, 
And  held  the  baffled  foe  at  bay, 

And  streaked  the  ground  with  blood ; 
And  when  the  sun  was  very  low, 

They  wheeled  their  stricken  ranks, 
And  passed  on,  wearily  and  slow, 

Beyond  the  river  banks. 

Beneath  the  everlasting  stars, 

We  bended  child-like  knees, 
And  thanked  God  for  the  shining  scars 

Of  his  large  victories ; 
And  some,  who  lingered,  said  they  heard 

Such  wondrous  music  pass, 
As  though  a  seraph's  voice  had  stirred 

The  pulses  of  the  grass. 


XI. 

RETURN  TO  THE  EAST. 

AS  soon  as  the  Missourians  retreated  from  Franklin, 
John  Brown,  with  four  sons,  left  Lawrence  for 
the  East,  by  the  way  of  Nebraska  Territory.  When  at 
Topeka  he  found  a  fugitive  slave,  whom,  covering  up 
in  his  wagon,  he  carried  along  with  him. 

He  was  sick,  and  travelled  slowly.  Northern  squat 
ters,  at  this  time,  were  constantly  leaving  the  Territory 
in  large  numbers.  In  coming  down  with  a  train  of 
emigrants,  in  October,  I  met  two  or  three  hundred  of 
these  voluntary  exiles  —  all  of  them  having  terrible 
stories  of  Southern  cruelty  to  tell. 

Not  contented  with  having  closed  the  Missouri  River 
against  Northern  emigration,  the  South,  through  the 
Government,  determined,  also,  to  arrest  the  emigration 
from  the  Free  States  by  the  Nebraska  route.  It  was 
intended  to  stop  and  disarm  my  train  ;  but  a  few  forced 
marches  defeated  that  design.  It  was  known  that 
another  large  party  was  coming  in  after  me  :  this  train 
several  companies  of  cavalry  and  artillery  marched 
northward  to  arrest.  John  Brown  went  up  with  them, 
and  camped  with  them  every  night,  although  the  Mar- 

(171) 


172  Return  to  the  Eaft. 

shal,  who  led  the  force,  had  a  writ  for  his  arrest !  "  He 
was  then  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  surveyor  —  or  ap 
peared  as  such  to  them.  He  had  a  light  wagon  and  a 
cow  tied  behind  it.  His  surveyor's  instruments  were 
in  the  wagon  in  full  sight." 

As  soon  as  the  military  supplies  had  been  stored,  I 
left  Topeka  in  company  with  a  friend,  and  overtook  the 
troops  a  few  miles  from  Lexington,  a  town  site  on  the 
prairie,  thus  named  by  the  Massachusetts  companies. 
Passing  them,  and  travelling  twelve  miles  further,  I 
found,  lying  sick  in  bed,  at  the  solitary  log  hut  at 
Plymouth,  the  venerable  hero  of  Osawattunie  and  Law 
rence.  My  companion  was  a  physician,  who  at  once 
prescribed  remedies  for  his  fever.  I  urged  the  old  man 
to  move  on,  as  the  troops  were  approaching,  not  know 
ing  that  he  had  recently  encamped  with  them.  I  told 
him  that  they  intended  to  remain  at  Plymouth  until 
the  train  should  arrive  there  ;  and  that,  as  many  of  the 
people  here  knew  his  name,  he  might,  without  inten 
tional  treachery,  be  discovered  and  arrested.  He 
thanked  me  for  the  advice,  and  promised  to  follow  it. 
Leaving  the  house  he  remained  at,  I  saw  the  camp  of 
his  little  company  —  five  men  in  all,  and  four  of  them 
his  sons.  I  urged  on  them,  also,  the  importance  of 
moving  forward. 

A  few  hours  before  we  overtook  the  troops,  a  young 
man  joined  us,  and  reported  that  he  had  recently 
escaped  from  the  ruffians  at  Leavenworth.  Not  sus 
pecting  or  doubting  his  story,  as  we  rode  along  I  ex 
pressed,  in  enthusiastic  terms,  my  admiration  of  the 

*  Letter  from  Joel  Grover,  of  Lawrence. 


Return  to  the  Eaft. 


'73 


character  of  Old  Brown.  Our  new  acquaintance  sud 
denly  pretended  to  be  sick,  and  as  he  was,  withal, 
rather  a  bore  to  us,  we  advised  him  to  return  to  Ply 
mouth.  He  seemed  to  follow  our  advice,  but  rode  back 
•to  the  dragoons,  who  had  encamped  for  the  night,  and 
informed  them  where  Old  Brown  lay  sick.  A  detach 
ment  of  the  soldiery  was  instantly  sent  on  to  arrest 
him.  Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  the  slave  and 
American  honor,  they  arrived  too  late.  The  old  man 
had  crossed  the  Nebraska  line,  and  the  officer  in  com 
mand  did  not  dare  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  fol 
lowing  him. 

At  Tabor,  in  Iowa,  —  a  little  village  of  true  friends 
of  freedom,  —  the  old  man  and  his  sons  remained  two 
or  three  weeks.  This  village  was  a  colony  from  Ober- 
lin,  in  Ohio,  and  contributed  more  money  and  provis 
ions,  in  proportion  to  its  population,  than  any  other 
community  in  the  Union. 

About  the  end  of  November,  John  Brown  reached 
Chicago,  and  appeared  before  the  National  Kansas  Com 
mittee,  from  whom,  however,  the  only  aid  he  obtained 
was  a  suit  of  clothes,  which,  although  of  the  plainest 
cut  and  most  common  material,  he  did  not  like,  be 
cause  they  were  too  fine,  and  not  strong  enough  for  a 
man  of  his  simple  habits  and  tastes.  In  December  he 
was  at  Albany,  urging  on  the  leading  friends  of  Kan 
sas  the  necessity  of  more  efficient  action  against  the 
Southern  marauders. 

When  on  his  way  to  New  York,  lie  staid  for  a  few 
days  at  Cleveland.  The  Herald,  of  that  city,  recently 
eaid  of  this  visit : 

15* 


174  Return  to  the  Eaft. 


"  He  was  so  demented  as  to  suppose  he  could  raise  a  regiment  of 
men  in  Ohio  to  march  into  Missouri  to  make  reprisals  against  the 
Slave  forces,  and  even  asked  a  friend  if  the  power  of  the  State  could 
not  be  enlisted  in  that  matter.  ( He  was  then  told  by  many  that  he 
was  a  madman,  and  the  poor  man  left  sorrowing  that  there  was  no 
sympathy  here  for  the  oppressed., 

How  very  demented  !  The  whole  North  was  shout 
ing  itself  hoarse  in  execrating  the  Southern  invaders  of 
Kansas ;  and  yet,  when  an  earnest  old  man  proposed 
to  organize  this  resentment  into  an  effective  system  of 
aggressive  action,  "  he  was  told  by  many  that  he  was 
a  madman !  " 

His  half  brother,  Jeremiah,  seems  to  have  been  one 
of  those  unfortunate  men  with  whom  earnest  heroism 
is  synonymous  with  insanity.  When  the  illustrious 
old  man,  who  redeemed  his  name  and  family  from  the 
obscurity  of  an  excessive  familiarity,  —  and  made  the 
name  of  JOHN  BROWN,  hitherto  a  generic  title  for  the 
Saxon  race,  mean  the  highest  Christian  military  hero 
ism, —  this  relative,  under  oath,  declared: 

"  My  brother  John,  from  my  earliest  recollection,  has  been  an  hon 
est,  conscientious  man  ;  and  this  was  his  reputation  among  all  who 
knew  him  in  that  section  of  the  country.  Since  the  trouble  growing 
out  of  the  settlement  of  Kansas  Territory,  I  have  observed  a  marked 
change  in  brother  John.  Previous  to  this,  he  devoted  himself  entirely 
to  business ;  but  since  these  troubles  he  has  abandoned  all  business, 
and  has  become  wholly  absorbed  by  the  subject  of  Slavery.  He  had 
property  left  him  by  his  father,  and  of  which  I  had  the  agency.  He 
has  never  taken  a  dollar  of  it  for  the  benefit  of  his  family,  but  has 
called  for  a  portion  of  it  to  be  expended  in  what  he  called  the  Service. 
After  his  return  to  Kansas  he  called  on  me,  and  I  urged  him  to  go 
home  to  his  family  and  attend  to  his  private  affairs  ;  that  I  feared  his 
course  would  prove  his  destruction  and  that  of  his  boys.  This  was 
about  two  years  ago.  He  replied  that  he  was  sorry  that  I  did  not 
sympathize  with  him  ;  that  he  knew  he  was  in  the  line  of  his  duty, 
and  he  must  pursue  it,  though  it  should  destroy  him  and  his  family. 
He  stated  to  me  that  he  was  satisfied  that  he  was  a  chosen  instrument 


Return  to  the  Eaft.  175 

in  the  hands  of  God  to  war  against  Slavery.  From  his  manner  and 
from  his  conversation  at  this  time,  I  had  no  doubt  he  had  become  in 
sane  upon  the  subject  of  Slavery,  and  gave  him  to  understand  this  was 
my  opinion  of  him  !  " 

With  such  insane  men  are  the  highest  heavens  peo 
pled  ;  and  of  such  are  the  angels  who  minister  at  God's 
throne. 


XII. 

SPEECH  TO  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  LEGISLATURE. 

JOHN  BROWN  arrived  in  Boston  in  January,  185T. 
At  that  period  there  was  an  effort  made,  by  the 
friends  of  freedom  in  the  Commonwealth,  to  induce 
the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  to  vote  an  appropria 
tion  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  for  the  purpose  of  pro 
tecting  the  interests  of  the  North,  and  the  rights  of 
her  citizens  in  Kansas,  if  the  Territory  should  be 
again  invaded  by  organized  marauders  from  the 
Southern  States. 

A  Joint  Committee  was  appointed  by  the  General 
Court  to  consider  the  petitions  in  favor  of  a  State  ap 
propriation.  It  held  its  sittings  publicly.  Eminent 
champions  of  freedom  in  Massachusetts,  and  men  who 
had  distinguished  themselves  during  the  conflict  in 
Kansas,  were  invited  to  address  the  Committee. 
Among  the  Kansas  men  was  Captain  John  Brown, 
who,  on  the  18th  of  February,  appeared  at  the  capitol 
to  make  a  statement  of  his  views. 

The  writer  was  present  at  this  sitting,  and  reported 
the  old  man's  speech. 

Captain  Brown,  as  he  stepped  forward,  was  received 

176 


Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiflature.  177 

with  applause.  He  said  he  intended  to  speak  exclu 
sively  of  matters  of  which  he  was  personally  cogni 
zant  ;  and,  therefore,  the  committee  must  excuse  him 
if  he  should  refer  more  particularly  to  himself  and 
family  than  he  otherwise  would  do. 

He  then  read  the  following  statement  in  a  clear, 
ringing  tone : 

SPEECH   TO   THE   LEGISLATURE. 

"  I  saw,  while  in  Missouri,  in  the  fall  of  1855,  large 
numbers  of  men  going  to  Kansas  to  vote,  and  also 
returning  after  they  had  so  done  :  as  they  said. 

"  Later  in  the  year,  I,  with  four  of  my  sons,  was 
called  out,  and  travelled,  mostly  on  foot  and  during 
the  night,  to  help  defend  Lawrence,  a  distance  of 
thirty-five  miles ;  where  we  were  detained,  with  some 
five  hundred  others,  or  thereabouts,  from  five  to  ten 
days  —  say  an  average  of  ten  days  —  at  a  cost  of  not 
less  than  a  dollar  and  a  half  per  day,  as  wages ;  to  say 
nothing  of  the  actual  loss  and  suffering  occasioned  to 
many  of  them,  by  leaving  their  families  sick,  their 
crops  not  secured,  their  houses  unprepared  for  winter, 
and  many  without  houses  at  all.  This  was  the  case 
with  myself  and  sons,  who  could  not  get  houses  built 
after  returning.  Wages  alone  would  amount  to  seven 
thousand  five  hundred  dollars  ;  loss  and  suffering  can 
not  be  estimated. 

"  I  saw,  at  that  time,  the  body  of  the  murdered  Bar 
ber,  and  was  present  to  witness  his  wife  and  other 
friends  brought  in  to  see  him  with  his  clothes  on,. just 
as  he  was  when  killed.* 

*  By  a  federal  office-holder,  who  was  afterwards  promoted  to  a  more 
lucrative  post. 


178  Speech  to  the  Maffachuietts  Legiflature. 

"  I,  with  six  sons  and  a  son-in-law,  was  called  out, 
and  travelled,  most  of  the  way  on  foot,  to  try  and  save 
Lawrence,  May  20  and  21,  and  much  of  the  way  in 
the  night.  From  that  date,  neither  I  nor  my  sons, 
nor  my  son-in-law,  could  do  any  work  about  our 
homes,  but  lost  our  whole  time  until  we  left,  in  Oc 
tober  ;  except  one  of  my  sons,  who  had  a  few  weeks 
to  devote  to  the  care  of  his  own  and  his  brother's 
family,  who  were  then  without  a  home. 

"  From  about  the  20th  of  May,  hundreds  of  men, 
like  ourselves,  lost  their  whole  time,  and  entirely  failed 
of  securing  any  kind  of  crop  whatever.  I  believe  it 
safe  to  say,  that  five  hundred  free  state  men  lost  each 
one  hundred  and  twenty  days,  which,  at  one  dollar  and 
a  half  per  day,  would  be  —  to  say  nothing  of  attendant 
losses  —  ninety  thousand  dollars. 

"  On  or  about  the  30th  of  May,  two  of  my  sons,  with 
several  others,  were  imprisoned  without  other  crime 
than  opposition  to  bogus  legislation,  and  most  barba 
rously  treated  for  a  time,  one  being  held  about  one 
month,  and  the  other  about  four  months.  Both  had 
their  families  on  the  ground.  After  this,  both  of  them 
had  their  houses  burned,  and  all  their  goods  consumed 
by  the  Missourians.  In  this  burning  all  the  eight  suf 
fered.  One  had  his  oxen  stolen,  in  addition." 

The  Captain,  laying  aside  his  paper,  here  said  that  ho 
had  now  at  his  hotel,  and  would  exhibit  to  the  Com 
mittee,  if  they  so  desired,  the  chains  which  one  of  his 
sons  had  worn,  when  he  was  driven,  beneath  a  burning 
sun,  by  federal  troops,  to  a  distant  prison,  on  a  charge 
of  treason. ,  The  cruelties  he  there  endured,  added  to 


Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiflature.  179 

the  anxieties  and  sufferings  incident  to  his  position, 
had  rendered  him,  the  old  man  said,  as  his  eye  flashed 
and  his  voice  grew  sterner,  "  a  maniac  —  yes,  a 

MANIAC." 

He  paused  a  few  seconds,  wiped  a  tear  from  his  eye, 
and  continued  his  narration : 

"  At  Black  Jack,  the  invading  Missourians  wounded 
throe  free  state  men,  one  of  them  my  son-in-law;  and, 
a  few  days  afterwards,  one  of  my  sons  was  so  wounded 
that  he  will  be  a  cripple  for  life. 

"  In  August,  I  was  present  and  saw  the  mangled  and 
disfigured  body  of  the  murdered  Hoyt,  of  Deerfield, 
Massachusetts,  brought  into  our  camp.  I  knew  him 
well. 

"  I  saw  the  ruins  of  many  free  state  men's  houses  in 
different  parts  of  the  Territory,  together  with  grain  in 
the  stack,  burning,  and  wasted  in  other  ways,  to  the 
amount,  at  least,  of  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

"  I  saw  several  other  free  state  men,  besides  those  I 
have  named,  during  the  summer,  who  were  badly 
wounded  by  the  invaders  of  the  Territory. 

"  I  know  that  for  much  of  the  time  during  the  sum 
mer,  the  travel  over  portions  of  the  Territory  was 
entirely  cut  off,  and  that  none  but  bodies  of  armed 
men  dared  to  move  at  all. 

"  I  know  that  for  a  considerable  time  the  mails  on 
different  routes  were  entirely  stopped ;  and  notwith 
standing  there  were  abundant  troops  in  the  Territory 
to  escort  the  mails,  I  know  that  such  escorts  were  not 
furnished,  as  they  ought  to  have  been. 

"  I  saw  while  it  was  standing,  and  afterwards  saw 


180  Speech  to  the  MaiTachufetts  Legiflature. 

the  ruins,  of  a  most  valuable  house,  the  property  of  a 
highly  civilized,  intelligent,  and  exemplary  Christian 
Indian,  which  was  burned  to  the  ground  by  the  ruf 
fians,  because  its  owner  was  suspected  of  favoring  the 
free  state  men.  He  is  known  as  Ottawa  Jones,  or  John 
T.  Jones. 

"  In  September  last,  I  visited  a  beautiful  little  free 
state  town  called  Staunton,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Osage,  (or  Marais-des-Cygnes,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,) 
from  which  every  inhabitant  had  fled  for  fear  of  their 
lives,  even  after  having  built  a  strong  log  house,  or 
wooden  fort,  at  a  heavy  expense,  for  their  protection. 
Many  of  them  had  left  their  effects  liable  to  be  de 
stroyed  or  carried  off,  not  being  able  to  remove  them. 
This  was  to  me  a  most  gloomy  scene,  and  like  a  visit 
to  a  sepulchre. 

"  Deserted  houses  and  cornfields  were  to  be  found  in 
almost  every  direction  south  of  the  Kansas  River. 

"  I  have  not  yet  told  all  I  saw  in  Kansas. 

"  I  once  saw  three  mangled  bodies,  two  of  which 
were  dead,  and  one  alive,  but  with  twenty  bullet  and 
buck  shot  holes  in  him,  after  the  two  murdered  men 
had  lain  on  the  ground,  to  be  worked  at  by  flies,  for 
some  eighteen  hours.  One  of  these  young  men  was 
my  own  son" 

The  stern  old  man  faltered.  He  struggled  long 
to  suppress  all  exhibition  of  his  feelings ;  and  soon, 
but  with  a  subdued,  and  in  a  faltering  tone,  continued  : 

"  I  saw  Mr.  Parker,  whom  I  well  know,  all  bruised 
about  the  head,  and  with  his  throat  partly  cut,  after  he 
had  been  dragged,  sick,  frum  the  house  of  Ottawa 


Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiflature.  181 

Jones,  and  thrown  over  the  bank  of  the  Ottawa  Creek 
for  dead. 

"  About  the  first  of  September,  I,  and  five  sick  and 
wounded  sons,  and  a  son-in-law,  were  obliged  to  lie  on 
the  ground,  without  shelter,  for  a  considerable  time, 
and  at  times  almost  in  a  state  of  starvation,  and  de 
pendent  on  the  charity  of  the  Christian  Indian  I  have 
before  named,  and  his  wife. 

"  I  saw  Dr.  Graham,  of  Prairie  City,  who  was  a 
prisoner  with  the  ruffians  on  the  2d  of  June,  and  was 
present  when  they  wounded  him,  in  an  attempt  to  kill 
him,  ss  he  was  trying  to  save  himself  from  being  mur 
dered  by  them  during  the  fight  at  Black  Jack. 

"  I  know  that  numerous  other  persons,  whose  names 
I  cannot  now  remember,  suffered  like  hardships  and 
exposures  to  those  I  have  mentioned. 

"  I  know  well  that  on  or  about  the  14th  of  Sep 
tember,  1856,  a  large  force  of  Missourians  and  other 
ruffians,  said  by  Governor  Geary  to  be  twenty-seven 
hundred  in  number,  invaded  the  Territory,  burned 
Franklin,  and,  while  the  smoke  of  that  place  was  going 
up  behind  them,  they,  on  the  same  day,  made  their 
appearance  in  full  view  of,  and  within  about  a  mile  of 
Lawrence  ;  and  I  know  of  no  reason  why  they  did  not 
attack  that  place,  except  that  about  one  hundred  free 
state  men  volunteered  to  go  out,  and  did  go  out  on  the 
open  plain  before  the  town,  and  give  them  the  offer  of 
a  fight ;  which,  after  getting  scattering  shots  from  our 
men,  they  declined,  and  retreated  back  towards  Frank 
lin.  I  saw  that  whole  thing.  The  government  troops, 
at  this  time,  were  at  Lecompton,  a  distance  of  twelve 
16 


182  Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiflature. 

miles  only  from  Lawrence,  with  Governor  Geary ;  and 
yet,  notwithstanding  runners  had  been  despatched  to 
advise  him,  in  good  time,  of  the  approach  and  setting 
out  of  the  enemy,  (who  had  to  march  some  forty  miles 
to  reach  Lawrence,)  he  did  not,  on  that  memorable 
occasion,  get  a  single  soldier  on  the  ground  until  after 
the  enemy  had  retreated  to  Franklin,  and  been  gone 
for  more  than  five  hours.  This  is  the  way  he  saved 
Lawrence.  (Laughter.)  And  it  is  just  the  kind  of 
protection  the  free  state  men  have  received  from  the 
Administration  from  the  first." 

These  things  the  old  man  saw  in  Kansas. 

He  concluded  his  remarks  by  denouncing  the  traitors 
to  freedom,  who,  when  a  question  of  this  kind  was 
raised,  cried  out,  "  Save  the  people's  money  ;  the  dear 
people's  money !  "  He  made  a  detailed  estimate  of 
how  much  the  National  Government  had  expended  in 
endeavoring  to  fasten  Slavery  on  Kansas  ;  and  asked 
why  these  politicians  had  never  cried  out,  "  Save  the 
people's  money ! "  when  it  was  expended  to  trample 
under  the  foot  of  the  "  peculiar  "  crime  of  the  south, 
the  rights,  lives,  and  property  of  the  Northern  squat 
ters.  They  were  silent  then."  (Applause.) 

THE  CHAIRMAN  —  Captain  Brown,  I  wish  to  ask  you 
regarding  Buford's  men.*  Did  you  ever  mingle  with 
them  ?  And  if  so,  what  did  you  see  or  hear  ? 

CAPTAIN  BROWN  replied,  that  he  saw  a  great  deal  of 

*  Colonel  Buford  was  the  leader  of  several  companies  of  Georgia 
and  Alabama  bandits,  who  came  to  Kansas,  in  the  spring  of  1856, 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  expelling  or  exterminating  the  emi 
grants  from  the  North 


Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiftature.  183 

chem  at  first ;  that  they  spoke  without  hesitation  before 
him,  because  he  employed  himself  as  a  surveyor ;  and, 
as  nearly  all  the  surveyors  were  pro-slavery  men,  they 
probably  thought  he  was  "  sound  on  the  goose. "  * 
They  told  him  all  their  plans ;  what  they  intended  to 
do  ;  how  they  were  determined  to  drive  off  the  free 
state  men,  and  possess  themselves  of  the  Territory,  and 
make  it  a  Slave  State  at  all  hazards :  cost  what  it  might. 
They  said  that  the  Yankees  could  not  be  whipped, 
coaxed,  nor  driven  into  a  fight,  and  that  one  pro-slavery 
man  could  whip  a  dozen  abolitionists.  They  said  that 
Kansas  must  be  a  Slave  State  to  save  Missouri  from 
abolition  ;  that  both  must  stand  or  fall  together.  They 
did  not  hesitate  to  threaten  that  they  would  burn,  kill, 
scalp,  and  drive  out  the  entire  free  state  population  of 
the  Territory,  if  it  was  necessary  to  do  so  to  accomplish 
their  object. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  then  asked  who  commanded  the  free 
state  men  at  Lawrence  ? 

His  answer  was  characteristic  of  the  man,  whose 
courage  was  only  equalled  by  his  modesty  and  worth. 
He  explained  how  bravely  our  boys  acted  —  gave  every 
one  the  credit  but  himself.  When  again  asked  who 
commanded  them,  he  said  —  no  one  ;  that  he  was  asked 
to  take  the  command,  but  refused,  and  only  acted  as 
their  adviser! 

The  Captain  spoke,  in  conclusion,  about  the  emi 
grants  needed  for  Kansas. 

"  We  want,"  he  said,  "  good  men,  industrious  men, 

*  Western  phrase :  equivalent  to,  a  reliable  friend  of  slavery. 


184  Speech  to  the  Maffachufetts  Legiftature. 

men  who  respect  themselves ;  who  act  only  from  the 
dictates  of  conscience  ;  men  who  fear  God  too  much  to 
fear  any  thing  human" 

THE  CHAIRMAN  —  What  is  your  opinion  as  .  to  the 
probability  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities  in  Kansas  —  of 
another  invasion  ;  and  what  do  you  think  would  be  the 
effect,  on  the  free  state  men,  of  an  appropriation  by 
Massachusetts  ? 

CAPTAIN  BROWN  —  Whenever  we  heard,  out  in 
Kansas,  that  the  North  was  doing  any  thing  for  us,  we 
were  encouraged  and  strengthened  to  struggle  on.  As 
to  the  probability  of  another  invasion,  I  do  not  know. 
We  ought  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst.  Things  do 
not  look  one  iota  more  encouraging  now,  than  they  did 
last  year  at  this  time.  You  ought  to  remember  that, 
from  the  date  of  the  Shannon  treaty  till  May  last,  there 
was  perfect  quiet  in  Kansas  ;  no  fear  of  a  renewal  of 
hostilities ;  no  violence  offered  to  our  citizens  in  Mis 
souri.  I  frequently  went  there  myself;  was  known 
there  ;  yet  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness." 


ftfcirb. 


THE    SWORD    OF    GIDEON. 

16* 


12.  And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  appeared  unto  him  and  said,  The 
Lord  is  with  thee,  thou  mighty  man  of  valor. 

14.  And  the  Lord  looked  upon  him,  and  said,  Go  in  this  thy  might, 
and  thou  shalt  save  Israel  from  the  hands  of  the  Midianites :  have  not 
I  sent  thee  ? 

16.  And  the  Lord  said  unto  him,  Surely  I  will  be  with  thee,  and 
thou  shalt  smite  the  Midianites  as  one  man. 

27.  Then  Gideon  took  ten  men  of  his  servants,  and  did  as  the  Lord 
had  said  unto  him :  and  so  it  was  .  .  .  that  he  did  it  by  night. 

28.  And  when  the  men  of  the  city  arose  early  in  the  morning,  be 
hold,  the  altar  of  Baal  was  cast  down. 

29.  And  they  said  one  to  another,  Who  hath  done  this  thing  ?    And 
when  they  inquired  and  asked,  they  said,  Gideon  the  son  of  Joash  hath 
done  this  thing.     (Chapter  vi.) 

21.  And  all  the  host  ran,  and  cried,  and  fled.  —  Book  of  Judges, 
Chapter  vii. 


I. 

WHETTING  THE  Sword. 

ir*VA     /\^r,r»l  IT  c«TTTr*l  tr"  L 


far  John  Brown's  action  has  been  exclusively" 
JL  defensive  ;  even  according  to  the  usual  but  unjust 
definition  of  the  word.  He  had  never  struck  a  blow 
but  in  defence  of  a  threatened  party.  He  had  fought 


against  the  invaders  of  Free  Soil,  but  never  yet  in- 


•v^ 

l) 

vaded  a  slave  country. 

We  are  now  to  see  him  acting  as  an  aggressor  —  if  H 
we  accept  the  popular  interpretation  of  the  phrase,  u 
Rather,  in  truth,  we  are  now  to  see  him  as  a  defender  1 
of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  fathers.  For  error  is  I 
always  an  innovator  —  ever  an  aggression.  It  has  I 
supplanted  and  fills  the  place  that  God  intended  for 
the  truth.  /  Hence  the  radical  reformer  is  the  only 
conservative  ;  and  the  monomaniac  is  the  man  who  sup 
ports  any  untrue  thing,  whether  creed,  party,  church, 
or  civil  institution.  ; 

The  North  says  that  slavery  is  a  wrong.  Why  not, 
then,  destroy  it  ?  The  Constitution,  the  Union,  Fed 
eral  laws,  State  rights,  it  answers  ;  refusing  to  believe 
that  no  real  good  can  be  gained  by  nourishing  a  gigan 
tic  wrong. 

(187) 


l88  Whetting  the  Sword. 

When  John  Brown  walked,  he  neither  turned  to  the 
right  nor  left.  With  a  solemn,  earnest  countenance, 
he  moved  straight  on,  and  every  one  he  met  made 
way  for  him.  So  in  his  ideas.  He  felt  that  he  was 
sent  here,  into  this  earnest  world  of  ours,  not  to  eat, 
and  sleep,  and  dress,  and  die  merely,  but  for  a  divinely 
pre-appointed  purpose  — \to  see  justice  done,  to  help  the 
defenceless,  to  clear  God's  earth  &f  the  Devil's  lies,  in 
the  shortest  time  and  at  any  cost/ 

He  looked  over  the  American  field,  and  saw  a  huge 
embodied  falsehood  there  ;  a  magazine  of  all  manner 
of  ungodliness  —  the  sum  of  all  villanies.  He  heard 
people  call  it  slavery,  and  regret  its  existence  ;  others 
style  it  the  peculiar  institution,  and  hope  that  it  might 
finally  disappear.  Others  he  heard  loudly  cursing  it , 
but  not  one  grappling  with  it.  He  was  amazed  at  what 
he  saw  and  heard  ;  and,  when  he  said  so,  people  called 
him  a  monomaniac.  He  saw  some  afraid  to  assail  it, 
because  it  was  guarded  by  two  lions  in  the  way  — 
called  the  Union,  and  the  Constitution  ;  while  others, 
seeing  the  cotton  that  it  belched  from  its  mouth,  were 
so  pleased  with  that  performance,  that  they  would  not 
look  behind  the  bales.  Some  he  saw  bound  with  the 
chains  of  policy,  and  others  with  the  manacles  of  non- 
resistance.  But  not  one  living,  dreadfully-in-earnest 
foe  among  them  all ! 

That  is  what  he  saw,  or  thought  he  saw.  Perhaps, 
had  he  seen  the  hidden  mines  that  some  men  were 
digging,  he  would  have  changed  his  opinion  of  the 
value  of  their  labor  ;  but  even  had  he  known  it,  as  he 
was  not  a  miner,  but  a  fighter  on  the  earth,  he  still 


Whetting  the  Sword.  189 

would  have  acted  as  he  did  act.  ^  He  marched  straight 
ahead,  trampling  under  foot  the  rotten  stubble  of  unjust 
laws  and  constitutions,  that  stood  between  him  and  his 
foe.  It  is  true  that  he  finally  fell  among  them ;  but 
not  before  he  proved  how  very  powerless  they  are  to 
resist  a  MANJ 

JOHN  BROWN'S  SCHEME. 

John  Brown  returned  to  Kansas  in  the  month  of 
November,  1857. 

What  had  he  been  doing  since  January,  when  we 
reported  him  in  Boston  ?  Whetting  his  sword.  And 
how  ?  In  our  free  Republic,  with  its  barbaric  South 
ern  rulers,  it  would  not  be  here  safe  to  say  how.  Only 
brief  traces  of  his  movements,  therefore,  can,  injustice 
to  his  noble  friends,  be  recorded  at  this  time. 

It  should  be  stated,  first,  that  at  this  period  there 
was  every  prospect  of  renewed  disturbances  in  Kansas. 
Our  need  of  officers  had  been  greatly  felt  in  the  recent 
conflict  there.  One  hundred  mounted  men,  well  armed 
and  officered,  would  at  any  time  have  swept  the  inva 
ders  from  the  Territory.  John  Brown  fully  appreciated 
this  necessity,  and  the  terror  that  his  own  name  had 
inspired,  arose  from  the  dread,  he  modestly  thought, 
of  his  military  knowledge,  as  much  as  from  the  victo 
ries  he  had  gained.  Hence  he  desired  to  have  funds 
to  equip  a  sufficient  force  for  the  protection,  of  the 
squatters,  as  well  as  to  drill  a  select  number  of  the 
young  men  of  Kansas,  who  had  proved  themselves 
faithful  to  principle. 

He  well  knew,  from  his  power  over  men,  that, 
should  the  Kansas  difficulties  cease,  the  youths  thus 


, 


190  Whetting  the  Sword. 

drilled  would  follow  him  to  Harper's  Ferry,  which, 
for  many  years,  he  had  selected  as  the  grand  point  of 
attack  on  slavery. 

JOHN   BROWN  IN   BOSTON. 

I  met  John  Brown  in  Boston  in  January,  1857  ;  and 
many  of  the  facts  of  this  volume  he  told  me  at  that 
period.  To  a  gentleman  of  note  in  Massachusetts,  who 
made  his  acquaintance  at  that  time,  I  am  indebted  for 
the  reminiscences  that  follow  : 

"He  brought  me  a  letter  of  introduction  in  January,  1857.  His 
business  was  to  raise  money  for  the  purpose  of  further  protecting  the 
Free  State  men  of  Kansas ;  and  for  this  purpose  he  desired  to  equip 
one  hundred  mounted  men.  His  son  Owen  accompanied  him.  He 
immediately  impressed  me  as  a  person  of  no  common  order,  and  every 
day  that  I  saw  him  strengthened  this  impression.  .  .  .  His  brown  coat 
of  the  fashion  of  ten  years  before,  his  waistcoat  buttoning  nearly  to 
the  throat,  and  his  wide  trousers,  gave  him  the  look  of  a  well-to-do 
farmer  in  his  Sunday  dress ;  while  his  patent  leather  stock,  gray 
surtout,  and  fur  cap,  added  a  military  air  to  his  figure.  At  this  time 
he  wore  no  beard.* 

THE   IDEALIST   AMONG   IDEALISTS. 

«« I  found  him  frank  and  decided  in  his  conversation  ;  expressing  his 
opinions  of  men  and  things  with  a  modest  firmness,  but  often  in  the 
most  striking  manner.  I  think  it  was  in  his  second  call  on  me  that 
he  used  the  language,  \7  believe  in  the  Golden  Rule,  sir,  and  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence.  I  think  they  both  mean  the  same  thing  ;  and  it 
is  better  that  a  whole  generation  should  pass  off  the  face  of  the  earth  — - 
men,  women,  and  children  —  by  a  violent  death,  than  that  one  jot  of  cither 
should  fail  in  this  country. }  I  mean  exactly  so,  sir.'  I  have  twice  or 
thrice  heard  him  repeat  this  sentiment,  which  I  particularly  noticed  at 
the  time.  He  staid  but  a  short  time  in  Boston  ;  but  returned  in  Feb 
ruary,  and  soon  after  appeared  before  a  committee  of  the  Massachu 
setts  Legislature.  ...  In  March  he  visited  Concord,  and  spoke  at  a 
public  meeting  in  the  Town  Hall,  where,  I  am  told,  he  exhibited  the 
chain  worn  by  his  son  John  in  Kansas,  and,  with  a  gesture  and  voice 
never  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  heard  him,  denounced  the  admin- 


*  The  steel  engraving  which  embellishes  this  volume  is  from  a  daguerreotype  taken 
at  that  time,  <«id  presented  to  me  by  the  old  hero  as  a  token  of  friendship. 


Whetting  the  Sword.  191 

istration  and  the  South  for  their  work  in  Kansas.  He  spent  several 
days  in  Concord,  and  made  the  acquaintance  of  many  of  its  citizens  ; 
among  others,  of  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  and  Henry  D.  Thoreau, 
who  have  testified  so  clearly  to  his  nobility  of  character. 

"  Near  the  end  of  March,  1857,  being  on  my  way  to  Washington,  I 
met  Capt.  Brown  in  New  York  City,  and  spent  a  night  with  him  at 
the  Metropolitan  Hotel.  Capt.  Brown  objected  to  the  show  and  ex 
travagance  of  such  an  establishment,  and  said  he  preferred  a  plain 
tavern,  where  drovers  and  farmers  lodged  in  a  plain  way.  We  went 
on  to  Philadelphia,  and  while  there  I  was  taken  unwell,  and  could 
scarcely  sit  up.  Capt.  Brown  nursed  me  as  much  as  I  had  need  of, 
and  showed  great  skill  and  tenderness.  In  May  he  set  out  for  Kan 
sas,  and  I  lost  sight  of  him  for  nearly  a  year," 

Emerson  is  reported  at  this  time  to  have  said  that 
John  Brown  was  the  truest  hero-man  he  had  ever  met. 
Theodore  Parker,  also,  said  to  a  friend  of  mine,  who 
spoke  of  Captain  Montgomery  as  a  man  of  more  har 
monious  and  cultivated  intellect  than  John  Brown, 
"Do  you  know  what  you  say,  sir  ?  John  Brown  is 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  of  this  age  and 
nation."  Henry  D.  Thoreau  styled  him  a  "  true  tran- 
scendentalist." 

Mr.  Stearns,  an  active  and  generous  friend  of  Kan 
sas,  tells  two  incidents  of  John  Brown's  visit  to  Boston 
at  this  time,  which  are  exceedingly  characteristic  of 
the  old  Puritan. 

Shortly  after  his  introduction  to  him,  Mr.  Stearns 
said,  one  day,  half  jestingly,  "I  suppose,  Captain 
Brown,  that  if  Judge  Lecompte  had  fallen  into  your 
hands,  he  would  have  fared  rather  hard." 

The  old  man  turned  round  in  his  chair,  and,  in 
the  most  earnest  tones,  said,  "  If  the  Lord  had  deliv 
ered  Judge  Lecompte  into  my  hands,  I  think  it  would 
have  required  the  Lord  to  have  taken  him  out  again.'* 


192  Whetting  the  Sword. 

A  meeting  of  prominent  friends  of  freedom  in  Kan 
sas,  was  to  be  held  on  the  Sabbath,  as  no  other  day 
could  a  full  attendance  be  obtained.  Mr.  Stearns,  not 
knowing  how  the  old  Puritan  might  regard  this  use  of 
the  day  of  rest,  —  to  him  and  to  us  a  very  holy  use  of 
it,  —  inquired  if  it  would  be  consistent  with  his  religious 
conviction  to  give  his  attendance. 

"  Mr.  Stearns,"'  said  the  old  man,  •"  I  have  a  poor 
little  ewe  that  has  fallen  into  the  ditch,  and  I  think 
the  Sabbath  is  as  good  a  day  as  any  to  help  her  out. 
I  will  come." 

TRAVELS   IN   THE   EASTERN   STATES. 

The  winter  and  spring  of  1857  John  Brown  spent 
in  travelling.  He  visited  North  Elba  once.  He  spoke 
at  different  cities,  and  employed  all  his  energies  in  col 
lecting  money.  I  believe  that  a  large  sum  was  voted 
for  his  use  by  the  National  Kansas  Committee  ;  but  I 
know  that  —  it  is  said  through  the  dishonesty  of  an 
agent  —  he  received  only  a  very  trifling  portion  of  it. 
He  published,  also,  the  following  appeal,  which  was 
widely  copied  by  the  press,  and  undoubtedly  liberally 
responded  to : 

To  the  Friends  of  Freedom  : 

The  undersigned,  whose  individual  means  were  exceedingly  limited 
when  he  first  engaged  in  the  struggle  for  liberty  in  Kansas,  being  now 
still  more  destitute,  and  no  less  anxious  than  in  times  past  to  con 
tinue  his  efforts  to  sustain  that  cause,  is  induced  to  make  this  earnest 
appeal  to  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  United  States,  in  the 
firm  belief  that  his  call  will  not  go  unheeded. 

I  ask  all  honest  lovers  of  liberty  and  human  rights,  both  male  and 
female,  to  hold  up  my  hands  by  contributions  of  pecuniary  aid,  either 
as  counties,  cities,  towns,  villages,  societies,  churches,  or  individuals. 

I  will  endeavor  to  make  a  judicious  and  faithful  application  of  all 
such  means  as  T  muy  be  supplied  with.  Contributions  may  be  sent, 


Whetting  the  Sword. 

in  drafts,  to  W.  H.  D.  Calender,  Cashier  State  Bank,  Hartfoid,  Conn. 
It  is  my  intention  to  visit  as  many  places  as  I  can  during  my  stay  in 
the  States,  provided  I  ain  informed  of  the  disposition  of  the  inhab 
itants  to  aid  me  in  my  efforts,  as  well  as  to  receive  my  visit.  Infor 
mation  may  be  communicated  to  me,  (care  of  Massasoit  House,)  at 
Springfield,  Mass.  Will  editors  of  newspapers,  friendly  to  the  cause, 
kindly  second  the  measure,  and  also  give  this  some  half  dozen  inser 
tions  ?  Will  either  gentlemen  or  ladies,  or  both,  volunteer  to  take  up 
the  business  ?  It  is  with  no  little  sacrifice  of  personal  feeling  I  appear 
in  this  manner  before  the  public.  JOHN  BROWN. 

In  February,  when  in  Collinsville,  Connecticut,  he 
ordered  the  manufacture  of  his  pikes.  I  remember 
that,  when  in  Boston,  he  spoke  with  great  contempt  of 
Sharpe's  rifles  as  a  weapon  for  inexperienced  men,  and 
said  that  with  a  pike,  or  bow  and  arrows,  he  could  arm 
recruits  more  formidably  than  with  patent  guns.  How 
he  ordered  the  pikes  is  thus  stated  by  the  maker  of 
them  : 

"  In  the  latter  part  of  February,  or  the  early  part  of  March,  1857, 
Old  Brown,  as  he  is  familiarly  called,  came  to  Collinsville  to  visit  his 
relatives,  and  by  invitation  addressed  the  inhabitants  at  a  public  meet 
ing.  At  the  close  of  it,  or  on  the  following  day,  he  exhibited  some 
weapons  which  he  claimed  to  have  taken  from  Capt.  H.  C.  Pate,  at 
the  battle  of  Black  Jack.  Among  others  was  a  bowie  knife  or  dirk, 
having  a  blade  about  eight  inches  long.  Brown  remarked  that  such 
an  instrument,  fixed  to  the  end  of  a  pole  about  six  feet  long,  would  be 
a  capital  weapon  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  settlers  in  Kansas,  to 
keep  in  their  cabins  to  defend  themselves  against  '  border  ruffians  or 
wild  beasts,'  and  asked  me  what  it  woXild  be  worth  to  make  one 
thousand.  I  replied  that  I  would  make  them  for  one  dollar  each,  not 
thinking  that  it  would  lead  to  a  contract,  or  that  such  an  instrument 
would  ever  be  wanted  or  put  to  use  in  any  way,  if  made ;  but,  to  my 
surprise,  he  drew  up  a  contract  for  one  thousand,  to  be  completed 
within  three  months,  he  agreeing  to  pay  me  five  hundred  dollars  iu 
thirty  days,  and  the  balance  within  thirty  days  thereafter."  * 

*  Having  failed  to  raise  the  necessary  money,  the  pikes  were  left  unfinished  at 
this  time ;  but,  in  the  following  year,  in  the  month  of  June,  John  Brown  was  again 
in  Collinsville.  and  completed  the  contract,  and  in  August,  under  the  name  of  J.  Smith 
and  Sons,  ordered  them  to  be  forwarded  to  Chainbersburg,  Pennsylvania,  upon  which 
they  were  transported  across  the  country  to  Harper's  Ferry. 

17 


Br 

del 


194  Whetting  the  Sword. 

In  March  and  April,  Captain  Brown  made  an  agree 
ment  with  a  drill-master,  named  Hugh  Forbes,  an  Eng 
lishman,  and  a  Revolutionary  exile,  to  instruct  a  num 
ber  of  young  Kansas  men  in  military  science.  Forbes 
engaged  to  be  at  Tabor,  in  Iowa,  in  June,  to  meet  John 

rown  and  his  men  there. 

In  May,  John  Brown  set  out  for  Kansas,  but  was 
delayed  in  the  Central  States  for  some  time.  Here  is 
an  incident  of  his  travels,  recently  published  to  prove 
his  insanity,  by  a  citizen  of  Ohio  : 

"During  the  summer  of  1857,  I  met  John  Brown,  in  the  cars  be 
tween  Cleveland  and  Columbus.  He  was  about  to  return  to  Kansas. 
I  sought  to  gather  some  information  respecting  the  probable  advantage 
of  wool  growing  in  that  section ;  but  found  his  mind  was  very  restless 
on  wool  and  sheep  husbandry,  and  soon  began  to  talk  with  great 
earnestness  of  the  evil  of  Slavery,  on  which  he  soon  became  enthu 
siastic,  and  claimed  that  any  course,  whether  stealing  or  coaxing 
niggers  to  run  away  from  their  masters,  was  honorable ;  at  which  I 
attempted  to  point  out  a  more  conservative  course,  remarking  very 
kindly  to  him  that  Kentucky,  in  my  opinion,  would  have  been  a  free 
State  ere  this,  had  it  not  been  for  the  excitement  and  prejudices  engen 
dered  by  ultra  abolitionists  of  Ohio.  At  this  remark,  he  rose  to  his 
feet  with  clinched  fist,  eyes  rolling  like  an  insane  man,  (as  he  most 
assuredly  was,)  and  remarked  that  the  South  would  become  free  within 
one  year  were  it  not  that  there  were  too  many  such  scoundrels  as  my 
self  to  fivet  the  chains  of  Slavery.  ...  I  must,  though,  in  justice  to 
Mr.  Brown,  state  that,  when  not  under  excitement  or  mental  derange 
ment,  he  has  ever  manifested  to  me  a  kind,  benevolent,  and  humane 
disposition,  as  a  man  of  strict  integrity,  moral  and  religious  worth."  * 

Another  person,  who  also  met  John  Brown  in  the 
cars  at  this  time,  subsequently  said  that  he  regarded 
him  as  a  monomaniac  ;  and  his  chief  reason  was,  that 
the  old  man  "  spoke  of  the  Eastern  people  generally  as 
criminally  lukewarm  on  the  subject  and  sin  of  slavery, 
and  manifested  a  very  great  deal  of  warmth  on  the 
subject "  ! 

That  it  is  true  that  John  Brown  was  not  fully  satis 
fied  with  the  results  of  his  trip  to  the  east,  may  be  seen 

*  Affidavit  of  S.  N.  Goedale,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio. 


Whetting  the  Sword.  195 

by  the  following  characteristic  note,  which  was  found 
in  his  own  handwriting  among  the  papers  left  at  the 
homestead  of  North  Elba.  It  is  entitled : 

OLD  BROWN'S  FAREWELL 

To  the   Plymouth  Rocks,   Bunker  Hill  Monuments,    Charter   Oaks,   and 
\  Uncle  Thorn's  Cabbins. 

/  He  has  left  for  Kansas.  Has  been  trying  since  he  came  out  of  the 
Territory  to  secure  an  outfit,  or  in  other  words,  the  means  of  arming 
and  thoroughly  equipping  his  regular  minuet  men,  who  are  mixed  up 
with  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  he  leaves  the  States,  WITH  A  FEELING  OF 
DEEPEST  SADNESS  :  that  after  having  exhausted  Ms  own  small  means, 
and  with  his  family  and  his  BRAVE  MEN  ;  suffered  hunger,  cold,  naked 
ness  and  some  of  them  sickness,  wounds,  imprisonment  in  Irons ;  with 
extreme  cruel  treatment,  and  others  death:  that  after  lying  on  the 
ground  for  months  in  the  most  sickly,  unwholesome,  and  uncom 
fortable  places  ;  some  of  the  time  with  sick  and  wounded  destitute  of  any 
shelter ;  and  hunted  like  wolves ;  sustained  in  part  by  Indians  :  that 
after  all  this ;  in  order  to  sustain  a  cause  which  every  citizen  of  this 
"glorious  Republic"  is  under  equal  moral  obligations  to  do:  and  for 
the  neglect  of  ichich,  he  will  be  held  accountable  by  God:  a  cause  in  which 
every  man,  women,  and  child ;  of  the  entire  human  family  has  a  DEEP 
and  AWFUL  interest ;  that  when'  no  icages  are  asked ;  or  expected ;  he 
cannot  secure,  amidst  all  the  wealth,  luxury  and  extravagance  of  this 
"  Heaven  exalted  "  people ;  even  the  necessary  supplies  of  the  common 
soldier.  "  How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ?  " 
Boston,  April,  A.  D.  1857. 

The  diary  of  one  of  the  old  man's  sons,  which  was 
found  among  the  papers  at  the  Kennedy  Farm,  gives 
an  outline  of  his  movements  -after  starting  for  the 
Territory. 

JOURNAL   OF   ONE   OF   BROWN'S   SONS. 

The  journal,  which  opens  on  Tuesday,  Aug.  25,  1857,  is  contained 
in  an  ordinary-sized  account  book,  upon  the  fly-leaf  of  which  is  im 
pressed  a  circular  stamp,  inscribed  "  Tabor,  Fremont  County,  Iowa," 
and  around  the  rim  the  name  of  "  Jason  Jones,  Notary  Public." 

The  first  entry,  of  Aiig.  25,  states  that  the  writer  started  at  a  certain 
date  in  June  for  Tabor,  from  Akron  to  Hudson ;  got  goods  at  Heii- 
richs,  &c. ;  harness  ;  bought  red  mail  stage  at  Jerries  ;  next  day  went 
to  Cleveland ;  shipped  chest  by  express ;  staid  at  Bennett's  Temper 
ance  House ;  next  day  went  to  church  through  the  day  and  evening. 

July  4,  the  entry  is,  "  Father  left  for  Iowa  City,"  where  he  was 


196  Whetting  the  Sword. 

joined  by  Jason,  on  the  5th,  who  records  a  meeting  with  Dr.  Bowen, 
Mrs.  Bowen,  and  Jessie  and  Eliza  Horton. 

The  entries  until  the  10th  record  the  purchases  of  wood  for  spears, 
staples,  chains  for  mules,  and  canvas  for  wagon  cover.  A  horse  and 
buggy  was  swapped  for  two  horses  on  the  13th ;  on  the  14th  tents  and 
tent  poles  were  carefully  packed  in  the  wagons,  and  additional  blan 
kets  purchased. 

July  15,  the  entry  is,  "The  party  crossed  Iowa  River,"  (Fort  des 
Moines  River  at  Red  Rock,  from  which  the  autobiography  is  dated,) 
"  stopped  at  noon  on  the  stream  beyond  Six  Mile  House." 

The  entry  of  Aug.  9  records  the  "arrival  of  Col.  Forbes,"  (at 
Tabor,)  who  from  the  frequent  mention  made  of  that  work,  the  defer 
ence  which  the  entries  betray  for  the  military  judgment  of  the  Colonel, 
and  from  the  fact  of  the  discovery  of  several  copies  of  his  work  among 
the  effects  of  Old  Brown,  we  suppose  to  be  Hugh  Forbes,  author  of  a 
Manual  of  the  Patriotic  Volunteer,  the  reading  of  which  was  the  daily 
occupation  of  the  writer,  varied  with  the  "cleaning  of  rifles  and 
revolvers,"  and  "  fired  twelve  shots,  drilled,  cleaned  guns  and  loaded, 
received  letters  from  J.  and  G.  Smith." 

September  23,  the  record  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  letters  from 
Redpath  and  G.  Smith  ;  on  the  30th  the  writer  finishes  "reading  G. 
Smith's  speech,"  and  states  that  "  efforts  were  made  to  raise  a  fund  to 
send  cannon  and  arms  to  Lane,"  but  adds  that  they  proved  a  failure. 
On  the  1st  of  October  the  journalist  visits  Nebraska  City  with  "Mr. 
Jones  and  Carpenter." 

October  3d  proves  a  lucky  date  to  the  writer,  who  records  the 
receipt  then  of  "  seventy-two  dollars  from  friend  Sanborn."  The 
succeeding  day  (Sunday)  our  journalist  improves  his  leisure  by  perus 
ing  "  speech  of  Judge  Curtis,  delivered  before  the  students  of  Union 
College,  New  Jersey,  and  of  Dartmouth  College,  and  at  the  Normal 
School  Convention,  "Westfield,  Mass.,  and  at  Brown  University, 
R.  I. ;"  the  entry  of  the  same  date  continues,  "Read  of  the  awful  dis 
aster  to  the  Central  America,  formerly  the  George  Law ;  read  answer 
of  the  Connecticut  men  to  Buchanan,  and  had  to  shed  a  few  tears 
over  it." 

On  Nov.  4,  the  journalist  rose  at  "ten  minutes  before  four  o'clock," 
elate  with  the  remembrance  that  he  is  "thirty-three  years  old  this  day." 

John  Brown  reached  Tabor  on  the  7th  of  August, 
and  Colonel  Forbes,  two  days  after  him.  They  were 
obliged  to  remain  there,  inactive,  till  the  2d  of  Novem 
ber,  in  consequence  of  being  out  of  funds. 

"During  this  interval  of  suspense,"  writes  Col.  Forbes,  "Captain 
Brown  advocated  the  adoption  of  his  plan,  and  I  supported  mine  of 
stampedes.  The  conclusion  arrived  at  was,  that  he  renounced  his 
Harper's  Ferry  project,  and  I  consented  to  cooperate  in  stampedes  in 
Virginia  and  Maryland  instead  of  the  part  of  the  country  I  indicated 
as  the  most  suitable.  I  perceived,  however,  that  his  mind  constantly 
wandered  back  to  Harper's  Ferry,  and  it  was  not  till  it  had  been  def 
initely  settled  that  neither  of  us  should  do  any  thing  unless  under  the 


Whetting  the  Sword.  197 


direction  or  with  the  consent  of  a  committee,  that  I  felt  easy  in 
mind  respecting  his  curious  notions  of  Harper's  Ferry.  He  was  very 
pious,  and  had  been  deeply  impressed  for  many  years  with  the  bible 
Story  of  Gideon,  believing  that  he  with  a  handful  of  men  could  strike 
down  Slavery.*! 

On  the  2d  of  November,  Colonel  Forbes  took  steam 
er  at  Nebraska  City  for  the  East,  and  Captain  Brown 
went  down  to  Kansas  by  the  emigrants'  road,  in  a 
wagon  driven  by  one  of  his  sons.  He  left  two  others 
at  Tabor. 

Here  Cook's  Confession  (which,  although  false  in 
certain  particulars,  is  mainly  a  correct  statement  of 
facts)  becomes  an  authority  of  historical  interest  to 
the  biographer  of  John  Brown  : 

"...  I  did  not  see  him  again  until  the  fall  of  1857,  when  I  met 
him  at  the  house  of  E.  B.  Whitman,  about  four  miles  from  Lawrence, 
K.  T.,  which,  I  think,  was  about  the  1st  of  November  following.  I 
was  told  that  he  intended  to  organize  a  company  for  the  purpose  of 
putting  a  stop  to  the  aggressions  of  the  pro-slavery  men.  I  agreed  to 
join  him,  and  was  asked  if'  I  knew  of  any  other  young  men,  who 
were  perfectly  reliable,  who,  I  thought,  would  join  also.  I  recom 
mended  Richard  Realf,  L.  F.  Parsons,  and  R.  J.  Hinton.  I  received 
a  note  on  the  next  Sunday  morning,  while  at  breakfast  in  the  Whit 
ney  House,  from  Captain  Brown,  requesting  me  to  come  up  that  day, 
and  to  bring  Realf,  Parsons,  and  Hinton  with  me.  Realf  and  Hinton 
were  not  in  town,  and  therefore  I  could  not  extend  to  them  the  invita 
tion.  Parsons  and  myself  went,  and  had  a  long  talk  with  Captain 
Brown.  A  few  days  afterwards  I  received  another  note  from  Captain 
Brown,  which  read,  as  near  as  I  can  recollect,  as  follows  : 

DATE  --  . 

CAPTAIN  COOK.  Dear  Sir  :  You  will  please  get  every  thing 
ready  to  join  me  at  Topeka  by  Monday  night  next.  Come  to  Mrs. 
Sheridan's,  two  miles  south  of  Topeka,  and  bring  your  arms,  ammu 
nition,  clothing,  and  other  articles  you  may  require.  Bring  Parsons 
with  you  if  he  can  get  ready  in  time.  Please  keep  very  quiet  about 
the  matter.  Yours,  &c.,  JOHN  BROWN. 

"I  made  all  my  arrangements  for  starting  at  the  time  appointed. 
Parsons,  Ilealf,  and  Hinton  could  not  get  ready.  I  left  them  at  Law 
rence,  and  started  in  a  carriage  for  Topeka.  Stopped  at  the  hotel  over 
night,  and  left  early  the  next  morning  for  Mrs.  Sheridan's,  to  meet 
Captain  Brown.  Staid  a  day  and  a  half  at  Mrs.  Sheridan's  —  then  left 
for  Topeka,  at  which  place  we  were  joined  by  Stephens,  Moffi  tt,  and 
Kagi.  Left  Topeka  for  Nebraska  City,  and  camped  at  night  on  the 
prairie  north-east  of  Topeka.  Here,  for  the  first,  I  learned  that  we 
were  to  leave  Kansas  to  attend  a  military  school  during  the  winter.  It 

17* 


198  Whetting  the  Sword. 


was  the  intention  of  the  party  to  go  to  Ashtabula  County,  Oldo 
Next  morning  I  was  sent  back  to  Lawrence  to  get  a  draft  of  eighty 
dollars  cashed,  and  to  get  Parsons,  Healf,  and  Ilinton  to  go  back 
with  me.  I  got  the  draft  cashed.  Captain  Brown  had  given  me 
orders  to  take  boat  to  St.  Joseph,  Mo.,  and  stage  from  there  to  Tabor, 
Iowa,  where  he  would  remain  for  a  few  days.  I  had  to  wait  for 
Realf  for  three  or  four  days  ;  Hinton,  could  not  leave  at  that  time.  I 
started  with  Realf  and  Parsons  on  a  stage  for  Leavenworth.  The 
boats  had  stopped  running  on  account  of  the  ice.  Staid  one  day  in 
Leavenworth,  and  then  left  for  Weston,  where  we  took  stage  for  St. 
Joseph,  and  from  thence  to  Tabor.  I  found  C.  P.  Tidd  and  Leeman 
at  Tabor.  Our  party  now  consisted  of  Captain  John  Brown,  Owen 
Brown,  A.  D.  Stephens,  Charles  Moffitt,  C.  P.  Tidd,  Richard  Robert 
son,  Col.  Richard  Realf,  L.  F.  Parsons,  William  Leeman,  and  myself. 
We  stopped  some  days  at  Tabor,  making  preparations  to  start.  Here 
ice  found  that  Captain  Brown's  ultimate  destination  u-as  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia.  Some  warm  words  passed  beween  him  and  myself  in  regard  to 
the  plan,  which  I  had  supposed  was  to  be  confined  entirely  to  Kansas 
and  Missouri.  "  Realf  and  Parsons  were  of  the  same  opinion  with  me. 
After  a  good  deal  of  wrangling  we  consented  to  go  on,  as  we  had  not  the 
means  to  return,  and  the  rest  of  the  party  were  so  anxious  that  we 
should  go  with  them.  At  Tabor  we  procured  teams  for  the  transpor 
tation  of  about  two  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles,  which  had  been  taken  on 
as  far  as  Tabor,  one  year  before,  at  which  place  they  had  been  left, 
awaiting  the  order  of  Captain  Brown.  There  were,  also,  other 
stores,  consisting  of  blankets,  clothing,  boots,  ammunition,  and  about 
two  hundred  revolvers  of  the  Massachusetts  Arms  patent,  all  of  which 
we  transported  across  the  State  of  Iowa  to  Springdale,  and  from  there 
to  Liberty,  at  which  place  they  were  shipped  for  Ashtabula  County, 
Ohio,  where  they  remained  till  brought  to  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  and 
were  from  there  transported  to  a  house  in  Washington  County,  Md., 
which  Captain  Brown  had  rented  for  six  months,  and  which  was 
situated  about  five  miles  from  Harper's  Ferry.  It  was  the  intention, 
of  Captain  Brown  to  sell  his  teams  in  Springdale,  and,  with  the  pro 
ceeds,  to  go  on  with  the  rest  of  the  company  to  some  place  in  Ashta 
bula  County,  Ohio,  where  we  were  to  have  a  good  military  instructor 
during  the  winter  ;  but  he  was  disappointed  in  the  sale.  As  he  could 
not  get  cash  for  the  teams,  it  was  decided  we  should  remain  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Springdale,  and  that  our  instructor,  Col.  II.  Forbes, 
should  be  sent  on.  We  stopped  in  Pedee,  Iowa,  over  winter,  at  Mr. 
Maxson's,  where  we  pursued  a  course  of  military  studies.  Col.  H. 
Forbes  and  Captain  Brown  had  some  words,  and  he  (Col.  F.")  did  not 
come  on  ;  consequently,  A.  D.  Stephens  was  our  drill-master.  The 
people  of  the  neighborhood  did  not  know  of  our  purpose.  We  re 
mained  at  Pedee  till  about  the  middle  of  April,  when  we  left  for  Chat 
ham,  Canada,  via  Chicago  and  Detroit." 

Iii  this  extract  there  are  two  false  statements  ;  that 
"  some  warm  words  passed  "  between  Cook  and  Brown  ; 
and  that  there  was  a  "good  deal  of  wrangling "  be 
tween  the  Captain,  and  Parsons,  and  Realf. 


II. 

SOME  SHADOWS  BEFORE. 

WE  were  at  supper,  on  the  25th  of  June,  1858,  at 
a  hotel  in  Lawrence,  Kansas.  A  stately  old  man, 
with  a  flowing  white  beard,  entered  the  room  and  took 
a  seat  at  the  public  table.  I  immediately  recognized 
in  the  stranger,  JOHN  BROWN.  Yet  many  persons 
who  had  previously  known  him  did  not  penetrate  his 
patriarchal  disguise.  A  phrenologist,  who  was  convers 
ing  with  me,  having  noticed  him,  suddenly  turned  and 
asked  if  I  knew  that  man  ?  Such  a  head,  such  devel 
opments,  he  said,  were  infallible  indications  of  "  a  most 
remarkable  person." 

I  had  several  long  conversations  with  the  venerable 
hero,  but  do  not  deem  it  prudent  to  disclose  their  na 
ture.  Instead  of  relating,  therefore,  what  I  heard  him 
say  at  this  time,  I  subjoin  some  reminiscences  by  a 
friend,  who  was  fully  in  his  confidence,  and  fully  worthy 
of  it.  These  notes  distinctly  foreshadow  the  Libera 
tor's  plans ;  and,  as  they  have  been  so  grossly  misrep 
resented,  it  is  due  to  him,  I  think,  that  they  should 
now  be  published,  as  far  as  prudence  permits. 

After  premising  that  all  the  young  men  of  principle 

(199) 


2oo  Some  Shadows  Before. 

in  Kansas,  by  the  law  of  attraction  or  mental  affinity, 
were  the  devoted  friends  and  admirers  of  John  Brown ; 
and  mentioning  that,  in  November,  1857,  Cook,  Realf, 
and  Kagi  left  the  Territory  for  Tabor,  in  Iowa,  in  his 
company ;  and  recording  his  arrival  in  Lawrence  under 
the  name  of  Captain  Morgan,  on  the  25th  of  June, 
1858,  he  thus  continues : 

A   TALK   WITH   JOHN   BROWN   AND   KAGI. 

"  On  Sunday  I  held  a  very  interesting  conversation  with  Captain 
Brown,  which  lasted  nearly  the  whole  afternoon.  The  purport  of  it 
was,  on  his  part,  inquiries  as  to  various  public  men  in  the  Territory, 
and  the  condition  of  political  affairs.  He  was  very  particular  in  hia 
inquiries  as  to  the  movements  and  character  of  Captain  Montgomery. 
The  massacre  of  the  Marais-des-Cygnes  was  then  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
the  people.  I  remember  an  expression  which  he  used.  Warmly 
giving  utterance  to  my  detestation  of  slavery  and  its  minions,  and  im 
patiently  wishing  for  some  effectual  means  of  injuring  it,  Captain 
Brown  said,  most  impressively : 

/  "  «  Young  men  must  learn  to  wait.  Patience  is  the  hardest  lesson  to  learn. 
( I  have  waited  for  twenty  years  to  accomplish  my  purpose,'^/ 
^  "  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  he  reminded  me  of  a  message  that 
I  had  sent  him  in  1857,*  and  said,  « he  hoped  I  meant  what  I  said,  for 
he  should  ask  the  fulfilment  of  that  promise,  and  that  perhaps  very 
soon  ; '  and  further  added,  « he  wanted  to  caution  me  against  rash 
promises.  Young  men  were  too  apt  to  make  them,  and  should  be 
very  careful.  The  promise  given  was  of  great  importance,  and  I 
must  be  prepared  to  stand  by  it  or  disavow  it  now.'  My  answer 
need  not  be  stated. 

"In  this  conversation  he  gave  me  no  definite  idea  of  his  plans,  but 
seemed  generally  bent  on  ascertaining  the  opinions  and  characters  of 
our  men  of  anti- slavery  reputations. 

"  Kagi,  at  the  same  time,  gave  me  to  understand  that  their  visit  to 
Kansas  was  caused  by  the  betrayal  of  their  plans,  by  a  Colonel  Forbes, 
to  the  Administration,  and  that  they  wished  to  give  a  different  impres 
sion  from  what  these  disclosures  had,  by  coming  to  the  West.  Both 
stated  they  intended  to  stay  some  time,  and  that  night  (Sunday) 


*  This  message  was  an  expression  of  regret,  in  a  letter  given  to  Richard  Realf  for  John 
Brown,  that  the  writer  could  not  then  join  him,  in  consequence  of  other  engage 
ments  ;  but  promising,  at  any  future  time,  to  be  read}'  to  obey  his  call. 


Some  Shadows  Before.  201 

Captain  Brown  announced  they  should  go  South  in  the  morning  to 
see  Captain  Montgomery,  and  visit  his  relatives.  The  Ilev.  Mr. 
Adair's  wife  is  the  hall-sister  of  Captain  Brown.  They  live  near 
Osawatomie. 

JOHN   BROWN   IN   SOUTHERN   KANSAS. 

"  Captain  Brown  started  for  Southern  Kansas,  on  Monday  morning, 
June  26.  I  did  not  see  him  again  until  the  middle  of  September,  when 
I  met  him  at  Mr.  Adair's.  Both  the  Captain  and  Kagi  were  sick  with 
the  fever  and  ague,  and  had  been  for  some  time.  In  the  interim,  Cap 
tain  Brown  had  been  in  Linn  and  Bourbon  Counties,  and  also  visited 
other  parts  of  Southern  Kansas.  One  of  his  first  acts,  after  arriving 
South,  was  to  negotiate  with  Synder,  the  blacksmith,  upon  whose 
claim  the  terrible  massacre  of  the  Marais-des-Cygnes  occurred,  for  its 
purchase.  This  claim  is  situated  about  a  half  mile  from  the  State  line. 
The  buildings  are  located  in  an  admirable  position  for  defence.  John 
Brown  saw  both  the  moral  and  material  advantages  of  the  position, 
and  was  desirous  of  obtaining  possession.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Synder  successfully  resisted  Hamilton's  gang  on  the  day  of  the  mas 
sacre.  Captain  Brown  stated  his  object  in  wishing  to  obtain  posses 
sion  of  the  land,  and  Synder  agreed  to  sell.  But  though  a  brave,  he 
was  not  specially  an  upright  man,  and,  soon  after  making  a  bargain 
with  John  Brown,  having  a  better  offer,  he  broke  the  contract.  The 
Captain  had,  in  the  interval,  writh  the  assistance  of  Kagi,  Ticld, 
Stephens,  Leeman,  and  another  member  of  his  company,  prepared  a 
very  strong  fortification,  where  they  could  have  successfully  resisted  a 
large  force.  In  my  journey  through  the  Southern  border  counties,  I 
found  that  a  general  feeling  of  confidence  prevailed  among  our  friends, 
because  John  Brown  was  near.  Over  the  border  the  Missourians  were 
remarkably  quiet  from  June  until  October,  from  the  belief  that  the 
old  hero  was  in  their  vicinity.  By  the  bad  faith  of  Synder  the  farm 
was  abandoned,  and  Captain  Brown  and  Kagi  came  to  Mr.  Adair's, 
where  I  met  them.  The  others  were  living  in  Linn  and  Anderson 
Counties.  I  called  at  the  house  about  ten  in  the  morning,  and  re 
mained  until  past  three  in  the  afternoon." 

ANOTHER   CONVERSATION. 

"  Captain  Brown  had  been  quite  unwell,  and  was  then  somewhat 
more  impatient  and  nervous  in  his  manner  than  I  had  before  observed. 
Soon  after  my  arrival,  he  again  engaged  in  conversation  as  to  various 
public  men  in  the  Territory.  Captain  Montgomery's  name  was  intro' 
duced,  and  I  inquired  how  Mr.  Brown  liked  him.  The  Captain  was 
quite  enthusiastic  in  praise  of  him,  avowing  a  most  perfect  confi 
dence  in  his  integrity  and  purposes.  '  Captain  Montgomery,'  he 


2O2  Some  Shadows  Before. 

said,  « is  the  only  soldier  I  have  met  among  the  prominent  Kansas 
men.  He  understands  my  system  of  warfare  exactly.  He  is  a  natural 
chieftain,  and  knows  how  to  lead.'  The  Captain  spoke  of  General 
Lane,  and  alluded  to  the  recent  slaying  of  Gaius  Jenkins.  He  said, 
'  he  would  not  say  one  word  against  Lane  in  his  misfortunes.  His 
only  comment  was  what  he  told  the  General  himself  —  that  he  was  his 
own  worst  enemy.'  Of  his  own  early  treatment  at  the  hands  of  am 
bitious  '  leaders,'  to  which  I  had  alluded  in  bitter  terms,  he  said  : 

"'They  acted  up  to  their  instincts.  As  politicians,  they  thought 
every  man  wanted  to  lead,  and  therefore  supposed  I  might  be  in  the 
way  of  their  schemes.  While  they  had  this  feeling,  of  course  they  op 
posed  me.  Many  men  did  not  like  the  manner  in  which  I  conducted 
warfare,  and  they  too  opposed  me.  Committees  and  councils  could 
not  control  my  movements,  therefore  they  did  not  like  me.  But  pol 
iticians  and  leaders  soon  found  that  I  had  different  purposes,  and  for 
got  their  jealousy.  They  have  all  been  kind  to  me  since.' 

"Further  conversation  ensued  relative  to  the  Free  State  struggle,  in 
which  I,  criticising  the  management  of  it  from  an  anti-slavery  point  of 
view,  pronounced  it  « an  abortion.'  Captain  Brown  looked  at  me 
with  a  peculiar  expression  in  the  eyes,  as  if  struck  by  the  word,  and  in 
a  musing  manner  remarked,  «  Abortion !  —  yes,  that's  the  word.' 

"He  then  spoke  of  Governor  Robinson's  actions  as  being  of  a 
« weather- cock  character,'  and  asked  if  it  was  true  that  Colonel  Phil 
lips  had  written  his  first  two  messages  to  the  Topeka  Legislature.  I 
told  him  my  reasons  for  believing  the  truth  of  the  statement,  among 
other  things  mentioning  that  the  first  draft  of  the  message  sent  to  the 
Legislature  at  Topeka,  in  June,  1857,  as  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
printers,  wTas  in  Phillips'  handwriting.  At  this  John  Brown  grew 
angry  —  the  only  time  I  ever  saw  him  so.  He  denounced  the  act 
severely,  declaring  it  'a  deception  to  which  no  one  should  lend  him 
self.'  I  replied  that  Phillips  had  done  for  the  best  without  doubt ; 
that  the  Free  State  men  had  placed  Robinson  in  the  position,  and  that 
they  must  sustain  him  in  it. 

"  The  Captain  answered  shortly,  «  All  nonsense.  No  man  has  a  right 
to  lend  himself  to  a  deception.  Phillips  had  no  business  to  write  the 
messages.  Robinson  must  be  a  perfect  old  woman.  John  Brown,  sir, 
T-vould,  if  he  was  Governor,  write  his  own  documents,  if  they  contained 
but  six  lines.'  Kagi  interposed,  and  made  some  remarks,  which  calmed 
down  the  Captain,  and  the  conversation  became  more  general. 

"The  conviction  was  expressed  that  trouble  would  break  out  again 
in  Southern  Kansas.  At  this  time  I  mentioned  my  intention  of  em- 
barking  in  a  newspaper  enterprise.  Captain  Brown,  in  an  impressive 
manner,  reminded  me  of  my  promise  to  obey  his  call,  and  expressed  a 


Some  Shadows  Before.  203 

wish  that  I  should  not  enter  into  any  entangling  engagements,  refer 
ring  to  my  letter  of  1857.  He  said  « that  he  thought  all  engagements 
should  be  considered  sacred,  and  liked  my  adhering  to  the  one  I  had 
at  the  time.  That  was  the  reason  he  had  not  sent  to  me ;  but  now  he 
hoped  I  would  keep  myself  free.'  In  this  connection  he  used  words 
which  I  have  often  thought  of  since. 

"  'For  twenty  years,'  he  said,  'I  have  never  made  any  business 
arrangement  which  would  prevent  me  at  any  time  answering  the 
call  of  the  Lord.  I  have  kept  my  business  in  such  condition,  that  in 
two  weeks  I  could  always  wind  up  my  affairs,  and  be  ready  to  obey 
the  call.  I  have  permitted  nothing  to  be  in  the  way  of  my  duty, 
neither  wife,  children,  nor  worldly  goods.  Whenever  the  occasion 
offered,  I  was  ready.  The  hour  is  very  near  at  hand,  and  all  who  are 
willing  to  act  should  be  ready.' 

"  I  was  not  at  this  time  aware  of  the  precise  plans,  but  had  a  general 
conception  of  his  purpose,  which,  as  it  dawned  upon  me,  filled  my 
whole  being  with  the  radiance  of  its  grandeur,  as  the  July  sunrise 
filleth  the  heavens  with  glory.  All  through  that  conversation  I  had 
the  impression  that  those  blue  eyes,  mild  yet  inflexible,  and  beaming 
with  the  steady  light  of  a  holy  purpose,  were  searching  my  soul,  and 
that  my  whole  being  was  as  transparent  to  him  as  the  bosom  of  one 
of  his  own  Adirondack  Lakes.  I  shall  never  forget  the  look  or  the 
expression  with  which  he  said  : 

"'  Young  men  should  have  a  purpose  in  life,  and  adhere  to  it 
through  all  trials.  They  would  be  sure  to  succeed  if  their  purpose 
is  such  as  to  deserve  the  blessing  of  God.' 

KAGI  UNFOLDS  THE  GREAT  PLAN. 

"After  dinner,  Kagi  had  some  conversation  with  the  Captain  apart. 
He  then  asked  me  if  I  would  walk  down  to  the  Marais-des-Cygnes,  «  as 
he  was  going  to  fish.'  I  acquiesced,  and  we  started.  About  half  way 
to  the  river  we  stopped,  and  sat  on  a  fence.  Kagi  asked  me  what  I 
supposed  was  the  plan  of  Captain  Brown  ?  My  answer  was,  that  I 
thought  it  had  reference  to  the  Indian  Territory  and  the  South 
western  States.  He  shook  his  head,  and  gradually  unfolded  the 
whole  of  their  plans,  a  portion  of  which  only  has  been  elucidated  in 
the  Harper's  Ferry  outbreak.  1  shall  not,  for  obvious  reasons,  give 
the  full  details.  A  full  account  of  the  convention  in  Canada  was  made, 
as  well  as  of  the  organization,  its  extent  and  objects,  thereby  ef 
fected.  Tlie  mountains  of  Virginia  were  named  as  the  place  of  refugp, 
and  as  a  country  admirably  adapted  in  which  to  carry  on  a  guerilla 
warfare.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation,  Harper's  Ferry  was 
mentioned  as  a  point  to  be  seized,  but  not  held,  —  on  account  of 


204  Some  Shadows  Before. 

the  Arsenal.  The  white  members  of  the  company  were  to  act  as  offi 
cers  of  different  guerilla  bands,  which,  under  the  general  command 
of  John  Brown,  were  to  be  composed  of  Canadian  refugees,  and  the 
Virginia  slaves  who  would  join  them.  A  different  time  of -the  year 
was  mentioned  for  the  commencement  of  the  warfare  from  that  which 
has  lately  been  chosen.  It  was  not  anticipated  that  the  first  movement 
would  have  any  other  appearance  to  the  masters  than  a  slave  stampede, 
or  local  insurrection,  at  most.  The  planters  would  piursue  their  chat 
tels  and  be  defeated.  The  militia  would  then  be  called  out,  and 
would  also  be  defeated.  It  was  not  intended  that  the  movement 
should  appear  to  be  of  large  dimensions,  but  that,  gradually  increas 
ing  in  magnitude,  it  should,  as  it  opened,  strike  terror  into  the  heart 
of  the  Slave  States  by  the  amount  of  organization  it  would  exhibit, 
and  the  strength  it  gathered.  They  anticipated,  after  the  first  blow- 
had  been  struck,  that,  by  the  aid  of  the  free  and  Canadian  negroes  who 
would  join  them,  they  could  inspire  confidence  in  the  slaves,  and  in 
duce  them  to  rally.  No  intention  was  expressed  of  gathering  a  large 
body  of  slaves,  and  removing  them  to  Canada.  On  the  contrary, 
Kagi  clearly  stated,  in  answer  to  my  inquiries,  that  the  design  was  to 
make  the  fight  in  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  extending  it  to  North 
Carolina  and  Tennessee,  and  also  to  the  swamps  of  South  Carolina  if 
possible.  I  Their  purpose  was  not  the  extradition  of  one  or  a  thousand 
,  slaves,  but\fieir  libswtion  in  the  States  wherein  they  were  born,  and  were 
knew  held  in  bondage^  A  The  mountains  and  swamps  of  the  South  were 
^tended  by  the  Almighty,'  said  John  Brown  to  me  afterwards,  <  for  a 
refuge  for  the  slave,  and  a  defence  against  the  oppressor^  Kagi  spoke 
of  having  marked  out  a  chain  of  counties  extending  continuously 
through  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi.  He  had 
travelled  over  a  large  portion  of  the  region  indicated,  and  from  his 
own  personal  knowledge,  and  with  the  assistance  of  Canadian  negroes 
who  had  escaped  from  those  States,  they  had  arranged  a  general  plan 
of  attack.  The  counties  he  named  were  those  which  contained  the 
largest  proportion  of  slaves,  and  would,  therefore,  be  the  best  in 
which  to  strike.  The  blow  struck  at  Harper's  Ferry  w-as  to  be  in 
the  Spring,  when  the  planters  were  busy,  and  the  slaves  most  needed. 
The  arms  in  the  Arsenal  were  to  be  taken  to  the  mountains,  with  such 
slaves  as  joined.  The  telegraph  wires  were  to  be  cut,  and  the  rail 
road  tracks  torn  up  in  all  directions.  As  fast  as  possible  other  bands 
besides  the  original  ones  were  to  be  formed,  and  a  continuous  chain 
of  posts  established  in  the  mountains.  They  were  to  be  supported  by 
provisions  taken  from  the  farms  of  the  oppressors.  They  expected 
to  be  speedily  and  constantly  ree'nforced  ;  first,  by  the  arrival  of  those 
men,  who,  in  Canada,  were  anxiously  looking  and  praying  for  the  time 


Some  Shadows  Before.  205 

of  deliverance,  and  then  by  the  slaves  themselves.  The  intention  was 
to  hold  the  egress  to  the  Free  States  as  long  as  possible,  in  order  to 
retreat  when  that  was  advisable.  Ivagi,  however,  expected  to  retreat 
southicard,  not  in  the  contrary  direction.  The  slaves  were  to  be  armed 
with  pikes,  scythes,  muskets,  shot  guns,  and  other  simple  instruments 
of  defence ;  the  officers,  white  or  black,  and  such  of  the  men  as  were 
skilled  and  trustworthy,  to  have  the  use  of  the  Sharpe's  rifles  and  re 
volvers.  They  anticipated  procuring  provisions  enough  for  subsistence 
by  forage,  as  also  arms,  horses,  and  ammunition.  Kagi  said  one  of 
the  reasons  that  induced  him  to  go  into  the  enterprise  was  a  full  con 
viction  that  at  no  very  distant  day  forcible  efforts  for  freedom  would 
break  out  among  the  slaves,  and  that  slavery  might  be  more  speedily 
abolished  by  such  efforts  than  by  any  other  means.  He  knew  by  ob 
servation  in  the  South,  that  in  no  point  was  the  system  so  vulnerable 
as  in  its  fear  of  a  slave-rising.  Believing  that  such  a  blow  would  soon 
be  struck,  he  wanted  to  organize  it  so  as  to  make  it  more  effectual,  and 
also,  by  directing  and  controlling  the  negroes,  to  prevent  some  of  the 
atrocities  that  would  necessarily  arise  from  the  sudden  upheaval  of 
such  a  mass  as  the  Southern  slaves.  The  Constitution  adopted  at 
Chatham  was  intended  as  the  framework  of  organization  among  the 
emancipationists,  to  enable  the  leaders  to  effect  a  more  complete  con 
trol  of  their  forces.  Ignorant  men,  in  fact  all  men,  were  more  easily 
managed  by  the  forms  of  law  and  organization  than  without  them. 
This  was  one  of  the  purposes  to  be  served  by  the  Provisional  Govern 
ment.  Another  was  to  alarm  the  Oligarchy  by  discipline  and  the 
show  of  organization.  In  their  terror  they  would  imagine  the  whole 
North  was  upon  them  pell-mell,  as  well  as  all  their  slaves.  Kagi  said 
John  Brown  anticipated  that  by  a  system  of  forbearance  to  non-slave 
holders  many  of  them  might  be  induced  to  join  them." 

My  friend  here  explains  at  great  length  another  well 
devised  plan  of  an  extended  insurrection  in  the  South 
ern  States ;  but  as  its  publication  might  prevent  its 
successful  execution  —  and  of  that,  or  an  attempt  to 
fulfil  it,  there  is  no  doubt  in  my  own  mind  —  I  deem  it 
more  prudent  to  suppress  this  portion  of  his  narrative. 
He  thus  continues  the  report  of  his  conversation  with 
Mr.  Kagi : 

NO    POLITICIANS   TRUSTED. 

"  One  thing  I  remember  distinctly.  In  answer  to  an  inquiry, 
Kagi  stated  that «  no  politician,  in  the  Republican  or  any  other  party, 

18 


206  Some  Shadows  Before. 

knew  of  their  plans,  and  but  few  of  the  abolitionists.  It  was  no  use 
talking,'  he  said,  « of  Anti-slavery  action  to  Non-resistant  Agitators.' 
That  there  were  men  who  knew  of  John  Brown's  general  idea  is  most 
true  ;  but,  south  of  the  Canadian  Provinces  and  of  North  Elba,  there 
were  but  few  who  were  cognizant  of  the  mode  by  which  he  intended 
to  mould  those  ideas  into  deeds." 

JOHN   BROWN   ON   INSURRECTION. 

"  After  a  long  conversation,  the  substance  of  which  I  have  given, 
we  returned  to  the  house.  I  had  some  further  conversation  with  John 
Brown,  mostly  upon  his  movements,  and  the  use  of  arms.  The 
Captain  expressed  tersely  his  ideas  of  forcible  emancipation.  Of  the 
terror  inspired  by  the  fear  of  slaves  rising,  he  said : 

"  '  Nat  Turner,  with  fifty  men,  held  Virginia  five  weeks.  The  same 
number,  well  organized  and  armed,  can  shake  the  system  out  of  the 
State.' 

"I  remember  also  these  sentences: 

"  '  Give  a  slave  a  pike,  and  you  make  him  a  man.  Deprive  him  of 
the  means  of  resistance,  and  you  keep  him  down.' 

"'The  land  belongs  to  the  bondman.  He  has  enriched  it,  and 
been  robbed  of  its  fruits.' 

/    "  '  Any  resistance,  however  bloody,  is  better  than  the  system  which 
\makes  every  seventh  woman  a  concubine.y 

"  «I  would  not  give  Sharpe's  rifles  to  more  than  ten  men  in  a  hun 
dred,  and  then  only  when  they  have  learned  to  use  them.  It  is  not 
every  man  who  knows  how  to  use  a  rifle.  I  had  one  man  in  my  com 
pany  who  was  the  bravest  man  and  worst  marksman  I  ever  knew.' 

"  '  A  ravine  is  better  than  a  plain.  Woods  and  mountain  sides  can 
be  held  by  resolute  men  against  ten  times  their  force.' 

"  '  A  few  men  in  the  right,  and  knowing  they  are,  can  overturn  a 
king.  Twenty  men  in  the  Alleghanies  could  break  Slavery  to  pieces 
Hn  two  years.'  / 

"  « When  the  bondmen  stand  like  men,  the  nation  will  respect  them. 
It  is  necessary  to  teach  them  this.' 

«'  Much  more  was  said  which  I  cannot  recall.  The  afternoon  had 
more  than  half  passed  before  I  left  for  my  destination.  I  rode  over 
the  prairies  till  sunset ;  and  in  the  glory  of  the  grand  scheme,  which 
had  been  opened  to  me,  it  seemed  as  if  the  whole  earth  had  become 
broader,  and  the  heavens  more  vast.  Since  that  day,  when  I  stood  in 
the  light  of  those  starching  eyes,  I  have  known  what  John  Brown 
meant  when  he  said  : 

"  ' "}  oung  men  should  have  a  purpose  in  life,  and  adhere  to  it  in  all 
trials.  They  will  be  sure  to  succeed  if  their  purpose  is  such  as  to 
dr serve  the  blessing  of  God.'  " 


III. 

FLESHING  THE  SWORD. 

IN  order  to  understand  the  reason  of  John  Brown's 
movements  during  this  his  third  visit  to  the  Terri 
tory,  it  is  first  necessary  briefly  to  review  the  history 
of  Kansas  from  September,  1856,  when  the  old  man 
and  his  sons  left  Lawrence,  up  to  the  date  when  the 
reminiscences  of  my  friend  report  him  at  the  village 
of  Osawatomie. 

NORTHERN   KANSAS. 

In  Northern  Kansas  there  were  no  further  disturb 
ances  or  outrages  committed  from  the  date  of  the  re 
treat  of  the  Twenty-Seven  Hundred  Invaders,  under 
General  Reid,  who,  on  their  return  to  Missouri,  burned 
the  village  of  Franklin,  a  Free  State  hotel,  and  a  num 
ber  of  private  houses,  stole  four  hundred  head  of  cat 
tle,  and  sacked,  plundered  and  devastated  the  Free 
State  settlements  in  every  direction.  Abandoning  the 
agency  of  force  in  Northern  Kansas,  —  for  the  immense 
emigration  of  the  spring  of  1857  placed  the  pro-slavery 
party  there  in  a  hopeless  minority,  —  the  South  and  the 
Federal  Administration  directed  their  energies  to  the 
formation  of  a  fraudulent  Constitution,  which,  by  va- 

1207) 


208  Flefliing  the  Sword. 

rious  devices,  —  excluding,  for  example,  by  test  oaths, 
the  majority  of  the  people  from  voting,  and  using  the 
names  of  the  Cincinnati  Directory  for  the  purpose 
of  increasing  the  vote  in  favor  of  slavery,  —  they  pre 
tended  to  adopt,  and  then  carried  up  to  Congress. 
Its  history  there  is  well  known.  In  August,  1858, 
this  Constitution,  on  being  submitted  to  the  vote  of 
the  people  of  Kansas,  was  voted  down  by  an  unprece 
dented  majority.  From  John  Brown's  defence  of  Law 
rence,  therefore,  in  the  autumn  of  1856,  up  to  the 
present  hour,  the  history  of  Northern  Kansas  has 
been  a  mere  record  of  political  intrigues  and  counter- 
intrigues,  and  of  a  rapid  progress  in  material  wealth, 
population,  and  civilization. 

SOUTHERN   KANSAS. 

In  Southern  Kansas,  also,  there  were  no  difficulties 
until  the  winter  of  1857-8  —  until  shortly  after  John 
Brown  paid  his*  visit  of  three  days  to  Lawrence  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  out  his  young  followers  to  drill 
them. 

In  the  summer  of  1856,  the  entire  Free  State  popula 
tion  of  Lynn  and  Bourbon  Counties  had  been  driven 
from  the  cabins  and  claims  by  organized  marauders 
from  Arkansas  and  the  Indian  Territory,  under  the 
command  of  General  Clarke,  a  Federal  office-holder,  and 
the  murderer  of  Robert  Barber.  The  emigrants  thus 
expelled  began  to  return  to  their  homes  in  the  spring, 
summer,  and  autumn  of  1857.  They  found  their 
houses  and  farms  occupied  by  the  Southern  ruffians. 
Instead  of  driving  them  out,  or  hanging  them,  as,  in 
strict  justice,  by  the  squatter  code,  they  would  have 


Flefhing  the  Sword.  209 

been  justified  in  doing,  the  Free  State  men  built  other 
cabins  on  their  claims  thus  feloniously  occupied,  and 
avowed  their  willingness  to  abide  by  the  decision  of 
the  Land  Office,  of  which  the  real  chief  was  General 
Clarke,  but  from  whose  decision  there  was  an  appeal 
to  Washington.  Fort  Scott,  at  this  time,  was  the  head 
quarters  of  the  ruffians  in  Southern  Kansas ;  among 
them,  the  Hamiltons,  the  Littles,  and  Brockett,  all  of 
whom  had  been  members  of  the  Lecompton  Constitu 
tional  Convention  ;  Brockett,  the  Hamiltons,  and  Clarke 
having  attested  their  devotion  to  slavery  by  murdering 
Free  State  citizens  in  cold  blood.  In  the  expectation 
that  the  Lecompton  Constitution  would  be  passed  by 
Congress,  and  enforced  by  the  hireling  legions  of 
the  United  States,  these  leaders  formed  the  plan  of  re 
newing  the  disturbances  in  Southern  Kansas,  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  to  their  Missouri  friends  the  farms 
and  cabins  they  had  stolen,  facilitating  the  reconquest 
of  the  soil  to  slavery,  and  preventing  the  stream  of 
Northern  emigration  from  overflowing  into  the  Indian 
Territory.  In  November  this  plan  was  carried  into 
operation  by  organized  bands  of  pro-slavery  ruffians, 
who,  issuing  from  Fort  Scott,  stole  cattle,  arrested  men 
under  false  charges,  and  in  other  ways  annoyed  the 
Northern  settlers.  A  Free  State  Squatter's  Court  was 
formed  in  November  for  the  trial  of  these  ruffians  by 
the  process  of  Lynch  law.  In  order  to  inspire  terror, 
the  judge  of  this  organization  was  called  Old  Brown ; 
and,  although  the  Captain  was  in  Iowa  at  t-ne  time,  the 
deception  was  not  discovered  for  many  months.  It  was 
at  this  time  that  Captain  James  Montgomery,  called  on 
18* 


2io  Flefhing  the  Sword. 

by  the  people,  took  the  field.  Little,  one  of  the  chief 
ruffians,  acting  as  a  deputy  United  States  Marshal,  at 
tempted,  with  a  posse  of  eighty  well-armed  men,  to 
arrest  this  Court.  Major  Abbott,*  with  ten  Sharpe's 
riflemen,  drove  them  back  in  disgrace  to  Fort  Scott. 
The  United  States  forces  marched  to  their  rescue  ;  Jim 
Lane  went  down  to  call  out  the  Free  State  militia ;  and 
between  these  hostile  fires  the  cause  of  the  ruffians 
fell  temporarily  to  the  ground.  Neither  force  fought, 
but  Lane's  men  frightened  ;  and  the  Missourians  staid  at 
home.  General  Lane  returned  ;  but  the  United  States 
troops  remained,  and  then  joined  the  ruffians.  Many 
of  the  soldiers,  dressed  in  civilians'  clothes,  participated 
in  their  midnight  forays.  Montgomery  organized  a 
force  to  resist  them.  Brockett,  in  one  of  these  noctur 
nal  excursions,  murdered  two  Free  State  men,  and 
wounded  two  others. f  These  events  occurred  in  Feb 
ruary  and  March,  1858.  The  disturbances  'continued 


*  The  Major  was  a  spiritualist  and  peace  man  when  he  came  to  Kansas,  but  soon 
took  up  carnal  weapons,  and  did  heroic  service  in  the  cause.  He  deserves  honorable 
mention  in  every  history  of  Kansas. 

f  On  the  night  of  the  27th  of  March,  1858,  the  ruffians  of  the  fort  made  a  drive  on  the 
Free  State  settlements  on  the  Little  Osage,  being  informed  by  their  spies  that  the  river 
was  unguarded.  They  first  rode  up  to  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Denton.  —  an  inoffensive  Free 
State  man,  —  called  him  out,  and  after  asking  a  few  trifling  questions,  deliberately 
shot  him.  Some  five  shots  were  fired  at  him,  two  of  which  took  effect.  He  expired  in 
two  hours.  Before  his  death  he  charged  his  assassination  to  two  men  by  the  names  of 
Brockett  and  Hardwick.  They  then  proceeded  to  the  residence  of  a  Mr.  Davis,  a 
neighbor  of  Mr.  Denton's,  and  demanded  entrance.  Suspecting  them  of  being  enemies, 
JJr.  Davis  refused  to  open  the  door.  The  ruffians  fired  several  times  through  the  door; 
one  of  their  shots  took  effect  in  his  hand,  but  he  was  not  seriously  injured  by  any  of 
their  discharges.  The  next  place  visited  was  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Hedrick.  They  ar 
rived  there  about  two  o'clock.  Mi-.  Hedrick  was  up,  waiting  on  his  sick  wife.  The 
attending  physician  was  also  present  and  up  at  the  time.  A  call  was  made  for  admit- 
tance,  and  as  soon  as  Mr.  Iledrick  opened  the  door  and  stepped  into  the  opening,  he  was 
shot  down,  five  buck  shot  entering  his  side  just  below  the  breast.  He  never  spoke, 
but  fell  dead  upon  the  threshold  of  his  dwelling.  All  these  dark  deeds  were  com 
mitted  in  one  night.  —  WILLIAM  TOMUNSON'S  "Kansas  in  Eighteen  Hundred  and 
Fifty-eight." 


Flelhing  the  Sword.  21 1 

with  varying  success  until  the  month  of  April,  when 
Montgomery  and  his  men  were  pursued  by  a  force  of 
forty  dragoons,  who  were  acting  with  the  ruffians  of 
Fort  Scott.  He  had  eight  men  only,  but,  posting  them 
in  a  good  position,  resisted  the  charge  of  the  soldiery, 
and  drove  them  back  —  killing  one  man,  wounding 
four  or  five  others,  and  leaving  a  number  of  horses 
dead  on  the  field.  This  was  the  first  time  in  American 
history  that  the  Federal  troops  were  resisted  by  citizens. 
"  Old  Captain  Brown,"  we  are  told  by  Montgomery's 
biographer,  "  when  he  learned  the  particulars  of  the 
engagement,  said  that  the  like  had  not  happened  before 
in  the  Territory,  and  that  the  manner  of  his  availing 
himself  of  the  strong  position  that  offered,  and  the 
skill  with  which  he  conducted  the  engagement,  stamped 
him  as  one  of  the  first  commanders  of  the  age." 

The  news  of  this  engagement  exasperated  Denver, 
and  he  declared  that  Montgomery  should  be  arrested. 
At  this  time  one  of  Montgomery's  men  stopped  a  mes 
senger  from  Fort  Scott,  and  found  a  letter  011  his  per 
son  addressed  to  the  Governor.  Montgomery  opened 
it,  found  an  account  of  the  plans  laid  for  his  arrest,  and 
then  enclosed  in  it  a  note  to  Denver,  in  which  he  stated 
that  if  the  Governor  wanted  him,  he  had  only  to  do 
justice  to  the  Free  State  men,  and  recall  the  troops 
from  Fort  Scott.  This  double  letter  was  then  for 
warded  to  Lecompton  ! 

About  this  time  Hamilton  marched  into  the  Terri 
tory  at  the  head  of  twenty-five  men,  and  committed  the 
hideous  massacre  of  the  Marais-des-Cygnes.  This  act 
aroused  the  most  terrible  passions.  The  whole  Free 


212  Flelhing  the  Sword. 

State  population  took  up  arms.  It  needed  only  a  leader 
and  a  provocation  to  create  a  revolution.  The  leader 
was  there  —  the  troops  were  coming.  But,  alarmed  by 
these  symptoms  of  a  rebellion,  Governor  Denver  recalled 
the  soldiery;  and,  accompanied  by  a  prominent  Free 
State  politician,  went  down  and  made  a  treaty  with 
Montgomery.  He  agreed  that  all  bygones  should  be 
forgotten,  and  that  the  troops  and  obnoxious  civil  offi 
cers  should  be  removed.  This  treaty  restored  peace. 

ARRIVAL   OF   JOHN   BROWN   IN   THE    SOUTH. 

Up  to  the  middle  of  September,  the  movements  of 
John  Brown  have  been  given  in  the  preceding  chapter. 
At  this  time  it  was  reported  that  he  had  left  the  coun 
try,  and  the  ruffians  began  to  take  courage.  The  vol 
unteer  militia  company  was  dissolved.  Now  began  a 
new  disturbance,  created  by  the  Free  State  democrats ; 
who,  jealous  of  Montgomery's  political  influence,  de 
sired  to  annoy  him  by  prosecutions  until  he  should 
leave  the  country.  Up  to  this  time,  he  had  been 
quietly  working  on  his  farm ;  but  he  was  the  real 
Governor  of  all  the  Southern  country,  nevertheless. 
On  the  llth  of  October,  a  packed  Grand  Jury  was  im 
panelled  at  Fort  Scott  —  the  Marshal  and  Prosecut 
ing  Attorney  being  bitter  personal  enemies  of  Mont 
gomery.  On  the  21st,  learning  that  he  and  a  number 
of  his  men  had  been  indicted,  in  violation  of  the  treaty 
with  Governor  Denver,  Montgomery  visited  Fort  Scott 
with  a  small  party,  took  the  Court  and  Grand  Jury 
prisoners,  quietly  adjourned  it,  and  made  a  bonfire  of 
the  indictments  !  John  Brown  was  not  present  at  this 
postponement,  but  "  acted  as  an  adviser."  Several  of 


Flefhing  the  Sword.  213 

the  men  who  fought  at  Harper's  Ferry  were  there. 
This  proceeding  shocked  the  politicians  in  Northern 
Kansas,  who  were  ever  ready  to  indorse  any  wicked 
ness  if  the  words  Free  State  preceded  it.  These  men, 
who  had  sworn  resistance  "  to  a  bloody  issue  "  with 
the  Usurpation,  but,  as  soon  as  they  got  offices  under 
it,  indorsed  and  defended  it,  were  naturally  indignant 
at  this  translation  of  their  Big  Spring  resolutions  into 
Fort  Scott  actions. 

Early  in  November,  Montgomery's  little  cabin  was 
surrounded  and  fired  into  by  a  party  of  marauders. 
The  buck  shot  from  their  guns  fell  on  the  clothing  of 
the  bed  in  which  Mrs.  Montgomery  was  sleeping.  She 
shouted,  "  0,  we're  going  to  have  a  fight !  "  The  ma 
rauders  heard  her,  and,  supposing  from  the  expression 
that  a  number  of  men  were  inside,  turned  about  and 
fled  —  fired  at,  as  they  ran,  by  Kagi,  who  had  been 
lying  in  another  bed. 

During  this  period  Captain  Brown,  expecting  a  re 
newal  of  disturbances,  was  busily  engaged  in  building 
fortifications  ;  which  may  still  be  seen  on  the  Little 
Osage  and  Little  Sugar  Creeks.  One  of  them  was  u 
cabin  near  the  Little  Sugar  Creek,  in  which  the  old 
man  and  his  followers  lived.  They  show  great  mili 
tary  ability. 

In  the  month  of  November,  the  politicians  began 
to  exert  themselves  to  incite  a  feeling  of  dissatisfaction 
among  the  people  against  Montgomery  and  Brown.  On 
the  25th  of  that  month,  a  meeting  for  this  purpose  was 
held  at  Mapleton  ;  but  the  friends  of  the  two  chieftains 
appeared  in  great  force,  and  adjourned  it  to  the  30th. 


214  Flelhing  the  Sword. 

On  the  same  day  one  of  Montgomery's  men  was  ar 
rested,  in  violation  of  the  treaty,  taken  to  Fort  Scott  in 
chains,  and  imprisoned  in  a  filthy  cell. 

ATTACK   ON   JOHN   BROWN'S   HOUSE. 

On  the  29th,  Captain  Brown  left  his  house  for  Osa- 
watomie,  and  Captain  Montgomery  for  Osage  City  ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  Sheriif  called  out  a  posse  of  pro- 
slavery  settlers,  Missourians  and  Free  State  Democrats, 
for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  old  man  and  his  boys. 
On  the  30th,  the  posse  assembled  at  Paris,  one  hundred 
strong,  and  marched  to  the  cabin  of  John  Brown,  on 
the  Little  Sugar  Creek.  Stevens  and  Kagi  were  its 
only  occupants.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the 
posse  was  approaching,  a  messenger  was  sent  for  Mont 
gomery,  who  arrived  at  midnight  with  thirteen  men. 
They  had  previously  been  reenforced  by  thirteen  neigh 
bors.  In  the  morning  their  number  was  still  further 
increased,  although  they  still  numbered  only  thirty- 
four  men.  The  Sheriff's  posse  approached  within  a 
quarter  of  a  mile,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
strong.  Stevens  and  Kagi  went  out  to  meet  the  offi 
cer,  who  had  ridden  up  within  a  few  rods  of  the  cabin. 

They  asked  him  what  he  wanted. 

He  replied,  "  To  disarm  them  and  demolish  their 
fort." 

Kagi  told  him  to  produce  his  authority. 

"  You  are  an  illegal  body,  and  it  is  my  right  to  dis 
perse  you,"  said  the  Sheriff.  "I  have  no  writ,  but  I 
must  disperse  you,  as  you  are  more  than  five  armed 
men  ;  and  if  I  don't  do  it,  I'll  be  covered  with  shame, 
and  have  to  leave  the  country." 


Fleftiing  the  Sword.  215 

"  We  can't  help  that,"  retorted  Kagi ;  "  it  is  no  busi 
ness  of  ours  ;  there  is  no  use  having  any  nonsense 
about  this  ;  if  Paris  *  wants  peace,  the  whole  Treaty, 
amnesty  and  all,  must  be  observed  ;  if  not,  there  must 
be  war." 

At  this  time,  the  officer  could  not  see  more  than  five 
armed  persons,  not  knowing  that  there  were  thirteen 
squatters  in  the  cabin,  or  that  Montgomery  lay  in 
ambush  in  a  ravine  close  by,  covering  the  whole  wing 
of  the  posse,  with  twenty-one  picked  men,  who  were 
eager  for  the  fight.  He  was  so  placed,  that,  in  ten 
minutes,  he  could  have  swept  the  entire  posse  from  the 
face  of  the  earth. 

"  But  you  can't  resist,"  said  a  politician,  who  ac 
companied  the  Sheriff;  "look  at  our  force  opposed 
to  you." 

Stevens  stretched  his  manly  form  to  its  full  height, 
and,  raising  his  right  arm,  with  a  defiant  glance,  in  a 
ringing  tone,  gave  a  reply,  every  word  of  which  the 
followers  of  the  Sheriff  heard,  and  which  evidently 
made  a  great  impression  on  them  : 

"  But,  believing  we  are  right,  before  God,  we  will 
resist  if  the  whole  Universe  is  against  us  !  " 

The  posse  retired  without  firing  a  shot !  On  the  same 
day,  the  Sheriff  and  his  companion  were  disarmed  by 
two  men  who  fell  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

"  Do  you  know  who  we  are  ? "  asked  the  Sheriff. 
"  I  am  the  High  Sheriff  of  this  county." 

"  To  the  devil  with  the  High  Sheriff  of  Lynn  Coun 
ty  !"  said  Kagi.  "  Hand  over  that  gun." 

*  The  lesser  Load-quarters  of  the  ruffians  and  Democrats. 


216  Fleihing  the  Sword. 

John  Brown  returned  from  Osawatomie  as  soon  as 
he  heard  of  the  attack  on  his  house.  The  pro-slavery 
men,  and  Free  State  sycophants  of  the  Federal  Ad 
ministration,  had  just  again  sent  for  United  States 
troops  ;  for  they  now  saw  that  it  was  impossible  to 
subdue  the  earnest  Republican  squatters,  or  with  im 
punity  break  treaties  made  with  anti-slavery  men. 
John  Brown  and  James  Montgomery,  foreseeing  fur 
ther  trouble,  prepared  for  a  formidable  defence  ;  being 
resolutely  determined  to  fight  all  comers,  whether 
troops,  pro-slavery  ruffians,  invaders,  or  Free  State 
Democrats,  who  should  endeavor  to  "  crush  out"  the 
defenders  of  freedom.  John  Brown  resolved  to  invade 
Missouri,  and  stop  at  once  the  incursions  from  that 
State,  which  were  now  the  sole  reliance  of  the  friends 
of  Slavery  in  Kansas. 

Montgomery  marched  on  Fort  Scott,  on  the  15th  of 
December,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  officered 
by  John  Brown's  followers, — Kagi,  among  others,  and 
Anderson.  —  and  rescued  his  friend  whom  the  ruffians 
had  incarcerated.* 

Governor  Medary  ordered  down  four  companies  of 

*  Among  the  prisoners  taken  were  Epaphroditus  Ransom,  a  very  portly  Federal  offi 
cial,  who  had  been  a  Governor  of  Michigan,  and  was  now  a  dignitary  in  the  Land 
Office.  On  hearing  the  noise,  (it  was  early  in  the  morning,)  he  came  to  the  door  in  his 
drawers  and  night  dress;  when  a  boy  of  seventeen  years,  carrying  a  musket  longer 
than  himself,  shouted,  "Come  out  here;  you're  my  prisoner."  "What  do  you  mean, 
sir?"  said  Ransom;  "I  am  a  Federal  officer,  sir."  "Federal  officer,  eh?"  said  the 
boy;  "  who  the  devil  cares  ?  Come  out  here !"  Ransom  showed  no  willingness  to  do 
BO;  whereupon  the  boy  cocked  his  musket,  and  the  "Federal  officer"  came  out.  He 
ordered  him  to  march  to  the  middle  of  the  square,  obliging  him  to  walk  —  dressed  as 
he  was  —  at  a  sharp  trot,  in  order  to  keep  clear  of  the  bayonet,  which  the  boy  held 
in  dangerous  proximity  to  his  body.  The  wiggling  gait  of  the  portly  dignitary,  and 
the  ludicrous  contrast  between  captive  and  capturer,  were  long  afterwards  de 
scribed  by  all  who  saw  them,  as  one  of  the  most  ludicrous  of  Kansas  incidents.  When 
Ransom  reached  the  place  appointed  for  him,  "  See  what  we  sons  of  Freedom  can  do, 
old  fellow  I  "  said  *tir  >x>y 


Fleiliing  the  Sword.  217 

United  States  dragoons  ;  called  out  four  bodies  of 
militia,  consisting  chiefly  of  invaders  and  pro-slavery 
settlers  ;  the  Missourians  began  to  assemble  on  the 
borders  ;  every  thing  gave  promise  of  a  renewed  civil 
war  ;  when,  unexpectedly,  the  aspect  of  affairs  changed 
by  the  recall  of  the  troops  by  order  of  the  Cabinet, 
and  the  successful  attack,  on  a  Missouri  force,  by  a 
party  of  Free  State  men,  led  by  Captain  Snyder,  the 
blacksmith,  whose  name  is  inseparably  associated  with 
the  history  of  the  massacre  of  the  Marais-des-Cygnes. 
This  cabin  was  the  head-quarters  of  these  ruffians. 
When  they  saw  the  Free  State  men  coming  they  offered 
fight ;  a  conflict  ensued  ;  they  refused  to  surrender ; 
the  cabin  was  fired,  and  four  of  the  murderers  perished 
in  its  flames. 

At  this  time  John  Brown  and  his  men  were  at  Bain's 
cabin,  in  Bourbon  County,  preparing  for  any  emergency 
that  might  demand  their  aid.  Two  hundred  Missou 
rians  had  assembled  at  Fail's  store,  eight  miles  distant/ 
in  Missouri,  for  the  purpose  of  invading  the  Territory ; 
but,  hearing  that  Old  Brown  was  recruiting  his  forces 
to  attack  them,  they  withdrew  fifteen  miles  further  from 
the  borders. 

While  John  Brown  was  stating  his  plan  of  following 
them,  and,  by  invading  Missouri  and  carrying  off  slaves, 
teaching  the  citizens  of  that  State  to  attend  to  their  own 
affairs,  a  negro  man  named  Jim  came  over ;  and,  stating 
that  he  and  his  family  and  a  friend  were  about  to  be 
sold  South,  implored  assistance  and  deliverance. 

The  poor  that  cried  for  deliverance  from  oppression 
never  appealed  in  vain  to  the  heart  of  John  Brown. 
19 


IV. 

EXODUS. 


JOHN  BROWN,  in  January,  1859,  wrote  a  letter  in 
relation   to   his   invasion    of  Missouri,   which,  of 
course,  should  precede  all  other  accounts  of  it.      It 
became  a  celebrated  document,  and  was  known  as : 
JOHN  BROWN'S  PARALLELS. 

TRADING  POST,  KANSAS,  January,  1859. 

Gentlemen  :  You  will  greatly  oblige  a  humble  friend  by  allowing 
the  use  of  your  columns  while  I  briefly  state  two  parallels,  in  my 
poor  way. 

Not  one  year  ago,  eleven  quiet  citizens  of  this  neighborhood,  viz. : 
William  Robertson,  William  Colpetzer,  Amos  Hall,  Austin  Hall,  John 
Campbell,  Asa  Snyder,  Thomas  Stilwell,  William  Hairgrove,  Asa 
Hairgrove,  Patrick  Ross,  and  B.  L.  Reed,  were  gathered  up  from  their 
work  and  their  homes  by  an  armed  force  under  one  Hamilton,  and 
without  trial  or  opportunity  to  speak  in  their  own  defence,  were 
formed  into  line,  and  all  but  one  shot  —  five  killed  and  five  wounded. 
One  fell  unharmed,  pretending  to  be  dead.  All  were  left  for  dead. 
The  only  crime  charged  against  them  was  that  of  being  Free  State 
men.  Now,  I  inquire,  what  action  has  ever,  since  the  occurrence  in 
May  last,  been  taken  by  either  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Governor  of  Missouri,  the  Governor  of  Kansas,  or  any  of  their  tools, 
or  by  any  pro-slavery  or  administration  man,  to  ferret  out  and  punish 
the  perpetrators  of  this  crime  ? 

Now  for  the  other  parallel.  On  Sunday,  December  19,  a  negro 
man  called  Jim  came  over  to  the  Osage  settlement,  from  Missouri,  and 
stated  that  he,  together  with  his  wife,  two  children,  and  another  negro 
man,  was  to  be  sold  within  a  day  or  two,  and  begged  for  help  to  get 

(218) 


Exodus.  219 

away.  On  Monday  (the  following)  night,  two  small  companies  were 
made  up  to  go  to  Missouri  and  forcibly  liberate  the  five  slaves,  together 
•with  other  slaves.  One  of  these  companies  I  assumed  to  direct.  We 
proceeded  to  the,  place,  surrounded  the  buildings,  liberated  the  slaves, 
and  also  took  certain  property  supposed  to  belong  to  the  estate. 

We,  however,  learned,  before  leaving,  that  a  portion  of  the  articles 
we  had  taken  belonged  to  a  man  living  on  the  plantation,  as  a  tenant, 
and  who  was  supposed  to  have  no  interest  in  the  estate.  We  promptly 
returned  to  him  all  we  had  taken.  We  then  went  to  another  planta 
tion,  where  we  found  five  more  slaves,  took  some  property  and  two 
white  men.  We  moved  all  slowly  away  into  the  Territory  for  some 
distance,  and  then  sent  the  white  men  back,  telling  them  to  follow  us 
as  soon  as  they  chose  to  do  so.  The  other  company  freed  one  female 
slave,  took  some  property,  and,  as  I  am  informed,  killed  one  white 
man,  (the  master,)  who  fought  against  the  liberation. 

Now  for  a  comparison.    Eleven  persons  are  forcibly  restored  to  their  j 
natural  and  inalienable  rights,  with  buJj^ejsajaJdllad,  and  all  "helll*    ^ 
is  stirred  from  beneath."     It  is  currently  reported  that  the  Governor!' ; 
of  Missouri  has  made  a  requisition  upon  the  Governor  of  Kansas  fo 
the  delivery  of  all  such  as  were  concerned  in  the  last-named  "  dread- \ 
ful  outrage."     The  Marshal  of  Kansas  is  said  to  be  collecting  a  posse 
of  Missouri  (not  Kansas   men)   at  West   Point,  in  Missouri,  a  little 
town  about  ten  miles  distant,  to  "  enforce  the  laws."     All  pro-slavery, 
conservative  free-state,  and  doughface  men,  and  Administration  tools, 
are  filled  with  holy  horror. 

Consider  the  two  cases,  and  the  action  of  the  Administration  party. 
Respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

THE   INVASION. 

Of  these  two  parties  of  liberators  John  Brown  and 
Kagi  were  the  Captains.  The  old  man's  force  consisted 
of  twelve  men  ;  Kagi's  company  of  eight  only.  The 
slaves  were  to  have  been  removed  to  Texas  on  the  fol 
lowing  day.  Captain  Brown  went  to  the  house  of 
Hicklan,  the  master  of  Jim,  and  liberated  that  negro 
and  four  others.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Isaac  Jarne,  another  slaveholder,  and  released  five 
more.  Jarne*  was  taken  prisoner  and  carried  into  the 
Territory,  to  prevent  an  alarm  being  given. 


222  Exodus. 

dollars.  The  politicians  of  Lawrence,  of  both  parties, 
became  alarmed  at  a  movement  which  defied  their 
pusillanimous  policy  —  and  men  who  had  only  hypo 
critically  cursed  when  their  territory  was  invaded,  now 
worked  in  earnest  to  arrest  the  schemes  of  the  brave 
retaliators.  Some  honest  men,  also,  aided  in  this  effort 
"  to  restore  tranquillity  ;  "  but  it  owed  its  embodiment 
into  a  law  to  the  Free  State  sycophants  of  the  South. 
That  embodiment  was  the  Amnesty  Act,  which  par 
doned  all  "  political  offences "  up  to  that  time,  and 
which  the  Federal  Governor  was  compelled,  by  the  fear 
of  renewed  disturbances,  to  approve,  in  order  to  induce 
Montgomery  to  disband  his  organization. 

Montgomery,  sent  for  by  the  politicians,  reached  the 
town  of  Lawrence  while  John  Brown  was  on  his  journey 
to  it,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  to  carry  off  his  ne 
groes.  To  save  Montgomery  from  the  odium  that,  his 
enemies  had  attempted  to  cast  on  him,  for  his  supposed 
implication  in  the  invasion  of  Missouri,  the  old  man  wrote 
his  parallels  from  the  "  Trading  Post "  in  Lynn  County. 
During  the  absence  of  Montgomery  and  Brown, 
Kagi,  who  had  been  left  in  command,  had  two  or  three 
fights  with  the  invaders. 

BATTLE    OF    THE    SPURS. 

About  the  20th  of  January,  John  Brown  left  Law 
rence  for  Nebraska,  with  his  emancipated  slaves,  who 
had  been  increased  in  number  by  the  birtli  of  a  child 
at  Osawatomie.  It  was  named,  Captain  John  Brown. 

When  at  the  third  resting  place  of  "Jim  Lane's 
army,"  which  had  been  named  Concord,  but  which  sub 
sequent  settlers  called  Holton,  a  party  of  thirty  pro- 


Exodus.  223 

slavery  men,  who  had  followed  them  from  Lecomp- 
ton,  approached  so  near  that  it  was  necessary  to  halt 
and  make  a  defence.  The  old  man  had  at  this  time 
four  white  companions  and  three  negro  men.  The 
whites  were  Stevens,  Tidd,  and  Anderson,  (who  fought 
at  Harper's  Ferry,)  and  another  Kansas  boy.  The 
Captain  took  possession  of  two  log  cabins  in  the  wood, 
which  the  pursuers  surrounded  —  at  a  distance, — 
while  they  sent  to  Atchison  and  Lecompton  for  further 
aid.  From  Atchison  twelve  men  arrived  ;  thus  making 
a  force  of  forty-two  men  opposed  to  eight  only.  The}' 
were  preparing  for  the  attack,  when  Captain  Brown 
and  his  men  issued  from  the  woods  for  the  purpose  of 
offering  fight.  The  Sheriff 's  Lecompton  posse  turned 
and  fled!  Not  a  shot  was  fired,  not  a  drum  was 
heard,  as,  putting  spurs  to  their  horses,  they  ran  panic- 
stricken  across  the  prairie.  Only  four  men  —  ashamed 
of  the  conduct  of  their  comrades  —  stood  their  ground ; 
and  they  were  made  prisoners  forthwith.  This  inci 
dent  was  ironically  called  the  Battle  of  the  Spurs,  as 
those  sharp  instruments  of  torture  were  the  only 
weapons  used  on  the  occasion. 

The  old  man  caused  them  to  dismount,  and  put  the 
negroes  on  their  horses.  They  swore.  He  ordered 
them  to  be  silent,  as  he  would  permit  no  blasphemy  in 
his  presence.  They  swore  again. 

"  Kneel !  "  said  the  old  man,  as,  with  stern  earnest 
ness,  he  drew  his  pistol. 

They  knelt  down,  and  he  ordered  them  to  pray.  He 
detained  them  for  five  days,  and  compelled  them  to 
pray  night  and  morning.  They  never  swore  again  in 


224 


Exodus. 


the  old  man's  presence.  They  returned  to  Atchison,  1 
was  told,  and  one  of  them  indiscreetly  related  the  story: 
the  ridicule  that  overwhelmed  them  compelled  them  to 
leave  the  town. 

THE   OVERLAND   JOURNEY. 

Kagi,  in  the  mean  time,  arrived  at  Topeka  from 
the  South,  and  found  the  town  in  a  great  commotion. 
News  had  just  arrived  that  Old  Brown  was  surrounded. 
As  soon  as  he  appeared,  all  the  fighting  boys  flocked 
around  him.  At  the  head  of  forty  mounted  men,  he 
started  at  once  to  rescue  his  old  Captain.  He  came  up 
just  in  time  to  see  the  last  of  the  posse  retreating  across 
the  prairie.  He  advocated  the  hanging  of  the  captured 
slave-hunters,  but  the  old  man  opposed  it,  and  the  kid 
nappers  were  saved.* 

Seventeen  of  the  "  Topeka  boys  "  escorted  the  party 
of  liberators  to  Nebraska  City. 

The  kidnappers,  on  being  released,  asked  the  old  man 
to  restore  their  horses  and  weapons. 

"  No,"  said  John  Brown,  gravely ;  "  your  legs  will 
carry  you  as  fast  as  you  want  to  run ;  you  won't  find 
any  more  Old  Browns  between  this  and  Atchison." 

The  party  reached  Tabor  in  the  first  week  of  Feb 
ruary,  and  travelled  slowly  across  the  State  of  Iowa. 

As  he  was  performing  this  journey,  men  panting  for 
the  price  of  blood  closely  followed  him  ;  but  the  sight 
of  his  well-armed  company  prevented  an  attack  on  the 


*  One  of  these  men,  since  the  capture  of  Captain  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry,  has 
spoken  of  him  with  the  greatest  admiration;  and  said,  that  "although  evidently  a 
monomaniac  on  tlie  subject  of  slavery,"  he  was  an  honest  and  brave  man.  On  being 
jestingly  advised  to  go  into  mourning  for  him,  he  said  :  he  might  go  into  black  for  many 
a  worse  man.  This  testimony  from  a  kidnapper  is  not  without  value. 


Exodus.  225 

band  of  liberators.  He  stopped  at  several  villages,  and 
was  well  received  by  the  friends  of  freedom.  From 
one  of  his  hosts,  we  have  the  following  letter,  which  was 
published  at  the  time  : 

CAPTAIN   BROWN   IN   IOWA. 

"  '  Old  Captain  Brown  of  Kansas  ! '  I  have  set  my  eyes  on  this  old 
hero,  feared  by  Missouri  invaders,  and  loved  by  the  legions  of  liberty 
in  Kansas  as  a  father.  He  had  a  company  of  twelve  colored  people, 
(who  I  only  guess  were  once  slaves,)  en  route  for  Canada,  where  I  trust 
they  are  safe.  To  me  he  is  an  historic  character.  In  the  family,  simple- 
hearted  as  a  child,  he  narrates  stirring  scenes,  placing  himself  in  the 
background  of  the  picture ;  while  an  eye  of  the  most  determined  ex 
pression  I  ever  saw  at  once  supplies  what  the  modestv  of  the  narrator 
has  withheld  as  personal.  He  is  the  impersonation  of  firmness. 
Among  his  company,  white  and  black,  with  a  long  gray  beard  and 
a  head  frosted  with  sixty  winters,  he  walks  like  a  patriarch,  if  that 
early  name  implies  leadership  and  devotion. 

"  Captain  Brown  avows  his  philosophy  to  be  the  showing  of  Border 
Ruffians  that  they  have  enough  to  do  in  taking  care  of  slavery  in  Mis 
souri,  without  making  a  foray  on  the  people  of  Kansas  to  establish 
slavery  there  against  the  votes  and  wishes  of  the  people.  As  God 
spares  him,  he  says,  he  will  «  deliver  the  poor  that  cry ; '  and  does 
not  conceal  the  fact  that,  in  open  day,  he  conducted  out  those  who 
dreaded,  next  to  death,  a  more  Southern  prison  house.  Two  com 
panies  of  slave-hunters,  headed  by  a  Marshal,  looked  upon  them,  but 
were  not  ready  to  lose  their  lives  in  a  negro  hunt.  A  rewarl  of 
three  thousand  dollars  by  the  Governor  of  Missouri,  with  the  value 
of  his  company  as  chattels,  has  made  him  quite  a  lion  through  the 
State  of  Iowa.  The  'dirt-eating'  Democracy  covet  the  reward,  but 
keep  at  a  good  distance  from  the  cold  lead,  and  have  no  desire  to  be 
awed  into  silence  and  shame  by  one  glance  from  the  old  hero,  who 
feels  that  «  God  will  cover  his  head  in  the  day  of  battle.'  Stranger 
than  fiction  have  been  his  escapes  and  exploits  in  Kansas.  Combining 
the  gentleness  of  a  Christian,  the  love  of  a  patriot,  and  the  skill  and 
boldness  of  a  commander,  whether  ending  his  career  in  the  quiet  of 
home  or  in  bloody  strife,  the  freemen  of  Kansas  will  hallow  his  mem 
ory,  and  history  will  name  him  the  Cromwell  of  our  Border  Wars. 

"How  unlike  the  Old  Brown  sketched  by  fiendish  hate  is  the  man 
at  your  fireside  !  — his  mouth  unpolluted  \vith  tobacco,  strong  drinks 
abjured,  regimen  plain,  conversation  grave,  and  occupied  with  pleas 
ant  memories  of  other  days.  He  drops  a  tear  of  gratitude  on  the 


226  Exodus. 

mention  of  the  practical  kindness  of   to  him  in  the  hour  oi 

extremity.  He  recurs  to  the  solid  principles  and  hearty  affection  of 
Dr.  Osgood,  of  Springfield,  on  whose  ministry  he  attended  for  many 
years.  He  had  a  lucrative  occupation  as  wool  grower  and  dealer  in 
Ohio,  and  gained  a  medal  as  exhibitor  of  wool  at  the  World's  Fair  ;  and 
now  finds  himself  in  the  '  wool  business '  still,  in  a  land  where  men  find 
more  dreaded  foes  than  the  young  Hebrew  shepherd  found  in  the 
beasts  that  took  a  lamb  out  of  the  flock.  I  am  well  informed  that 
the  people  at  Grinnell  took  care  of  the  company  for  two  days,  furnish 
ing  them  food  for  their  journey,  and,  on  Sabbath  evening,  took  up  a 
collection  for  them  as  well  as  on  Saturday  evening." 

The  same  writer,  in  a  letter  published  since  the  trial 
of  John  Brown,  gives  additional  particulars  of  the  old 
hero's  talks  when  under  his  roof: 

"Nothing  seemed  to  so  much  excite  him  as  an  intimation  that  op 
pression  aroused  a  spirit  of  revenge.  As  he  spoke  in  public  there 
was  no  boasting,  nor  a  display  of  himself.  The  wrongs  of  Kansas, 
and  the  atrocities  of  slavery,  he  pictured  in  a  clear  style,  declaring : 

"  That  it  was  '  nothing  to  die  in  a  good  cause,  but  an  eternal  disgrace  to 
sit  still  in  the  presence  of  the  barbarities  of  American  slavery.' 

•'His  logic,  with  all  who  were  captious  as  to  his  course,  was  like  a 
chain  shot  argument ;  yet  he  courted  no  discussion,  being  then  occupied 
with  the  safe  escape  of  the  eleven  supposed  chattels  from  Missouri. 

"  < Providence,'  said  he,  f  has  made  me  an  actor,  and  Slavery'an  outlaw. 

" 'A price  is  on  my  head,  and  ichat  is  life  to  me? 

"  kAn  old  man  should  have  more  care  to  end  life  well  than  to  live  long. 

"  '  Duty  is  the  voice  of  God,  and  a  man  is  neither  worthy  of  &  good  home 
here,  or  a  heaven,  that  is  not  willing  to  be  in  peril  for  a  good  cause! 

" '  The  loss  of  my  family  and  the  troubles  in  Kansas  have  shattered  my 
constitution,  and  I  am  nothing  to  the  icorld  but  to  defend  the  right,  and 
that,  by  God's  help,  I  have  done,  and  will  do.' 

"This,  in  substance,  and  much  more,  was  said  in  reply  to  a  wish 
which  I  expressed  that  he  would  not  return  to  Kansas,  but  seek  that 
quiet  with  his  family  which  his  health  demanded. 

"  He  scouted  the  idea  of  rest  while  he  held  '  a  commission  direct  from 
God  Almighty  to  act  against  slavery.' 

"He  claimed  to  be  responsible  for  the  wise  exercises  of  his  powers 
only,  and  not  for  the  quality  of  certain  acts.  In  taking  slaves  out  of 
Missouri,  he  said  that  he  would  teach  those  'living  in  glass  houses 
not  to  throw  stones,'  and  tney  would  have  more  than  they  could  do 
to  kc-^p  slavery  in  Missouri,  without  extending  it  against  the  will  of 


Exodus.  .227 


Kansas.  The  battle  of  «  Black  Jack '  and  others,  he  was  free  to  say, 
he  thought  had  scared  Missouri,  and  that  was  Gen.  Lane's  opinion. 
They  did  not  report  half  the  number  killed,  which  they  were  ashamed 
to  do,  nor  will  it  ever  be  known.  I  could  repeat  much  that  he  said 
which  showed  a  wonderful  sagacity,  and  a  bold,  undaunted  spirit. 
His  whole  demeanor  was  that  of  a  well-bred  gentleman,  and  his  nar 
ratives  were  given  with  child-like  simplicity.  He  feared  nothing,  for 
said  he, 

"  <  Any  icho  will  try  to  take  me  and  my  company  are  cowards,  and  o^e 
man  in  the  right,  ready  to  die,  will  chase  a  thousand.  Not  less  than 
thirty  guns  have  been  discharged  at  me,  but  they  only  touched  my  hair. 

"  '  A  man  dies  when  his  time  comes,  and  a  man  who  fears  is  born  out  of 
time.' 

"  .  .  .  The  nation  was  not  worthy  of  him.  Tyranny  is  relentless 
as  the  grave,  and  its  tools  want  a  victim.  Cowardice  will  hang  him, 
but  humanity  will  stand  appalled  at  the  sacrifice  of  such  a  victim  to  the 
cruel  Moloch." 

When  in  Chicago,  he  sent  his  men  in  different  direc 
tions,  retaining  Kagi  and  Stevens  with  him.  A  gentle 
man  who  conversed  with  him  in  that  city  thus  writes 
to  me :. 

"  There  is  one  thing  he  charged  me  to  do  when  I  last  saw  him.  It 
.was  this : 

"  '  Do  not  allow  any  one  to  say  I  acted  from  revenge.  I  claim  no 
man  has  a  right  to  revenge  himself.  It  is  a  feeling  that  does  not  enter 
into  my  heart.  What  I  do,  I  do  for  the  cause  of  human  libert} ,  and 
because  I  regard  it  as  necessary.'  " 

The  party  reached  Detroit  on  the  12th  of  March,  and 
immediately  crossed  over  to  Canada.  There,  free  chil 
dren  of  the  God  of  the  oppressed,  the  old  warrior  of 
the  Lord  left  the  people  he  had  snatched  from  the 
earthly  hell  of  American  slavery.  Eight  months  after 
wards,  when  their  deliverer  lay  in  prison  for  endeavor 
ing  to  free  others  of  the  same  despised  race,  we  hear 
the  sobbings  of  this  little  group,  intermingled  with 
prayers  for  their  benefactor's  safety,  as  they  waft  across 
the  Lakes  to  the  Southern  jail.  A  Canadian  corre 
spondent  thus  writes : 


JOHN  BROWN'S  COLONY. 

WINDSOR,  UPPER  CANADA,  Nov,  6,  1859. 

As  every  thing  relative  to  "  Old  John  Brown"  is  now  interesting,  I 
would  inform  your  readers  that  I  have  spent  a  few  hours  in  Windsor, 
Upper  Canada,  with  seven  of  the  t\velve  colored  Missourians  who  are 
now  residing  in  that  place.  The  other  five  are  living  about  nine  miles 
in  the  country.  These  make  the  twelve  persons  taken  by  Brown  last 
January  into  Canada.  As  various  reports  are  afloat  concerning  them, 
I  wish  to  inform  all  parties  that  those  living  here  are  very  industrious. 
Two  of  the  seven  are  men.  They  "team,"  saw  wood,  and  "job 
round."  One,  a  boy  about  twelve,  helps  around  generally.  Two  of 
the  women,  who  were  field  hands  in  Missouri  last  spring,  on  arriving 
at  Windsor,  hired,  for  four  dollars,  an  acre  of  land,  and  with  a  spade 
each,  they  actually  spaded  it,  planted  it  wiih  corn  and  potatoes,  and 
attended  it  well;  this  crop  would  challenge  any  crop  I  ever  saw  in 
Missouri,  and  not  often  beaten  even  in  Kansas,  wrhere  soil  and  climate 
are  superior  to  most  portions  of  this  world;  their  potatoes  are  very 
fine  —  all  dug  and  put  up  in  a  secure  manner  in  the  garden  back  of 
their  house  for  winter  ;  the  corn,  of  which  I  brought  some  away,  is 
beautiful.  One  of  their  houses  has  a  small  garden  attached ;  they  pay 
two  dollars  a  month  for  this.  In  this  little  garden  they  ha\;e  grown 
some  very  fine  onions,  carrots,  parsnips,  and  some  extraordinary  cab 
bages  ;  the  cabbage  are  taken  up,  put  together,  and  covered  thick  with 
fodder  or  straw,  rather  neatly  packed.  They  have  amply  sufficient 
corn,  potatoes,  &c.,  for  winter.  As  to  meat,  they  do  without,  till 
they  have  some  fit  to  kill.  They  have  three  hogs  growing  finely, 
which  they  paid  one  dollar  each  for,  and  feed  them  on  what  they  col 
lect  in  swill  from  neighbors,  &c.  As  to  clothing,  they  are  neat,  with 
well-patched  articles.  They  say  they  have  twenty  dollars  salted  down. 
They  informed  me  that,  after  being  here  a  short  time,  they  were  burned 
out,  losing  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  useful  articles  given  them  by 
friends  on  their  way,  while  escorted  by  that  man  whom  they  venerate. 
While  I  read  aloud  the  sentence  of  Brown,  with  his  speech,  from  the 
paper,  to  them,  O,  how  affecting  to  see  their  tears  and  hear  their  sobs ' 
Two  women  declared,  if  it  could  be,  they  would  willingly  die  instead  of 
their  liberator.  A  woman  among  them  remarked,  if  the  Bible  was  true, 
John  Brown  practised  most  of  it  here ;  so  he  would  be  rewarded  by 
"old  Master,"  up  higher,  with  greater  happiness.  The  father,  mother, 
and  three  children  in  the  country,  work  a  farm  on  shares ;  they  have 
about  sixteen  acres  of  corn,  potatoes,  &c.,  part  of  which  are  theirs  ; 
and  they  are  all  anticipating  the  day  when  they  can  get  a  piece  of  land 
of  their  own. 


V. 

ASSEMBLING  TO  CONSPIRE. 

IN  the  Canadian  Provinces  there  are  thousands  of 
fugitive  slaves.  They  are  the  picked  men  of  the 
Southern  States.  Many  of  them  are  intelligent  and 
rich  ;  and  all  of  them  are  deadly  enemies  of  the  South. 
Five  hundred  of  them,  at  least,  annually  visit  the  Slave 
States,  passing  from  Florida  to  Harper's  Ferry,  on  hero 
ic  errands  of  mercy  and  deliverance.  They  have  car 
ried  the  Underground  Railroad  and  the  Underground 
Telegraph  into  nearly  every  Southern  State.  Here, 
obviously,  is  a  power  of  great  importance  for  a  war  of 
liberation. 

Up  to  the  period  when  the  last  chapter  closes,  John 
Brown,  wherever  he  had  lived,  had  acquired  the  repu 
tation  of  a  prudent  man.  In  Kansas,  although,  by  the 
Missourians,  lie  was  regarded  as  a  reckless  desperado, 
those  who  best  knew  him  and  his  plans  gave  him  credit 
for  great  caution  and  foresight.  Nothing  that  he  did  or 
tried,  however  seemingly  insane,  but,  when  examined, 
gave  proofs  of  his  prudence  no  less  than  his  courage. 
Recently,  the  nation  saw  him  undertake  the  conquest 
of  Virginia,  with  a  band,  seemingly,  of  twenty-one  fol- 
20 


230  Affembling  to  Conipire. 

lowers  only.  People  called  the  attempt  an  insane  one  ; 
but  they  did  not  know  that  many  hundreds  of  men, 
earnest  haters  of  the  Slavery  whose  terrors  they  had 
known,  and  drilled  for  the  service,  were  eagerly  await 
ing,  in  the  Canadian  Provinces,  for  the  signal  to  be 
given  at  Harper's  Ferry,  to  hasten  southward  and  join 
the  army  of  Immediate  Emancipation. 

To  conquer  the  South,  a  small  band  only  is  needed : 
but  it  must  have  backers  in  the  North,  who  shall  send 
down  recruits  from  time  to  time.  It  is  requisite,  also, 
in  order  to  prevent  unnecessary  bloodshed,  for  the  lib 
erated  negroes  to  be  held  under  strict  control.  John 
Brown  knew  all  these  facts.  To  inspire  the  Canadian 
fugitives  with  confidence  in  his  plan,  and,  at  the  ^ame 
time,  to  indicate  his  intentions  in  order  to  induce  them 
to  participate  in  it,  he  called  a  secret  Convention  of  the 
friends  of  freedom  at  Chatham,  in  Canada. 

At  this  time  he  intended  to  attack  Virginia  within  a 
very  few  months.  Cook,  in  his  Confession,  thus  writes 
of  the  Convention : 

"While  we  were  in  Chatham,  he  called  a  Convention,  the  purpose 
of  which  was  to  make  a  complete  and  thorough  organization.  He 
issued  a  written  circular,  which  he  sent  to  various  persons  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  The  circular,  as  near  as  I  can  recollect, 
reads  as  follows : 

CHATHAM,  May  — ,  1858. 

Mr. .  Dear  Sir :  We  have  issued  a  call  for  a  very  quiet  Con 
vention  at  this  place,  to  which  we  shall  be  happy  to  see  any  true  friends 
of  freedom,  and  to  which  you  are  most  earnestly  invited  to  give  your 
attendance.  Yours,  respectfully,  JOHN  BROWN. 

"The  names  were  left  blank;  but  as  they  were  directed  by  Captain 
Brown  or  J.  H.  Kagi,  I  do  not  know  the  parties  to  whom  they  were 
addressed.  I  do  know,  however,  that  they  were  sent  to  none  save 
those  whom  Captain  Brown  knew  to  be  radical  Abolitionists.  I  think 
it  was  about  ten  davs  from  the  time  the  circulars  were  sent  that  the 


Afiembling  to  Confpire.  231 


Convention  met.  The  place  of  meeting  was  in  one  of  the  negro 
churches  in  Chatham.  The  Convention,  I  think,  was  called  to  order 
by  J.  H.  Kagi.  Its  object  was  then  stated,  which  was  to  complete  a 
thorough  organization  and  the  formation  of  a  Constitution.  The  first 
business  was  to  elect  a  President  and  Secretary.  Elder  Monroe,  a 
colored  minister,  was  elected  President,  and  J.  H.  Kagi,  Secretary. 
The  next  business  was  to  form  a  Constitution.  Captain  Brown  had 
already  drawn  up  one,  which,  on  motion,  was  read  by  the  Secretary. 
On  motion  it  was  ordered  that  each  article  of  the  Constitution  be 
taken  up,  and  separately  amended  and  passed,  which  was  done.  On 
motion,  the  Constitution  was  then  adopted  as  a  whole.  The  next 
business  was  to  nominate  a  Commander-in-Chief,  Secretary  of  War, 
and  Secretary  of  State.  Captain  John  Brown  was  unanimously 
elected  Commander-in-Chief,  J.  H.  Kagi,  Secretary  of  War,  and 
Kichard  Realf,  Secretary  of  State.  Elder  Monroe  was  to  act  as  Pres 
ident  until  another  was  chosen.  A.  M.  Chapman,  I  think,  was  to  act 
as  Vice-President.  Dr.  M.  K.  Delaney  was  one  of  the  Correspond 
ing  Secretaries  of  the  Organization.  There  were  some  others  from  the 
United  States,  whose  names  I  do  not  now  remember.  Most  of  the 
delegates  to  the  Convention  were  from  Canada.  After  the  Constitu 
tion  was  adopted,  the  members  took  their  oath  to  support  it.  It  was 
then  signed  by  all  present.  During  the  interval  between  the  call  for 
the  Convention  and  its  assembling,  regular  meetings  were  held  at 
Barbour's  Hotel,  where  we  were  stopping,  by  those  who  were  known 
to  be  true  to  the  cause,  at  which  meetings  plans  were  laid  and  dis 
cussed.  There  were  no  white  men  at  the  Convention,  save  the  mem 
bers  of  our  company.  Men  and  money  had  both  been  promised  from 
Chatham  and  other  parts  of  Canada.  When  the  Convention  broke  up, 
news  was  received  that  Colonel  H.  Forbes,  who  had  joined  in  the 
movement,  had  given  information  to  the  Government.  This,  of 
course,  delayed  the  time  of  attack.  A  day  or  two  afterwards  most  of 
our  party  took  the  boat  to  Cleveland  —  J.  H.  Kagi,  Richard  Realf, 
William  II.  Leeman,  Richard  Robertson,  and  Captain  Brown  remain 
ing.  Captain  Brown,  however,  started  in  a  day  or  two  for  the  East. 
Kagi,  I  think,  went  to  some  other  town  in  Canada  to  set  up  the  type, 
and  to  get  the  Constitution  printed,  which  he  completed  before  he  re 
turned  to  Cleveland.  We  remained  in  Cleveland  for  some  weeks,  at 
which  p.ace,  for  the  time  being,  the  company  disbanded." 

Another  report,  which  was  found  among  John 
Brown's  papers  at  Harper's  Ferry,  gives  some  addi 
tioiial  information  respecting  this  assembly.  The  full 


232  Affembling  to  Confpire. 

reports,  not  only  of  this  public  Convention,  but  of 
many  secret  meetings,  which  are  mentioned  in  Cook's 
Confession,  and  were  written  in  phonography,  and  then 
translated  into  a  secret  cipher  by  Kagi,  have  happily 
not  yet  been  discovered ;  or,  it  is  probable  that  the 
scheme  with  which  John  Brown's  name  is  now  forever 
inseparably  united,  would  have  perished  with  his 
earthly  life  at  Charlestown. 

CHATHAM,  CAXADA  WFST,          ; 
Saturday,  May  8,  1858  —  10  A.  M.  j 

The  Convention  met  in  pursuance  of  a  call  of  John  Brown  and  others,  and  was 
called  to  order  by  Mr.  Jackson,  oil  whose  motion  Mr.  Win.  C.  Monroe  was  chosen  Pres 
ident;  when,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Brown,  Mr.  J.  II.  Kagi  was  elected  Secretary. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Delauy,  Mr.Urown  then  proceeded  to  state  the  object  of  the  Conven 
tion  at  length,  and  then  to  explain  the  general  features  of  the  plan  of  action  in  exe 
cution  of  the  project  in  view  by  the  Convention.  Mr.  Delany  and  others  spoke  in 
favor  of  the  project  and  plan,  and  both  were  agreed  to  by  a  general  consent. 

Mr.  Brown  then  presented  a  plan  of  organization,  entitled  Provisional  Constitution 
and  Ordinances  for  the  People  of  the  United  States,  and  moved  the  reading  of  the 
same. 

Mr.  Kinnard  objected  to  the  reading  until  an  oath  of  secrecy  be  taken  by  each  mem 
ber  of  the  Convention,  whereupon  Mr.  Delany  moved  that  the  following  patiplo  of 
honor  be  taken  by  all  members  of  the  Convention  : 

"  I  solemnly  affirm  that  I  will  not,  in  any  way,  divulge  any  of  the  secrets  of  this 
Convention,  except  to  the  persons  entitled  to  know  the  same,  on  the  pain  of  forfeiting 
the  respect  and  protection  of  this  organization." 

Which  motion  was  carried. 

The  President  then  proceeded  to  administer  the  obligation,  after  which  the  question 
was  taken  on  reading  of  the  plan  proposed  by  Mr.  Brown,  and  the  same  carried. 

The  plan  was  then  read  by  the  Secretary,  after  which,  on  motion  of  Mr.  \Vhipple,  it 
•was  ordered  that  it  be  now  read  by  articles  for  consideration. 

The  articles  from  1  to  45  were  then  read  and  adopted.  On  reading  of  the  4fith, 
Mr.  Reynolds  moved  to  strike  out  the  same.  Reynolds  spoke  in  favor,  and  Brown, 
Monroe,  Owen  Brown,  Delany,  Realf,  Ken nard,  and  Page  against  striking  out.  The 
question  was  then  taken  and  lost,  there  being  hut  one  vote  in  the  affirmative.  The 
article  was  then  adopted.  The  47th  and  48th  articles,  with  the  schedule,  were  then 
adopted  in  the  same  manner.  It  was  then  moved  by  Mr.  Delany  that  the  title  and 
preamble  stand  as  read.  Carried. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Kagi,  the  Constitution,  as  a  whole,  was  then  unanimously  adopted. 

Mr.  Whipplo  nominated  John  Brown  for  Comuiander-in-Chief,  who  was,  on  the 
seconding  of  Delany,  elected  by  acclamation. 

Mr.  Realf  nominated  J.  II.  Kagi  for  Secretary  of  War,  who  was  elected  in  the  same 
manner.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Brown,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  nine  P.  M.  of  Mon 
day,  the  10th. 

MONDAY,  May  10th,  1859  — 9^4  P.  M.  — The  Convention  assembled  and  went  into 
balloting  for  the  election  of  Treasurer  and  Secretary  of  Treasury.  Owen  Brown 
was  elected  to  the  former  office,  and  George  B.  Gill  to  tlie  latter. 

The  following  resolution  was  then  introduced  by  Mr.  Brown,  and  unanimously 
passed. 

It'e.solred,  That  John  Brown,  J.  II.  Kagi,  Richard  Realf,  L.  F.  Parsons,  C.  II.  Tidd, 
C.  "W hippie,  C.  W.  Moffit,  John  E.  Cook,  Owen  Brown,  Steward  Taylor,  Osborn  An 
derson.  A.  M.  Ellsworth,  Richard  Richardson,  W.  II.  Leeman,  and  John  Lawrence,  be, 
and  are  hereby,  appointed  a  Committee,  to  whom  is  delegated  the  power  of  the  Conven- 
tioi  to  fill  by  election  all  offices  specially  named  in  the  Provisional  Constitution, 
•which  may  be  vacant  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention.  The  Convention  then 
adjou rued  sme  die.  Signed,  J.  KAGI,  Secretary  of  the  Convention 


Affembling  to  Confpire.  233 

Names  of  the  Members  of  the  Convention,  written  by  each  Penan. 

Win.  Charles  Monroe,  President  of  the  Convention;  G.  , 7.  Reynold?;,  J.  C.  Grant, 
A.  J.  Smith,  James  M.  Jones,  Geo.  B.  Gill,  M.  F.  Bailey,  "\Yn>.  Lambert,  C.  W.  Mollitt, 
John  J  Jackson,  J.  Anderson,  Alfred  Whipple,  James  M.  U«e,  W.  II.  Lconmn,  Alfred 
M.  Ellsworth,  John  E.  Cook,  Stewart  Taylor,  James  W.  Pumell,  Geo.  Akin,  Stephen 
Dettin,  Tlios.  Hickerson,  Jolin  Cannet,  Kobinson  Alexander.  Richard  Realf,  Thomas  F. 
Cary,  Richard  Richardson,  T.  T.  Parsons,  Thos.  M.  Kinnard,  J.'II.  Delany,  Robert 
Vanranker,  Thomas  M.  Stringer,  Charles  II.  Tidd,  John  A.  Thomas,  C.  Whipple,  J.  D. 
Shadd,  Robert  Newman,  Owen  Brown,  John  Brown.  J.  II.  Harris,  Charles  Smith, 
Simon  Fislin,  Isaac  Holley,  James  Smith. 

Signed,  J.  II.  KAGI,  Secretary  of  the  Convention. 

Memorandum —  Offices  filled. 

Commander-in-Chief — John  Brown.  Secretary  of  War  —  J.  II.  Kagi.  Members  of 
Congress  —  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  Osborn  Anderson.  Treasurer  —  Owen  Brown.  Sec 
retary  of  Treasury  —  Geo.  B.  Gill.  Secretary  of  State  —  Richard  Realf. 

Premising  that  the  plan  of  the  Liberators  was  not  ex 
tradition  into  the  North,  but  emancipation  in  the  South, 
—  not  to  run  off  negroes  to  Canada,  but  to  free  them 
in  Virginia,  and  to  keep  them  there, — the  Constitution 
adopted  at  this  time  is  at  once  divested  of  the  ridicule 
with  which  it  has  hitherto  been  clothed.  Special  at 
tention  should  be  paid,  as  indications  of  the  design  of 
the  Liberators,  to  Article  1st,  from  28  to  38,  and  from 
43  to  46,  of  as  much  of  the  Constitution  as  Virginia 
permitted  to  be  published.  It  will  be  seen  that,  even 
in  this  its  fragmentary  state,  it  organizes  a  Govern 
ment  eminently  adapted  to  preserve  order  amongst  In 
surgent  slaves,  and  to  prevent  unnecessary  suffering  and 
devastation.  They  sought  no  offensive  warfare  against 
the  South,  but  only  to  restore  to  the  African  Race  its 
inherent  rights,  by  enabling  it  to  demand  them  of  its 
oppressors,  with  the  power  to  enforce  and  maintain  the 
claim.  Not  revolution,  but  justice  ;  not  aggression,  but 
defence ;  not  negro  supremacy,  but  citizenship ;  not 
war  against  society,  but  for  freedom :  such  were  the 
beneficent  objects  which  they  designed  to  effect. 

The  following  document  is  tho  Constitution  as  mu 
tilated  by  the  Virginians  : 
20* 


232  Affembling  to  Confpire. 

reports,  not  only  of  this  public  Convention,  but  ol 
many  secret  meetings,  which  are  mentioned  in  Cook's 
Confession,  and  were  written  in  phonography,  and^  then 
translated  into  a  secret  cipher  by  Kagi,  have  happily 
not  yet  been  discovered  ;  or,  it  is  probable  that  the 
scheme  with  which  John  Brown's  name  is  now  forever 
inseparably  united,  would  have  perished  with  his 
earthly  life  at  Charlestown. 


,  CANADA  WFST,         I 
Saturday,  May  8,  1858  —  10  A.  M.  j 

The  Convention  met  in  pursuance  of  a  call  of  John  Brown  and  others,  and  \vas 
called  to  order  by  Mr.  Jackson,  on  whose  motion  Mr.  Win.  C.  Monroe  was  chosen  1*  res 
ident;  when,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Brown,  Mr.  J.  II.  Kagi  was  elected  Secretary. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Delany,  Mr.  Brown  then  proceeded  to  state  the  object  of  the  Conven 
tion  at  length,  and  then  to  explain  the  general  features  of  the  plan  of  action  in  exe 
cution  of  the  project  in  view  by  the  Convention.  Mr.  Delany  and  others  spoke  in 
favor  of  the  project  and  plan,  and  both  were  agreed  to  by  a  general  consent. 

Mr.  Brown  then  presented  a  plan  of  organization,  entitled  Provisional  Constitution 
and  Ordinances  for  the  People  of  the  United  States,  and  moved  the  reading  of  the 
same. 

Mr.  Kinnard  objected  to  the  reading  until  an  oath  of  secrecy  be  taken  by  each  mem 
ber  of  the  Convention,  whereupon  Mr.  Delany  moved  that  the  following  parole  of 
honor  be  taken  by  all  members  of  the  Convention  : 

"  I  solemnly  affirm  that  I  will  not,  in  any  way,  divulge  any  of  the  secrets  of  this 
Convention,  except  to  the  persons  entitled  to  know  the  same5  on  the  pain  of  forfeiting 
the  respect  and  protection  of  this  organization." 

Which  motion  was  carried. 

The  President  then  proceeded  to  administer  the  obligation,  after  which  the  question 
was  taken  on  reading  of  the  plan  proposed  by  Mr.  Brown,  and  the  same  carried. 

The  plan  was  then  read  by  the  Secretary,  after  which,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Whipple,  it 
was  ordered  that  it  be  now  read  by  articles  for  consideration. 

The  articles  from  1  to  45  were  then  read  and  adopted.  On  reading  of  the  4fith, 
Mr.  Reynolds  moved  to  strike  out  the  same.  Reynolds  spoke  in  favor,  and  Brown, 
Monroe,  Owen  Brown,  Delany,  Realf,  Kennard,  and  Page  against  striking  out.  The 
question  was  then  taken  and  lost,  there  being  but  one  vote  in  the  affirmative.  The 
article  was  then  adapted.  The  47th  and  48th  articles,  with  the  schedule,  were  then 
adopted  in  the  same  manner.  It  was  then  moved  by  Mr.  Delany  that  the  title  and 
preamble  stand  as  read.  Carried. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Kagi,  the  Constitution,  as  a  whole,  was  then  unanimously  adopted. 

Mr.  Whipplo  nominated  John  Brown  for  Commander-in-Chief,  who  was,  on  the 
seconding  of  Delany,  elected  by  acclamation. 

Mr.  Realf  nominated  J.  II.  Kagi  for  Secretary  of  War,  who  was  elected  in  the  same 
manner.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Brown,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  nine  P.  M.  of  Mon 
day,  the  10th. 

MONDAY,  May  10th,  1859  —  9%  P.  M.  —  The  Convention  assembled  and  went  into 
balloting  for  the  election  of  Treasurer  and  Secretary  of  Treasury.  Owen  Brown 
was  elected  to  the  former  office,  and  George  B.  Gill  to  the  latter. 

The  following  resolution  was  then  introduced  by  Mr.  Brown,  and  unanimously 
passed. 

Kesolved,  That  John  Brown,  J.  II.  Kagi,  Richard  Realf,  L.  F.  Parsons,  C.  II.  Tk!d, 
C.  W  hippie,  C.  W.  Moffit,  John  E.  Cook,  Owen  Brown.  Steward  Taylor,  Osborn  An 
derson.  A.  M.  Ellsworth,  Richard  Richardson,  W.  II.  Leeman,  and  John  Lawrence,  be, 
and  are  hereby,  appointed  a  Committee,  to  whom  is  delegated  the  power  of  the  Conven- 
tioi  to  fill  by  election  all  offices  specially  named  in  the  Provisional  Constitution, 
which  may  be  vacant  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention.  The  Convention  then 
adjourned  .sine  die.  Signed,  J.  KAGI,  Secretary  of  the  Convention 


Affembling  to  Confpire.  233 

Names  of  the  Members  of  the  Convention,  written  by  each  Pcnon. 

Win.  Charles  Monroe,  President  of  the  Convention;  G.  J.  Reynolds,  J.  C.  Grant, 
A.  J.  Smith,  James  M.  Jones,  Geo.  B.  Gill,  M.  F.  Bailey,  Vim.  Lambert,  C.  Vi.  Moflitt, 
John  J  Jackson,  J.  Anderson,  Alfred  Whipple,  James  M.  B«e,  W.  II.  Leeman,  Alfred 
M.  Ellsworth,  John  E.  Cook,  Stewart  Taylor,  James  W.  Pumell,  Geo.  Akin,  Stephen 
Dettin,  Tlios.  Hickerson,  John  Cannet,  Robinson  Alexander.  Richard  Realf,  Thomas  F. 
Cary,  Richard  Richardson,  T.  T.  Parsons,  Thos.  M.  Kinnard,  J.'II.  Delany,  Robert 
Vanranker,  Thomas  M.  Stringer,  Charles  II.  Tidd,  John  A.  Thomas,  C.  Whipple,  J.  D. 
Shadd,  Robert  Newman,  Owen  Brown,  John  Brown.  J.  II.  Harris,  Charles  Smith, 
Simon  Fislin,  Isaac  Holley,  James  Smith. 

Signed,  J.  II.  KAGI,  Secretary  of  the  Convention. 

Memorandum —  Offices  filled. 

Commander-in-Chief — John  Brown.  Secretary  of  War  —  J.  II.  Kagi.  Members  of 
Congress  —  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  Osborn  Anderson.  Treasurer  —  Owen  Brown.  Sec 
retary  of  Treasury  —  Geo.  B.  Gill.  Secretary  of  State  —  Richard  Realf. 

Premising  that  the  plan  of  the  Liberators  was  not  ex 
tradition  into  the  North,  but  emancipation  in  the  South, 
—  not  to  run  off  negroes  to  Canada,  but  to  free  them 
in  Virginia,  and  to  keep  them  there, — the  Constitution 
adopted  at  this  time  is  at  once  divested  of  the  ridicule 
with  which  it  has  hitherto  been  clothed.  Special  at 
tention  should  be  paid,  as  indications  of  the  design  of 
the  Liberators,  to  Article  1st,  from  28  to  38,  and  from 
43  to  46,  of  as  much  of  the  Constitution  as  Virginia 
permitted  to  be  published.  It  will  be  seen  that,  even 
in  this  its  fragmentary  state,  it  organizes  a  Govern 
ment  eminently  adapted  to  preserve  order  amongst  In 
surgent  slaves,  and  to  prevent  unnecessary  suffering  and 
devastation.  They  sought  no  offensive  warfare  against 
the  South,  but  only  to  restore  to  the  African  Race  its 
inherent  rights,  by  enabling  it  to  demand  them  of  its 
oppressors,  with  the  power  to  enforce  and  maintain  the 
claim.  Not  revolution,  but  justice  ;  not  aggression,  but 
defence ;  not  negro  supremacy,  but  citizenship ;  not 
war  against  society,  but  for  freedom :  such  were  the 
beneficent  objects  which  they  designed  to  effect. 

The  following  document  is  the  Constitution  as  mu 
tilated  by  the  Virginians  : 
20* 


234  Affembling  to  Confpire. 

Provisional  Constitution  and  Ordinances  for  the  People  of  the  United  States. 

PREAMBLE. —  Whereas,  Slavery,  throughout  its  entire  existence  in  the  United  States, 
is  none  other  than  the  most  barbarous,  unprovoked,  and  unjustifiable  war  of  one  por 
tion  of  its  citizens  againsiranother  portion,  the  only  conditions  of  which  are  perpetual 
imprisonment  and  hopeless  servitude,  or  absolute  extermination,  in  utter  disregard 
and  violation  of  those  eternal  and  self-evident  truths  set  forth  in  our  Declaration  of 
Independence : 

Therefore,  We,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  the  oppressed  people,,  who,  by  a 
recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  are  declared  to  have  no  rights  which  the  white 
man  is  bound  to  respect,  together  with  all  the  other  people  degraded  by  the  laws 
thereof,  do,  for  the  time  being,  ordain  and  establish  for  ourselves  the  following  Provis 
ional  Constitution  and  ordinances,  the  better  to  protect  our  people,  property,  lives,  and 
liberties,  and  to  govern  our  actions. 

ARTICLE  I.  Qualifications  of  Membership.  —  All  persons  of  mature  age.  whether  pro 
scribed,  oppressed,  and  enslaved  citizens,  or  of  proscribed'and  oppressed  races  of  the 
United  States,  who  shall  agree  to  sustain  and  enforce  the  Provisional  Constitution  and 
ordinances  of  organization,  together  with  all  minor  children  of  such  persons,  shall  be 
held  to  be  fully  entitled  to  protection  under  the  same. 

ART.  II.  Branches  of  Oovernment. —  The  Provisional  Government  of  this  organiza 
tion  shall  consist  of  three  branches,  viz.:  the  Legislative,  the  Executive,  and  Judicial. 

ART.  III.  The  Legislature.  —  The  Legislative  Branch  shall  be  a  Congress  or  House 
of  Representatives,  composed  of  not  less  than  five,  nor  more  than  ten  members,  who 
shall  be  elected  by  all  the  citizens  of  mature  age  and  sound  mind  connected  with 
this  organization,  and  who  shall  remain  in  office  for  three  years,  unless  sooner  removed 
for  misconduct,  inability,  or  death.  A  majority  of  such  members  shall  constitute  a 
quorum. 

ART.  IV.  Executive.  —  The  Executive  Branch  of  the  organization  shall  consist  of  a 
President  and  Vice-President,  who  shall  be  chosen  by  the  citizens  or  members  of  this 
organization,  and  each  of  whom  shall  hold  his  office  for  three  years,  unless  sooner  re 
moved  by  death,  or  for  inability,  or  for  misconduct. 

ART.  V.  Judicial.  —  The  Judicial  Branch  consists  of  one  Chief  Justice  of  the  Su 
preme  Court,  and  four  Associate  Judges  of  the  said  Court,  each  of  them  constituting  a 
Circuit  Court.  They  shall  each  be  chosen  in  the  same  manner  as  tbe  President,  and 
shall  continue  in  office  until  their  places  have  been  filled  in  the  same  manner  by  an 
election  of  citizens. 

ART.  XIII.  to  XXV.  provide  for  the  trial  of  the  President  and  other  officers,  and 
Members  of  Congress,  the  impeachment  of  Judges;  the  duties  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President,  the  punishment  of  crimes,  Army  appointments,  salaries,  &c.,  &c. 
These  articles  are  not  of  special  interest,  and  are  therefore  omitted. 

ART.  XXVI.  Treaties  of  Peace.  —  Before  any  treaty  of  peace  shall  take  full  effect,  it 
shall  be  signed  by  the  President,  Vice-President,  Commander-in-Chief.  a  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  a  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  a  majority  of  the  gen 
eral  officers  of  the  army. 

ART.  XXVII.  Duty  of  the  Military.  — It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  and  all  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army,  to  afford  special  protection,  when 
needed,  to  Congress,  or  any  member  thereof,  to  the  Supreme  Court,  or  any  member 
thereof,  to  the  President,  Vice-President,  Treasurer,  and  Secretary  of  War,  and  to  afford 
general  protection  to  all  civil  officers,  or  other  persons  having  a  right  to  the  same. 

ART.  XXVIII.  Property. —  All  captured  or  confiscated  property,  and  all  the  prop 
erty  the  product  of  the  labor  of  those  belonging  to  this  organization,  and  of  their  fam 
ilies,  shall  be  held  as  the  property  of  the  whole  equally,  without  distinction,  and  may 
be  used  for  the  common  benefit,  or  disposed  of  for  the  same  object.  And  any  person, 
officer  or  otherwise,  who  shall  improperly  retain,  secrete,  use,  or  needlessly  destroy 
such  property,  or  property  found,  captured,  or  confiscated,  belonging  to  the  eicvny,  01 
shall  wilfully  neglect  to  render  a  full  and  fair  statement  of  such  property  ty  him  so 
taken,  or  held,  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction,  shall  be  p  anibhec1 
accordingly. 

ART.  XXIX.  Safety  or  Intelligence  Fund.  —  All  money,  plate,  watches,  or  jewelry 
captured  by  honorable  warfare,  found,  taken,  or  confiscated,  belonging  to  the  enemy, 
shall  be  held  sacred,  to  constitute  a  liberal  safety  or  intelligence  fund  ;  and  any  person 
who  shall  improperly  retain,  dispose  of,  hide,  use.  or  destroy  such  money  or  other  article 
above  named,  contrary  to  the  provisions  and  spirit  of  this  article,  shall  be  deemed  guilty 
of  theft,  ami.  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  be  punished  accordingly.  The  Treasurer  shall 
furnish  the  Commauder-in-Chief  at  all  times  with  a  full  statement  of  the  condition  of 
Bnch  fund,  and  its  nature. 

ART.  XXX.  The  Conmandcr-in-Chief  and  the  Treasury.  —  The  Commander-in- 
Chief  shall  havo  pow<-r  t<  draw  from  the  Treasury  the  money  and  other  property  of  the 
fund  provided  for  in  Art  cle  XXIX.,  but  his  orders  shall  be  signed  also  by  the  Secretary 


Affembling  to  Confpire.  235* 

of  W.ir,  who  shall  keep  a  strict,  nccount  of  the  same,  subject  to  examination  by  any 
member  of  Congress  or  General  Officer. 

ART.  XXXI.  Surplus  of  the  Safety  or  Iittdligrnce  Funa. —  It  shall  be  the  dnty  of 
the  Commauder-iu-Cliief  to  advise  the  President  of  any  surplus  of  the  Safety  or  Intelli 
gence  Fund,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  draw  the  same,  his  order  being  also  signed  by 
the  Secretary  of  State,  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  provisions  of  Article  XXII. 

AET.  XXXII.  Prisoners.  —  No  person,  after  having  surrendered  himself  a  prisoner, 
and  who  shall  properly  demean  himself  or  herself  as  such,  to  any  officer  or  private  con 
nected  witk  this  organization,  shall  afterwards  be  put  to  death,  or  be  subjected  to  any 
corporeal  punishment,  without  first  having  had  the  benefit  of  a  fair  and  impartial 
trial ;  nor  shall  any  prisoner  be  treated  with  any  kind  of  cruelty,  disrespect,  insult,  or 
needless  seventy  ;  but  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  persons,  male  and  female,  connected 
herewith,  at  all  times,  and  under  all  circumstances,  to  treat  all  such  prisoners  with 
every  degree  of  respect  and  kindness  that  the  nature  of  the  circumstances  will  admit 
of,  and  insist  on  a  like  course  of  conduct  from  all  others,  as  in  fear  of  the  Almighty 
God.  to  whose  care  and  keeping  we  commit  our  cause. 

ART.  XXXIII.  Volunteers All  persons  who  may  come  forward,  and  shall  volun 
tarily  deliver  up  slaves,  and  have  their  names  registered  on  the  books  of  this  organiza 
tion,  shall,  so  long  as  they  continue  at  peace,  be  entitled  to  the  fullest  protection  in  per 
son  and  property,  though  not  connected  with  this  organization,  and  shall  be  treated  as 
friends,  and  not  merely  as  persons  neutral. 

ART.  XXXIV.  Neutrals.  —  The  persons  and  property  of  all  non-slaveholders  who 
shall  remain  absolutely  neutral  shall  be  respected  so  far  as  circumstances  can  allow  of 
it,  but  they  shall  not  be  entitled  to  any  active  protection. 

ART.  XXXV.  JVo  needless  Waste.  —  The  needless  waste  or  destruction  of  any  useful 
property  or  article  by  fire,  throwing  open  of  fences,  fields,  buildings,  01  needless 
killing  of  animals,  or  injury  of  either,  shall  not  be  tolerated  at  any  time  or  place,  but 
shall  be  promptly  and  peremptorily  punished. 

ART.  XXXVI.  Property  confiscated.  —  The  entire  personal  and  real  property  of  all 
persons  known  to  be  acting,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  with  or  for  the  enemy,  or  found 
in  arms  with  them,  or  found  wilfully  holding  slaves,  shall  be  confiscated  and  taken 
whenever  and  wherever  it  may  be  found,  in  either  Free  or  Slave  States. 

ART.  XXXVII.  Desertion.  —  Persons  convicted,  on  impartial  trial,  of  desertion  to 
the  enemy  after  becoming  members,  acting  as  spies,  of  treacherous  surrender  of  prop 
erty,  arms,  ammunition,  provisions  or  supplies  of  any  kind,  roads,  bridges,  persons,  or 
fortifications,  shall  be  put  to  death,  and  their  entire  property  confiscated. 

ART.  XXXVIII.  Violation  of  Parole  of  Honor. —  Persons  proved  to  be  guilty  of  taking 
up  arms,  after  having  been  set  at  liberty  on  parole  of  honor,  or  after  the  same  to  have 
taken  any  active  part  with  or  for  the  enemy,  direct  or  indirect,  shall  be  put  to  death, 
and  their  entire  property  confiscated. 

ARTS.  XXXIX.,  XL.,  and  XLI.  require  all  labor  for  the  general  good,  and  prohibit 
immoral  actions. 

ART.  XLII.  The  Marriage  Relation—  Schools—  The  Sabbath.  —  Marriage  relations 
shall  be  at  all  times  respected,  and  families  shall  be  kept  together  as  far  as  possible, 
and  broken  families  encouraged  to  reunite,  and  intelligence  offices  shall  be  established 
for  that  purpose.  Schools  and  churches  shall  be  established  as  may  be,  for  the  purpose 
of  religious  and  other  instruction,  and  the  first  day  of  the  week  shall  be  regarded  as  a 
day  of  rest,  and  appropriated  to  moral  and  religious  instruction  and  improvement,  to 
the  relief  of  the  suffering,  the  instruction  of  the  young  and  ignorant,  and  the  encour 
agement  of  personal  cleanliness  ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  required  on  that  day  to  per 
form  ordinary  manual  labor,  unless  in  extremely  urgent  cases. 

AKT.  XLIII.  To  carry  Jlrms  openly.  —  All  persons  known  to  be  of  good  char 
acter,  and  of  sound  mind  and  suitable  age,  who  are  connected  with  this  organization, 
•whether  male  or  female,  shall  be  encouraged  to  carry  arms  openly. 

ART.  XLIV.  JVo  Persons  to  carry  concealed  Weapons. —  No  person  within  tho 
limits  of  conquered  territory,  except  regularly  appointed  policemen,  express  officers 
of  army,  mail  carriers,  or  other  fully  accredited  messengers  of  Congress,  the  President, 
Vice-President,  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  or  commissioned  officers  of  the  Army, 
and  those  under  peculiar  circumstances,  shall  be  allowed  at  any  time  to  carry  concealer1 
weapons ;  and  any  person  not  specially  authorized  so  to  do,  who  shall  be  found  so  doing, 
shall  be  deemed  a  suspicious  person,  and  may  at  once  be  arrested  by  any  officer, 
soldier,  or  citizen,  without  the  formality  of  a  complaint  or  warrant;  and  may  at  once 
be.  subjected  to  thorough  search,  and  shall  have  his  or  her  case  thoroughly  investi 
gated,  and  be  dealt  with  as  circumstances  on  proof  shall  require. 

ART.  XLV.  Persons  to  be  seized.  —  Persons  living  within  the  limits  of  territory 
holden  by  this  organization,  and  not  connected  with  this  organization,  having  arms  at 
all,  concealed  or  otherwise,  shall  be  seized  at  once,  or  be  taken  in  charge  of  by  some 
vigilant  officer,  and  their  case  thoroughly  investigated ;  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all 


236  Affembling  to  Confpire. 

citizens  and  soldiers,  as  well  as  officer?,  to  arrest  such  parties  as  are  named  in  this  and 
the  preceding  section  or  article,  without  formality  of  complaint  or  wan  ant;  ni:d  they 
shall  be  placed  in  charge  of  some  proper  officer  for  examination,  or  for  safe  keeping. 

ART.  XL  VI.  These  Articles  not  for  the  Overthrow  of  Government l^.e  foregoing 

articles  shall  not  be  construed  so  as  in  any  way  to  encourage  the  overthrow  of  any 
State  Government,  or  of  the  General  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  look  to  no 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  but  simply  to  amendment  and  repeal,  and  our  Hag  shall  be 
the  same  that  our  fathers  fought  under  in  the  Revolution. 

ART.  XL VII.  JVo  Plurality  of  Offices.  —  No  two  offices  specially  provided  for  by  this 
instrument  shall  be  filled  by  the  same  person,  at  the  same  time. 

ART.  XLVIII.  Oath.  —  Every  officer,  civil  or  military,  connected  with  this  organ 
ization,  shall,  bjefore  entering  upon  the  duties  of  office,  make  a  solemn  oath  or  affirma 
tion  to  abide  by  and  support  the  Provisional  Constitution  and  these  ordinances.  Also, 
every  citizen  and  soldier,  before  being  recognized  as  such,  shall  do  the  same. 

Schedule. — The  President  of  this  Convention  shall  convene,  immediately  on  the 
adoption  of  this  instrument,  a  Convention  of  all  such  persons  as  shall  have  given  their 
adherence  by  signature  to  the  Constitution,  who  shall  proceed  to  fill  by  election  all 
offices  specially  named  in  said  Constitution  —  the  President  of  this  Convention  pre 
siding  and  issuing  commissions  to  such  officers  elect ;  all  such  officers  being  hereafter 
elected  in  the  manner  provided  in  the  body  of  this  instrument. 

There  are  many  things,  not  yet  clear  to  the  public, 
and  sometimes  quoted  as  proofs  of  insanity,  but, 
rightly  understood,  giving  evidence  of  a  comprehen 
sive  and  penetrating  intellect,  which  it  is  impossible,  at 
this  time,  fully  to  explain,  in  justice  to  the  Cause  for 
which  John  Brown  died,  and  to  the  noble  friends  by 
whom  he  was  supported.  Among  these  mysteries  must 
be  placed  some  parts  of  the  Constitution ;  for,  apart 
from  the  explanation  already  given.,  there  are  portions 
of  it  which  still  require  a  further  elucidation.  The  or 
ganization  behind  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  cannot 
now  be  described.  To  persons  familiar  with  it  there 
is  neither  insanity  nor  inconsistency  in  the  instrument ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  every  evidence  of  a  judicious  and 
humane  statesmanship.  The  day  will  yet  come  when 
John  Brown's  name  will  stand  first  in  the  list  of 
American  statesmen. 

Why  John  Brown  did  not  at  once  proceed  to  Har 
per's  Ferry,  is  thus  stated  by  Cook  in  his  Confession : 

"  We  staid  about  two  weeks  in  Chatham —  some  of  the  party  staid 
six  or  seven  -weeks.  We  left  Chatham  for  Cleveland,  and  remained 
thtre  until  late  in  June.  In  the  mean  time,  Captain  Brown  went  East 


Affembling  to  Confpire.  237 

on  business  ;  but,  previous  to  his  departure,  he  had  learned  that  Col 
onel  Forbes  had  betrayed  his  plans  to  some  extent.  This,  together 
•with  the  scantiness  of  his  funds,  induced  him  to  delay  the  commence 
ment  of  his  work,  and  was  the  means,  for  the  time  being,  of  disband 
ing  the  party.  He  had  also  received  some  information  which  called 
for  his  immediate  attention  in  Kansas.  I  wished  to  go  with  him  ;  but 
he  said  that  I  was  too  well  known  there,  and  requested  me  and  some 
others  to  go  to  Harper's  Ferry,  Va.,  to  see  how  things  were  there, 
and  to  gain  information. 

"  Jn  his  trip  East,  he  did  not  realize  the  amount  of  money  that  he 
expected.  The  money  had  been  promised  bonafide;  but,  owing  to  the 
tightness  of  the  money  market,  they  failed  to  comply  with  his  de 
mands.  The  funds  were  necessary  to  the  accomplishment  of  his 
plans.  I  afterwards  learned  that  there  was  a  lack  of  confidence  in  the 
success  of  his  scheme.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary  that  a  movement 
sh'.  d  be  made  in  another  direction,  to  demonstrate  the  practicability 
of  his  plan.  This  he  made  about  a  year  ago  by  his  invasion  of  Mis 
souri,  and  the  taking  of  about  a  dozen  slaves,  together  with  horses, 
cattle,  &c.,  into  Kansas,  in  defiance  of  the  United  States  Marshal  and 
his  posse." 

The  news  of  the  massacre  of  the  Marais-des-Cygnes 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  John  Brown's  return  to 
Kansas ;  although  it  is  also  true,  that  the  action  of 
Colonel  Forbes  rendered  it  imperatively  necessary  to 
divert  the  attention  of  the  Government  from  his  origi 
nal  plan. 


VI. 

MAKING  READY. 

FROM  the  16th  of  March,  when  John  Brown  was  in 
Canada,  up  to  the  16th  of  October,  when  he  con 
quered  Virginia,  — a  period  of  eight  months, — it  would 
neither  be  prudent  nor  just  to  trace  his  movements  too 
minutely ;  and  I  do  not  propose  to  do  so  now.  From  the 
20th  to  the  30th  of  March,  he  was  at  Cleveland,  with 
Kagi.  An  incident  of  this  residence  is  thus  related  by 
Wendell  Phillips : 

"  Prudence,  skill,  courage,  thrift,  knowledge  of  his  time,  knowledge 
of  his  opponents,  undaunted  daring  in  the  face  of  the  nation,  —  all 
these  he  had.  He  was  the  man  who  could  leave  Kansas  and  go  into 
Missouri,  and  take  eleven  men  and  give  them  to  liberty,  and  bring 
them  off  on  the  horses  which  he  carried  with  him,  and  two  which  he 
took  as  tribute  from  their  masters  in  order  to  facilitate  escape.  Then, 
when  he  had  passed  his  human  protdgds  from  the  vulture  of  the  United 
States  to  the  safe  shelter  of  the  English  lion,  —  this  is  the  brave, 
frank,  and  sublime  trnster  in  God's  right  and  absolute  justice,  that 
entered  his  name,  in  the  city  of  Cleveland,  « John  Brown,  of  Kansas,' 
and  advertised  there  two  horses  for  sale,  and  stood  in  front  of  the 
auctioneer's  stand,  notifying  all  bidders  of  the  defect  in  the  title.  But, 
he  added,  with  nonchalance,  when  he  told  the  story,  '  They  brought  a 
very  excellent  price.'  " 

At  this  time  there  was  great  excitement  in  Cleveland, 
in  consequence  of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  a 
number  of  prominent  citizens  of  Oberlin,  charged  with 

(238) 


Making  Ready.  239 

the  manly  virtue  of  liberating  a  fugitive  slave,  which, 
by  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  is  an  indictable  and 
penitentiary  offence.  On  Tuesday,  the  22d  of  March, 
a  large  meeting  was  held  in  Cleveland,  at  which  Kagi 
and  John  Brown  were  invited  to  speak.  Kagi  described 
the  scenes  I  have  endeavored  to  depict  in  the  chapter 
entitled,  Fleshing  the  Sword.  John  Brown  was  then 
called  on,  and  made  a  speech  ;  but  the  report  preserved 
of  it  is  exceedingly  imperfect.  Such  as  it  is,  here  it  is: 


"  He  prefaced  his  remarks  by  saying  that  he  had  called  for  an 
admission  fee  that  he  might  use  in  place  of  money  he  had  expended 
upon  the  slaves  on  their  way  to  Canada.  He  remarked  that  since  his 
last  return  to  Kansas  he  had  had  no  fight  with  the  pro-slavery  ruffians, 
although  he  had  been  threatened  abundantly.  He  wished  to  say  that 
he  had  never  lifted  a  finger  towards  any  one  whom  he  did  not  know 
was  a  violent  persecutor  of  the  Free  State  men.  He  had  never  killed 
any  body  ;  although,  on  some  occasions,  he  had  shown  the  young  men 
with  him  how  some  things  might  be  done  as  well  as  others ;  and  they 
had  done  the  business.  He  had  never  destroyed  the  value  of  an  ear 
of  corn,  and  had  never  set  fire  to  any  pro-slavery  man's  house  or 
property,  and  had  never  by  his  own  action  driven  out  pro-slavery 
men  from  the  Territory  ;  but  if  occasion  demanded  it,  he  would  ^rive 
them  into  the  ground,  like  a  fence  stake,  where  they  would  remain 
permanent  settlers.  Further,  he  had  yet  to  learn  of  any  pro-slavery 
men  being  arrested  or  punished  [by  the  Territorial  authorities]  for  any 
crime.  He  related  the  circumstance  of  the  murder  of  his  son  at 
Osawatomie,  who  was  shot  down  for  the  crime  of  being  a  Free  State 
man.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  the  Osawatomie  fight  oc 
curred.  Mr.  Brown  remarked  that  he  was  an  outlaw,  the  Governor 
of  Missouri  having  offered  a  reward  of  $3000,  and  James  Buchanan 
$250  more,  for  him.  He  quietly  remarked,  parenthetically,  that 
John  Brown  would  give  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  for  the  safe  deliv 
ery  of  the  body  of  James  Buchanan  in  any  jail  of  the  Free  States. 
He  would  never  submit  to  an  arrest,  as  he  had  nothing  to  gain  from 
submission  ;  but  he  should  settle  all  questions  on  the  spot  if  any 
attempt  was  made  to  take  him.  The  liberation  of  those  slaves  was 
meant  as  a  direct  blow  to  slavery,  and  he  laid  down  his  platform  that 
he  considered  it  his  duty  to  break  the  fetters  from  any  slave  when  he 


240  Making  Ready. 

had  an  opportunity.    He  was  a  thorough  abolitionist.    The  remainder 
of  his  speech  was  a  nartatioii  of  Kansas  affairs. 

"At  the  close  of  his  remarks,  the  audience,  by  resolution,  in 
dorsed  and  approved  of  his  course  in  Kansas,  for  which  he  heartily 
thanked  them." 

Iii  the  beginning  of  April,  he  was  in  Ashtabula 
County,  sick  of  the  ague.  On  the  16th,  he  was  at 
Westport,  Essex  County,  New  York  —  near  home.  On 
his  journey  there,  he  staid  over  at  Peterboro',  the 
residence  of  Gerritt  Smith,  and  at  Rochester,  where  he 
delivered  a  public  speech  and  met  the  brave  negro, 
Shields  Green,  or  Emperor.  In  May  he  was  in  Boston, 
New  York  City,  and  Rochester.  At  Boston  he  learned 
how  to  manufacture  crackers. 

On  the  3d  of  June  he  was  at  Collinsville,  and  con 
cluded  the  contract  for  the  pikes  afterwards  found  on 
the  Kennedy  farm.  On  the  7th  he  was  at  Troy,  from 
which  he  sent  a  draft  of  three  hundred  dollars  to  pay 
for  the  pikes.  He  then  proceeded  to  Summit,  Portage, 
and  Ashtabula  Counties,  in  Ohio.  He  went  from  Ohio  to 
Chambersburg,  stopping  at  Pittsburg  City  and  Bedford. 
He  remained  at  Chambersburg  toward  the  close  of 
June,  for  several  days ;  and,  on  the  30th,  with  two  sons 
and  Captain  Anderson,  left  for  Hagerstown,  in  Mary 
land. 

The  next  movements  of  the  party  are  thus  described 
by  a  resident  of  Hagerstown,  a  pro-slavery  man,  in  a 
letter  written  after  the  arrest  of  Captain  Brown  at 
Harper's  Ferry : 

"  John  Brown,  his  two  sons,  and  a  Captain  Anderson  spent  a  night 
here,  at  the  Washington  House,  in  June,  and  were  taken  to  Harper's 
Ferry  next  day  in  a  hack.  When  here  I  was  struck  with  the  long 
beard  of  one  of  them,  and  called  over  to  learn  who  they  were  and 


Making  Ready.  241 

where  they  came  from.  Brown  registered  as  <  Smith  and  two  sons ' 
from  Western  New  York,  and  told  Mr.  Singling,  the  landlord,  that 
they  had  got  tired  of  farming  in  that  region  ;  that  the  frosts  had  taken 
vheir  crops  for  two  or  three  years ;  that  they  were  going  to  Virginia 
to  look  out  a  location  for  raising  sheep  and  growing  wool,  &c. 
After  looking  around  Harper's  Ferry  a  few  days,  and  prowling 
through  the  mountains  in  search  of  minerals,  as  they  said,  they  came 
across  a  large  farm  with  three  unoccupied  houses— the  owner,  Dr. 
Booth  Kennedy,  having  died  in  the  spring.  These  houses  they  rented 
from  the  family  till  next  March,  and  paid  the  rent  in  advance,  and 
also  purchased  a  lot  of  hogs  from  the  family  for  cash,  and  agreed 
to  take  care  of  the  stock  until  a  sale  could  be  had ;  and  they  did  attend 
most  faithfully  to  them,  and  have  it  all  in  first-rate  order ;  were  gentle 
men,  and  kind  to  every  body.  After  living  there  a  few  weeks,  others 
joined  them,  until  as  many  as  twelve  were  in  these  three  houses, 
and  every  few  days  a  stranger  would  appear  and  disappear  again  with 
out  creating  the  least  surprise." 

A  correspondent  of  a  New  York  paper  gives  these 
additional  particulars : 

"  About  five  or  six  miles  distant  from  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the  Mary 
land  side,  is  the  Kennedy  Farm,  which  John  Brown  hired  in  July  at  a 
rent  of  thirty-five  dollars  a  year.  .  .  .  A  short  time  afterwards  the  party 
was  increased  by  the  arrival  of  two  women,  said  to  be  his  wife  and  daugh 
ter  ;  and  about  three  weeks  ago  three  men  arrived.  The  house  is  located 
in  the  midst  of  a  thickly-settled  neighborhood,  five  or  six  families  liv 
ing  within  hail,  and  the  movements  of  the  strangers  were  regarded 
with  much  curiosity.  They  seemed  to  have  no  settled  purpose ;  but  a 
large  number  of  boxes  and  packages  were  sent  to  them  by  railroad, 
which  they  carted  home,  and  nearly  every  day  one  or  more  of  them 
paid  a  visit  to  the  village.  They  paid  for  every  thing  they  wanted  in 
hard  cash,  and  were  seciable  and  friendly  towards  their  neighbois. 
A  great  deal  of  their  time  appeared  to  be  passed  in  hunting  in  the 
mountains,  although  they  never  brought  home  any  game.*  On  one 
occasion  a  neighbor  remarked  to  Mr.  Smith  (as  Old  Brown  was  called) 
that  he  had  observed  twigs  and  branches  bent  down  in  a  peculiar 
manner,  which  Smith  explained  by  stating  that  it  was  the  habit  of  the 
Indians,  in  travelling  through  a  strange  country,  to  mark  their  path  in 
that  way,  so  as  to  find  their  way  back.  He  had  no  doubt,  he  said 
that  Indians  passed  over  these  mountains,  unknown  to  the  inhab 
itants." 

*  "We  strike  at  higher  and  wickeder  game,"  said   Mr.  Hunter —  acted,  Captain 
Brown 

21 


242  Making  Ready. 

These  statements  of  conversations  with  John  Brown 
must  not  be  fully  credited ;  but  the  accounts  of  the 
hiring  of  the  farm  are  substantially  correct.  "  The 
greater  part  of  the  men,"  according  to  Cook's  Confes 
sion,  "  kept  out  of  sight  during  the  day,  for  fear  of 
attracting  attention.  The  arms,  munitions,  et  cetera, 
were  carted  from  Chambersburg  to  his  rendezvous. 
The  spear  heads  and  guards  came  in  strong  boxes,  and 
the  shafts  passed  for  fork  handles.  They  were  put 
together  by  our  men  at  the  house,  where  most  of  them 
were  afterwards  found." 

"  During  his  residence  at  the  Kennedy  Farm,"  writes 
one  who  lived  with  him,  "  the  old  man  used  often  to 
take  his  Bible,  sit  down  on  a  stool  in  the  corner  near 
the  door,  and  read  a  chapter,  and  then  make  a  prayer. 
He  always  did  so  in  the  morning.  We  never  ate  a 
meal  at  'head-quarters,'  until  a  blessing  was  asked 
on  it." 

During  the  period  that  elapsed  from  the  hiring  of  his 
farm  till  his  invasion  of  Virginia,  John  Brown  had 
occasion  to  revisit  the  North.  On  the  14th  of  October 
he  is  supposed  to  have  been  in  Baltimore  ;  and  on  the 
16th  he  took  occasion  to  report  himself  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  The  announcement  was  made  so  loudly,  that 
it  reached  every  home  in  the  North,  and  penetrated 
every  cabin  of  the  Southern  plantations. 


VII. 

THE  BLOW  STRUCK. 

IT  was  the  original  intention  of  Captain  Brown  to 
seize  the  Arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry  on  the  night  of 
the  24th  of  October,  and  to  take  the  arms  there  depos 
ited  to  the  neighboring  mountains,  with  a  number  of 
the  wealthier  citizens  of  the  vicinity,  as  hostages,  until 
they  should  redeem  themselves  by  liberating  an  equal 
number  of  their  slaves.  When  at  Baltimore,  for  satis 
factory  reasons,  he  determined  to  strike  the  blow  that 
was  to  shake  the  Slave  System  to  its  foundations,  on 
the  night  of  the  17th.  One  of  the  men  who  fought  at 
Harper's  Ferry  gave  me  as  the  chief  reason  for  the 
precipitate  movement,  that  there  was  a  Judas  whom 
they  suspected  in  their  midst.  That  the  reasons  were 
just  and  important,  the  prudence  that  John  Brown 
had  always  hitherto  manifested  satisfactorily  proves. 
But  this  decision,  however  necessary,  was  unfortunate; 
for  the  men  from  Canada,  Kansas,  New  England,  and 
the  neighboring  Free  States,  who  had  been  told  to  be 
prepared  for  the  event  on  the  24th  of  October,  and 
were  ready  to  do  their  duty  at  Harper's  Ferry  at  that 
time,  were  unable  to  join  their  Captain  at  this  earlier 
period. 

(2*3) 


244  The  #low  Struck. 

Many,  who  started  to  join  the  Liberators,  halted  half 
way  ;  for  the  blow  had  already  been  struck,  and  their 
Captain  made  a  captive.  Had  there  been  no  precipi 
tation,  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  to-day,  would  have 
been  peopled  with  free  blacks,  properly  officered  and 
ready  for  field  action.* 

The  negroes,  also,  in  the  neighboring  counties,  who 
had  promised  to  be  ready  on  the  24th  of  October,  were 
confused  by  the  precipitate  attack ;  and,  before  they 
could  act  in  concert  —  which  they  can  only  do  by 
secret  nocturnal  meetings  —  were  watched,  overpow 
ered,  and  deprived  of  every  chance  to  join  their  heroic 
liberators. 

Having  sent  off  the  women  who  lived  at  their  cabins 
—  Cook's  wife  and  others  —  the  neighbors  began  to 
talk  about  the  singularity  of  the  proceeding ;  and  it 
became  necessary,  on  that  account  also,  to  precipitate 
an  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry. 

On  Saturday,  a  meeting  of  the  Liberators  was  held, 
and  the  plan  of  operations  discussed.  On  Sunday 
evening,  a  council  was  again  convened,  and  the  pro 
gramme  of  the  Captain  unanimously  approved.  "  In 
closing,"  wrote  Cook,  "  John  Brown  said  : 

"  And  now,  gentlemen,  let  me  press  this  one  thing  on  ybur  minds. 
You  all  know  how  dear  life  is  to  you,  and  how  dear  your  lives  are  to 
your  friends ;  and,  in  remembering  that,  consider  that  the  lives  of 
others  are  as  dear  to  them  as  yours  are  to  you.  Do  not,  therefore, 
take  the  life  of  any  one  if  you  can  possibly  avoid  it ;  but  if  it  is  neces 
sary  to  take  life  in  order  to  save  your  own,  then  make  sure  work 
of  it." 


*  John  Brown  had  engaged  a  competent  military  officer  to  take  charge  of  the  liber 
ated  slaves  as  soon  as  it  became  necessary  to  descend  from  the  mountains,  and  meet 
thtt  militia  forces  i  v  tLe  fiald. 


The  Blow  Struck.  245* 

HARPER'S  FERRY. 

"Fearful  and  Exciting  Intelligence  !  Negro  Insurrection  <it  Harper'* 
Ferry  !  Extensive  Negro  Conspiracy  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  !  Seizure 
cf  the  United  States  Arsenal  by  the  Insurrectionists !  Arms  taken  and 
sent  into  the  Interior  !  The  Bridge  fortified  and  defended  by  Cannon  ! 
Trains  fired  into  and  Stopped!  Several  Persons  killed  !  Telegraph  Wires 
cut !  Contributions  levied  on  the  Citizens  !  Troops  despatched  against  the 
Insurgents  from  Washington  and  Baltimore  !  " 

Such  were  the  headings  of  the  first  telegraphic 
reports  of  John  Brown's  brave  blow  at  American 
Slavery. 

Before  briefly  describing  the  events  that  they  fore 
shadow,  it  is  necessary  to  speak  of  the  place  where 
they  occurred.  The  standard  Virginia  authority  of 
the  day  thus  writes  : 

"  Harper's  Ferry  is  situated  in  Jefferson  County,  Virginia,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Potomac  and  Shenandoah  Rivers,  on  a  point  just  op 
posite  the  gap  through  which  the  united  streams  pass  the  Blue  Ridge  on 
their  way  toward  the  ocean.  The  Ridge  here  is  about  twelve  hundred 
feet  in  height,  showing  bare,  precipitous  cliffs  on  either  side  on  the 
river,  and  exhibiting  some  of  the  most  beautiful  and  imposing  natural 
scenery  to  be  found  in  the  country.  The  town  was  originally  built  on 
two  streets  stretching  along  a  narrow  shelf  between  the  base  of  the 
bluff  and  the  rivers,  meeting  at  the  point  at  nearly  a  right  angle,  and 
named  respectively  Potomac  and  Shenandoah  Streets.  To  accommo 
date  its  increasing  population,  the  town  has  straggled  up  the  steep 
bluff,  and,  in  detached  villages  and  scattered  residences,  occupies  the 
level  ground  above  —  about  four  hundred  feet  above  the  streams. 

"It  has  altogether  a  population  of  five  thousand;  is  distant  from 
Richmond  one  hundred  and  seventy-three  miles  ;  from  Washington 
City  fifty-seven  miles  by  turnpike  road ;  and  from  Baltimore  eighty 
miles  by  rail.  Here  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  crosses  the  Po 
tomac  by  a  magnificent  covered  bridge,  nine  hundred  feet  long,  and 
passes  along  Potomac  Street  westward,  its  track  lying  forty  feet  above 
the  river.  The  Winchester  and  Harper's  Ferry  Railroad,  lying  along 
Shenandoah  Street,  connects  with  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  at  tbe 
bridge.  Potomac  Street  is  entirely  occupied  by  the  workshops  tu  d 
offices  of  the  National  Armory,  and  its  entrance  is  enclosed  by  a  hsc  d- 
some  <gate  and  iron  railing.  Nearly  at  the  angle  of  junction  arc  Jhe 

21* 


246  The  Blow  Struck. 

old  Arsenal  buildings,  where  usually  from  one  hundred  thousand  to  two 
hundred  thousand  stand  of  arms  are  stored.  The  other  buildings  on 
the  point,  and  nearer  the  bridge,  are  railroad  offices,  hotels,  eating 
houses,  stores,  shops,  &c.  Shenandoah  Street  contains  stores  and 
dv  oiling  houses  for  half  a  mile  or  more,  when  we  come  to  Hall's 
rile- works,  situated  on  a  small  island  in  the  Shenandoah  River." 

Harper's  Ferry,  by  the  admission  of  military  men, 
was  admirably  chosen  as  the  spot  at  wjiich  to  begin  a 
war  of  liberation.  The  neighboring  mountains,  with 
their  inaccessible  fastnesses,  with  every  one  of  which, 
and  every  turning  of  their  valleys,  John  Brown  had 
been  familiar  for  seventeen  years,  would  afford  to 
guerilla  forces  a  protection  the  most  favorable,  and 
a  thousand  opportunities  for  a  desperate  defence  or 
rapid  retreats  before  overwhelming  numbers  of  an 
enemy. 

THE    FIRST   NIGHT. 

The  first  movement  of  the  Liberators  was  to  extin 
guish  the  lights  of  the  town,  and  take  possession  of 
the  Armory  buildings.  This  they  did  without  opposi 
tion,  or  exciting  alarm  ;  although  they  took  the  three 
watchmen  prisoners,  and  locked  them  up  in  the  Guard 
House.  They  were  aided,  it  is  believed,  by  friendly 
negroes.  The  number  of  Liberators  in  the  town  was 
twenty-two  only,  of  whom  seventeen  were  whites,  and 
five  blacks  and  mixed  bloods.  But,  outside  of  the 
town,  there  were  others,  (who  afterwards  succeeded  in 
escaping,)  to  whom  were  assigned  the  duty,  which 
they  successfully  performed,  of  cutting  down  the  tele 
graphic  wires,  and,  after  the  train  had  passed,  of  tear 
ing  up  the  railroad  track. 

At  half  past  ten,  the  watchman   at   the   Potomac 


The  Blow  Struck.  247 

Bridge  was  arrested  and  imprisoned.  At  midnight, 
his  successor,  who  came  down  to  take  his  place,  was 
hailed  by  the  sentinels  placed  there  by  Captain  Brown ; 
but,  supposing  that  they  were  robbers,  he  refused  to 
surrender,  and  ran  off:  one  shot  being  fired  at  him 
from  the  bridge.  He  gave  the  alarm  at  the  hotel  near 
by,  but  it  produced  no  immediate  action.  The  train 
eastward-bound  arrived  at  a  quarter  past  one  o'clock, 
and  the  conductor  was  made  aware  of  the  possession 
of  the  bridge  by  armed  men.  The  officers  of  the  train, 
accompanied  by  some  passengers,  attempted  to  walk 
across  the  bridge,  but  presently  saw  the  muzzles  of 
four  rifles  resting  on  a  railing,  and  prudently  turned 
back.  One  man,  refusing  to  surrender,  was  shot  in 
the  back  and  died  next  morning.  It  was  found  that 
he  was  a  negro  porter.  At  this  time  there  were  several 
shots  exchanged  between  a  clerk  of  the  hotel  and  one 
or  two  of  the  Liberators.  The  passengers  in  the  train 
went  into  the  hotel,  and  remained  there,  in  great  alarm, 
for  four  or  five  hours.  The  conductor,  although  per 
mission  was  granted  to  him,  at  three  o'clock,  to  pass 
over  with  his  train,  refused  to  do  so  till  he  could  see 
for  himself  that  all  was  safe. 

"  After  taking  the  town,"  says  Cook,  "I  was  placed  under  Captain 
Stevens,  who  received  orders  to  proceed  to  the  house  of  Colonel 
Lewis  Washington,  and  to  take  him  prisoner,  and  to  bring  his  slaves, 
horses,  and  arms  ;  and,  as  we  came  back,  to  take  Mr.  Alstadtt  ard  his 
slaves,  and  to  bring  them  all  to  Captain  Brown  at  the  Armory." 


his  party  of  six  arrived  at  the  house  of  Colonel 
Washington  shortly  after  midnight,  took  him  prisoner, 
seized  his  arms,  horses,  and  carriage,  and  liberated  his 
slaves.  "  It  is  remarkable,"  said  Governor  Wise> 


248  The  Blow  Struck. 

speaking  of  this  event,  "  that  the  only  thing  of  mate 
rial  value  which  they  took,  besides  his  slaves,  was  the 
sword  of  Frederick  the  Great,  which  was  sent  to  Gen 
eral  Washington.  This  was  taken  by  Stevens  to  Brown, 
and  the  latter  commanded  his  men  with  that  sword  in 
this  fight  against  the  peace  and  safety  of  Washington's 
native  State ! " 

In  returning  to  the  Armory,  Mr.  Alstadtt  and  his 
son  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  slaves  on  their 
estate  were  freed. 

"  On  entering  the  Armory,"  said  Washington,  "I  found  some  eight 
or  ten  persons,  who  recognized  me.  We  were  seated  together  and 
conversing,  when  the  old  man,  whom  we  found  by  this  time  to  be 
Brown,  after  asking  our  names,  said,  'It  is  now  too  dark  to  write, 
but  when  it  is  sufficiently  light,  if  you  have  not  paper  and  pens,  I  will 
furnish  you,  and  I  require  that  you  shall  each  write  to  your  friends  to 
send  a  negro  man  apiece  as  a  ransom.'  " 

At  daylight,  every  person  who  appeared  in  the  street 
was  taken  prisoner,  until  they  numbered  between  forty 
and  fifty  men.  The  train  was  also  allowed  to  proceed, 
Captain  Brown  himself  walking  over  the  bridge  with 
the  conductor.  Whenever  the  Virginians  asked  the 
object  of  their  captors,  the  uniform  answer  was,  "  To 
free  the  slaves."  One  of  the  workmen,  we  are  told,  on 
seeing  an  armed  guard  at  the  gate,  asked  by  what 
authority  they  had  taken  possession  of  the  public  prem 
ises.  The  guard  replied,  "By  the  authority  of  God 
Almighty." 


VIII. 

SWORD  IN  HAND. 

train  that  left  Harper's  Ferry  carried  a  panic  to 
JL  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Washington  with  it.  The 
passengers,  taking  all  the  paper  they  could  find,  wrote 
accounts  of  the  Insurrection,  which  they  threw  from 
the  windows  as  the  train  rushed  onward. 

At  daylight  the  news  spread  in  Harper's  Ferry  that 
the  town  was  in  the  hands  of  Abolitionists  and  the 
slaves.  A  terrible  panic  ensued.  Report  magnified 
the  numbers  of  the  Invaders  forty-fold.  The  public 
buildings  were  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Liberators, 
and  at  the  bridges,  and  the  corners  of  the  principal 
streets,  armed  sentinels,  wrapped  in  blankets,  were  seen 
stationed,  or  walking  up  and  down.  Every  man  who 
appeared  in  the  street  was  forthwith  arrested  and 
imprisoned  in  the  Armory.  Captain  Brown  and  his 
sons  Oliver  and  Watson,  Stevens  and  two  others,  were 
stationed  inside  of  the  Armory  grounds ;  Kagi,  with 
Leeman,  Stewart  Taylor,  Anderson,  (black,)  and  Cope- 
land,  (colored,)  held  the  lower  part  of  the  town  and 
the  rifle  works ;  Cook,  Owen  Brown,  Tidd,  Merriam. 
and  Barclay  Coppoc  were  stationed  at  the  cabins  of 


250  Sword  in  Hand. 

the  Kennedy  Farm  and  the  school  house  ;  while  the 
remainder  were  posted  as  guards  at  the  bridges  and  at 
the  corners  of  the  streets  and  the  public  buildings. 

Early  in  the  morning  Captain  Brown  sent  an  order 
to  the  Wager  House  for  breakfast  for  forty-five  men  — 
his  hostages  and  company.  By  eight  o'clock  the  num 
ber  of  Virginians  thus  held  was  over  sixty  persons. 

The  first  firing  after  daybreak  was  by  a  person 
named  Turner,  who  fired  at  the  guards  as  they  were 
ordering  two  citizens  to  halt.  Mr.  Boerley,  a  grocer, 
fired  the  second  shot.  A  bullet  from  a  Sharpe's  rifle 
instantly  killed  him.  A  number  of  Virginians  then 
obtained  possession  of  a  room  overlooking  the  Armory 
gates,  and  fired  at  a  party  of  the  sentinels.  One  of 
the  Liberators  fell  dead,  and  another —  Watson  Brown 
—  retired  mortally  wounded. 

The  panic  that  these  proceedings  caused  in  the  town 
is  thus  described  by  a  Virginia  panegyrist  of  the 
people : 

"  As  the  sun  rose  upon  the  scene,  the  reported  outrages  and  the 
bodies  of  the  murdered  men  showed  that,  from  whatever  source  the 
movement  came,  it  was  of  a  serious  nature.  Sentinels,  armed  with 
rifles  and  pistols,  were  seen  guarding  all  the  public  buildings,  threat 
ening  death  or  firing  at  all  who  questioned  or  interfered  with  them ; 
and  the  savage  audacity  with  which  they  issued  their  orders  gave 
assurance  that  the  buildings  were  occupied  by  large  bodies  of  men. 
Messages  were  despatched  to  all  the  neighboring  towns  for  military 
assistance,  while  panic-stricken  citizens  seized  such  arms  as  they  could 
find,  and  gathered  in  small  bodies  on  trn  outskirts  of  the  town,  and  at 
punts  remote  from  the  works.  All  was  confusion  and  mystery.  Even 
the  sight  of  several  armed  negroes  among  the  strangers  did  not  at 
once  excite  suspicion  that  it  was  an  anti-slavery  movement,  and  the 
report  of  one  of  the  captured  slaves,  conrirmatory  of  that  fact,  was  re 
ceived  with  doubt  and  incredulity.  Indeed,  so  averse  was  the  public 
mind  to  the  acceptance  of  this  belief,  that  the  suggestion  was  every 
where  received  with  derision,  and  every  and  any  other  explanation 
adopted  in  preference.  Some  supposed  it  was  a  strike  among  the  dis 
contented  armorers,  or  the  laborers  on  a  government  dam,  who  had 
taken  thib  means  to  obtain  redress  for  real  or  imaginary  grievance!. 


Sword  in  Hand.  251 

Others  argued  thut  it  was  a  band  of  robbers  organized  in  some  of  the 
cities  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  the  pay-master's  strong  box,  known 
to  contain  some  thousands  of  public  money ;  that  the  armed  negroes 
were  whites  in  disguise ;  that  the  idea  of  inciting  a  servile  insurrection 
was  a  ruse,  put  forth  to  distract  the  public  mind,  and  enable  them  to 
escape  with  their  booty." 

During  all  the  forenoon  the  Liberators  had  full  pos 
session  of  the  town.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  desultory 
firing,  but  no  men  were  reported  killed  on  either  side. 
The  prisoners  were  permitted  frequently  to  visit  their 
families,  under  guard,  in  order  to  quiet  the  apprehen 
sion  of  their  wives  and  children.  Had  John  Brown  car 
ried  out  his  original  plan,  he  would  now  have  retreated 
to  the  mountains.  He  could  have  done  so  unopposed. 
But  two  reasons  seem  to  have  induced  him  to  delay : 
first,  to  prove  to  the  people  that  the  prisoners  would 
suffer  no  cruelty  while  in  his  hands  ;  and,  secondly  — 
although  this  we  infer  only  —  the  hope  of  being  joined 
by  the  slaves  when  the  night  set  in. 

The  delay  was  fatal  to  his  plans.  For,  half  an  hour 
after  midday,  the  first  detachment  of  militia,  one  hun 
dred  strong,  arrived  at  Harper's  Ferry  from  Charles- 
town.  Their  movements  are  thus  described  by  their 
Colonel  in  command : 

"  I  proceeded  on,  with  the  few  troops  we  had  under  arms,  on  foot 
to  Harper's  Ferry,  where  we  arrived  about  twelve  o'clock.  I  found 
the  citizens  in  very  great  excitement.  By  this  time  the  insurgents  oc 
cupied  all  the  lower  part  of  the  town,  had  their  sentinels  posted  on  all 
the  different  streets,  and  had  shot  one  of  our  citizens  and  a  negro  man 
who  had  charge  of  the  depot  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad.  1 
here  formed  two  companies  of  the  citizens,  and  placed  them  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Lawson  Botts  and  Captain  John  Avis.  Tbnit 
forces  were  variously  estimated  from  three  hundred  to  five  hundred 
strong,  armed  with  Sharpe's  rifles  and  revolvers. 

"  I  detached  the  Jefferson  Guards,  under  the  command  of  Captaii 
Rowan,  and  ordered  them  to  cross  the  Potomac  River  in  boats,  about 
two  miles  above  Harper's  Ferry,  and  march  down  on  the  Maryland 
side,  and  take  possession  of  the  bridge,  and  permit  no  one  to  pass, 
lids  order  was  strictly  executed.  The  command  under  Captain  Botts 


252  Sword  in  Hand. 

was  ordered  to  pass  down  the  hill  below  Jefferson's  Rock  and  take 
possession  of  the  Shenandoah  Bridge,  to  leave  a  strong  guard  at  tha 
point,  and  to  march  down  to  the  Gait  House,  in  rear  of  the  Arsenal 
building,  in  which  we  supposed  their  men  were  lodged.  Captain 
A  vis's  command  was  ordered  to  take  possession  of  the  houses  directly 
in  front  of  the  Arsenal.  Both  of  the  above  commands  were  promptly 
executed.  By  this  movement  we  prevented  any  escape." 

The  first  attack  was  made  by  the  Charlestown  Guards 
at  the  Shenandoah  Bridge.  William  Thompson  was 
taken  prisoner,  unwounded,  having  just  previously  re 
turned  from  the  school  house.  A  companion  was 
killed  at  the  same  time. 

The  rifle  works  were  then  attacked,  and,  as  only  five 
persons  were  stationed  inside,  the  building  was  soon 
carried.  Kagi  and  his  men  attempted  to  cross  the 
river,  and  four  of  them  succeeded  in  reaching  the  rock 
in  the  middle  of  it.  As  soon  as  they  stood  on  the  rock 
they  renewed  the  fight,  drawing  on  them  the  fire  of 
two  hundred  Virginians,  who  shot  at  them  from  both 
sides  of  the  river.  Yet  not  one  of  these  brave  Libera 
tors  cried  for  quarter,  or  ceased  to  keep  up  the  un 
equal  conflict,  until  the  corpse  of  Kagi,  riddled  with 
balls,  floated  down  the  river,  followed  by  one  of  his 
faithful  black  comrades,  and  Leary  lay  mortally  wound 
ed.  Copeland,  the  unwounded  survivor,  seeing  that 
the  fight  was  over,  yielded  himself  a  prisoner,  and,  with 
Leary,  who  lingered  twelve  hours  in  agony,  was  taken 
to  the  town  and  imprisoned. 

About  the  same  time,  or  just  previous  to  the  taking 
of  the  rifle  works,  William  II .  Leeman,  having  proba 
bly  been  despatched  by  Kagi  with  a  message  to  Captain 
Brown,  was  seen,  pursued,  and  attempted  to  escape  by 
swimming  the  river.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the 
party  —  only  twenty-two  years  of  age.  A  dozen  shots 


Sword  in  Hand.  253 

were  fired  at  him  as  he  ran  ;  he  partially  fell,  but  rose 
again,  threw  away  his  gun,  drew  his  pistols  and  tried 
to  shoot,  but .  both  of  them  snapped.  He  then  un 
sheathed  his  bowie-knife,  cut  off  his  accoutrements,  and 
plunged  into  the  river.  George  Schoppart,  one  of  the 
Virginia  militia,  waded  in  after  him.  Leeman  turned 
round,  threw  up  his  hands,  and  said,  "Don't  shoot!" 
Unheeding  this  cry  of  surrender,  the  cowardly  Virgin 
ian  fired  his  pistol  in  the  young  man's  face,  and  blew 
it  into  bloody  fragments.  He  then  cut  off  the  coat- 
skirts  of  the  corpse,  and  found  in  the  pockets  a  Cap 
tain's  commission.* 

While  the  fight  at  the  rifle  works  was  going  on,  Cap 
tain  Avis  and  his  company  took  possession  of  the  houses 
around  the  Armory  buildings.  As  they  were  doing  so, 
Captain  Turner,  who  had  opened  the  fire  in  the  morn 
ing,  was  shot  dead  while  in  the  act  of  raising  his  rifle. 
He  was  killed  by  a  sentinel  at  the  Arsenal  gate.  About 
the  same  time,  Dangerfield  Newby,  a  man  of  color,  and 
a  native  of  the  neighborhood,  who  still  had  a  wife  and 
nine  children  in  slavery  in  the  vicinity,  fell  dead  as  he 
was  bravely  fighting  for  the  freedom  of  his  enslaved 
little  ones  and  their  mother.  His  courage  was  warmly 
eulogized  by  the  Liberators  who  witnessed  it.  Jim, 
one  of  Washington's  negroes,  was  also  slain  at  this 
period  —  as  he,  too,  was  valiantly  asserting  his  man- 

*  Whereas,  W.  II.  Leeman  has  been  nominated  a  Captain  in  the  Army  established 
under  the  Provisional  Constitution ;  now,  therefore,  in  pursuance  of  the  authority 
Vested  in  me  by  said  Constitution,  we  do  hereby  appoint  and  commission  the  paiJ 
VV.  II.  Leeman,  Captain. 

Given  at  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  15th  day  of  October,  1859. 

JOHN   BROWN,  Commande.r~in-Chv-f. 
J.  II.  KAGI,  Secretary  of  War. 

22 


254  Sword  in  Hand. 

> 

hood  through  the  muzzle  of  a  rifle.*  A  free  negro,  his 
companion,  who  had  lived  on  Washington's  estate,  was 
shot  for  the  same  virtue  at  the  same  hour. 

Shortly  after  the  death  of  Captain  Turner,  a  stray 
shot  killed  Mr.  Beckman,  the  Mayor  of  the  town,  who 
foolishly  came  within  range  of  the  rifles,  as  the  Liber 
ators  and  Virginians  were  exchanging  volleys.  In  the 
course  of  this  fight,  Oliver  Brown  was  shot,  retreated 
inside  of  the  gate,  "  spoke  no  word,  but  yielded  calmly 
to  his  fate,"  and  died  in  a  few  seconds  after  his 
entrance. 

At  the  request  of  Mr.  Kitzmiller,  one  of  John  Brown's 
hostages,  Stevens  went  out  of  the  Arsenal  with  him,  in 
order  to  enable  him,  if  he  could  do  so,  to  "  accommo 
date  matters  "  for  the  benefit  of  the  prisoners.  Stevens 
carried  a  flag  of  truce  ;  but  yet  he  was  shot  down,  and 
seized  by  the  ruffianly  militia. 

Thompson  was  then  ordered  to  prepare  for  death, 
by  a  number  of  young  Virginia  gentlemen,  whose  con 
duct,  on  this  occasion,  is  a  vivid  illustration  of  the 
effects  of  slavery  on  the  manners  of  men. 

"  In  1608,  an  Indian  girl  flung  herself  before  her 
father's  tomahawk,  on  the  bosom  of  an  English  gentle 
man,  and  the  Indian  refrained  from  touching  the  Eng 
lish  traveller,  whom  his  daughter's  affection  protected. 
Pocahontas  lives  to-day,  the  ideal  beauty  of  Virginia, 
and  her  proudest  names  strive  to  trace  their  lineage  to 
the  brave  Indian  girl.  That  was  Pagan  Virginia,  two 
centuries  and  a  half  ago."  Far  different  is  the  Vir- 

*  "  He  fought  like  a  tiger,"  said  an  eye-witness ;  and  of  Ncw'iy,  another   said, 
"  H«  fovght  lik«  the  very  doviL  '    Negiees  can  fij^lit 


Sword  in  Hand.  255 

ginia  of  1859.  These  Virginians  tried  to  murder  Mr. 
Thompson  in  the  parlor  where  he  was  detained  a  pris 
oner  of  war ;  and  were  only  prevented  from  doing  so 
by  a  young  lady  throwing  herself  between  their  rifles 
and  his  body.  They  then  dragged  him  to  the  bridge, 
where  they  killed  him  in  cold  blood.  They  shot  him 
off  the  bridge  ;  shot  him  as  he  was  falling  the  fearful 
height  of  forty  feet ;  and,  some  appearance  of  life  still 
remaining,  riddled  him  with  balls  as  he  was  seen  crawl 
ing  at  the  base  of  the  pier.  Contrast  the  Virginia 
savages  of  the  olden  time  with  the  Virginia  gentlemen 
of  the  present  day.  The  contrast  does  not  stop  here. 
Miss  Foulke,  the  modern  Pochahontas,  when  asked 
why  she  shielded  Mr.  Thompson,  replied,  not  that  she 
loathed  a  murder,  but  that  she  "  didn't  want  to  have 
the  carpet  spoiled  !  "* 

While  these  gallant  young  Virginians  were  murder 
ing  an  unarmed  prisoner,  a  party  of  men  from  Martins- 
burg  arrived,  and,  led  by  a  railroad  conductor,  attacked 
the  Armory  buildings  in  the  rear.  Another  detachment 
of  the  same  company  attacked  the  buildings  in 'front. 
Seeing  them  approach  on  both  sides  in  overwhelming 
numbers,  Captain  Brown  retreated  to  the  engine  house, 
after  exchanging  volleys  with  the  advancing  forces. 
The  company  that  attacked  the  rear  broke  open  sev- 

*  Wendell  Phillips,  in  his  great  speech  recently  delivered  at  New  York,  in  which  he 
BO  successfully  subdued  the  eatraps  of  Virginia  who  had  assembled  to  put  him  down, 
lelated  another  incident  of  the  fight  at  Harper's  Ferry,  in  which  this  Miss  Foulke  was 
a  participator : 

•'  When,  in  tho  midst  of  the  battle  of  Harper's  Ferry,  the  Mayor's  body  lay  within 
rat.ce  of  the  rifles  of  those  northern  boys,  his  friends  wanted  to  bring  it  off,  but  none 
of  ftem  would  go.  At  last  the  porter  of  the  hotel  paid  to  a  lady,  if  you  will  stand  be 
tween  me  and  the  rifles,  I  will  go;  and  he  went.  He  knew  he  could  trust  the  gentle 
sacredness  of  woman  in  the  eyes  of  those  brave  northern  boys.  He  went  and  placed 
the  body  in  a  carriage,  and,  sheltered  by  her  presence,  carried  it  Lack  in  safety.  That 
ia  the  difference  between  Xorthuro  blijod  auil  ioultiei  lW 


256  Sword  in  Hand. 

eral  windows,  which  enabled  eighteen  prisoners  to  es 
cape.  An  attempt  to  carry  the  engine  house  was 
repulsed  with  the  loss  of  two  men  killed  and  six 
wounded.  The  attacking  party  was  fifty  strong. 

During  the  day, three  trains  had  been  detained  out- 
side  of  the  town  ;  reinforcements  were  constantly  ar 
riving  from  the  surrounding  counties ;  the  telegraph 
and  railroad  tracks  were  under  repair ;  and  the  Cabi 
net  at  Washington,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  the 
City  of  Baltimore,  had  ordered  troops  to  hasten  on  to 
subdue  the  Liberators. 

The  last  militia  force,  under  Captain  Simrns,  from 
Maryland,  arrived  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  ;  and 
with  the  other  companies  already  there,  completely 
surrounded  the  Armory  buildings.  He  arrived  in  time 
to  prevent  another  cowardly  murder  ;  for  the  Virginia 
gentlemen,  afraid  to  attack  the  engine  house,  and  fresh 
from  the  murder  of  Thompson,  were  exhibiting  the 
nature  of  their  valor  by  yelling  for  the  blood  of  the 
wounded  Stevens. 

The  united  forces  were  placed  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Baylor.  An  offer  made  by  Captain  Brown 
to  liberate  the  hostages,  if  his  men  were  permitted  to 
cross  the  bridge,  was  refused  by  him  ;  and  by  this  time, 
as  the  night  had  fallen,  the  firing  ceased  on  both  sides. 

The  result  of  the  day's  fight  to  the  Liberators  looked 
extremely  gloomy.  In  the  rivers  floated  the  corpses  of 
Kagi,  Leeman,  Stewart  Taylor,  and  Wm.  Thompson,, 
Imprisoned,  and  near  to  death,  lay  Lewis  Leary  and 
Stevens.  Copeland  was  a  captive.  On  the  street  lay 
the  dead  bodies  of  Hazlitt  and  Newby.  In  the  engine 


Sword  in  Hand.  257 

house  were  the  remains  of  Oliver  Brown,  and  Dauphin 
Thompson  ;  while  Watson,  the  Captain's  son,  lay  with 
out  hope  of  recovery.  The  only  unwoundcd  survivors 
of  the  Liberators  in  the  engine  house  were  Captain 
Brown ,  Jerry  Anderson,  Edwin  Coppoc,  and  Shields 
Green,  the  negro.  Eight  Virginia  hostages,  and  a 
small  number  of  armed  negroes,  were  with  them. 

Where  were  the  others,  and  what  had  they  been 
doing  ?  John  E.  Cook,  in  his  Confession,  thus  stated 
their  position : 

"  When  we  returned  from  the  capture  of  Washington,  I  staid  a  short 
time  in  the  engine  house  to  get  warm,  as  I  was  chilled  through.  After 
I  got  warm,  Captain  Brown  ordered  me  to  go  with  C.  P.  Tidd,  who 
was  to  take  William  II.  Leeman,  and  I  think  four  slaves  with  him,  in 
Colonel  Washington's  large  wagon  across  the  river,  and  to  take  Ter 
ence  Burns  and  his  brother  and  their  slaves  prisoners.  My  orders 
were  to  hold  Burns  and  brother  as  prisoners  at  their  own  house,  while 
Tidd  and  the  slaves  who  accompanied  him  were  to  go  to  Captain 
Brown's  house,  and  to  load  in  the  arms  and  bring  them  down  to  the 
school  house,  stopping  for  the  Burnses  and  their  guard.  William  H. 
Leeman  remained  with  me  to  guard  the  prisoners.  On  return  of  the 
\vagon,  in  compliance  with  orders,  we  all  started  for  the  school  house. 
When  we  got  there,  I  was  to  remain,  by  Captain  Brown's  orders,  with 
one  of  the  slaves  to  guard  the  arms,  while  C.  P.  Tidd,  with  the  other 
negroes,  was  to  go  back  for  the  rest  of  the  arms,  and  Burns  was  to  be 
sent  with  William  II.  Leeman.  to  Captain  Brown  at  the  Armory.  It 
was  at  this  time  that  William  Thompson  came  up  from  the  Ferry  and 
reported  that  every  thing  was  all  right,  and  then  hurried  on  to  overtake 
William  H.  Leeman.  A  short  time  after  the  departure  of  Tidd,  I 
neard  a  good  deal  of  firing,  and  became  anxious  to  know  the  cause  ; 
out  my  orders  were  strict  to  remain  at  the  school  house  and  guard  the 
arms,  and  I  obeyed  the  orders  to  the  letter.  About  four  o'clock  in  the 
evening  C.  P.  Tidd  came  with  the  second  load.  I  then  took  one  of 
;he  negroes  with  me  and  started  for  the  Ferry.  I  met  a  negro  woman 
&  short  distance  below  the  school  house,  who  informed  me  they  were 
fighting  hard  at  the  Ferry.  I  hurried  on  till  I  came  to  the  lock  kept 
by  George  Hardy,  about  a  mile  above  the  bridge,  where  I  saw  his  wife 
and  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Read,  who  told  me  that  our  men  were  hemmed  in, 
and  that  several  of  them  had  been  shot.  I  expressed  my  intention  to 
try  to  get  to  them,  Avhen  Mrs.  Hardy  asked  me  to  try  to  get  her  hus 
band  released  from  the  engine  house.  I  told  her  I  would.  Mrs.  Read 
begged  of  me  not  to  go  down  to  the  Ferry.  She  said  I  would  be  shot. 
I  told  her  I  must  make  an  attempt  to  save  my  comrades,  and  passed 
on  down  the  road.  A  short  distance  below  the  lock  I  met  two  boys 
whom  I  knew,  and  they  told  me  that  our  me*  were  all  hemmed  in  by 
99  * 


258 


Sword  in  Hand. 


troops  from  Charlestown,  Martinsburg,  Hagerstown,  and  Shepherds- 
town.  The  negro  who  was  with  me  had  been  very  much  frightened  at 
the  first  report  we  received,  and  as  the  boys  told  me  the  troops  were 
coming  up  the  road  after  us  soon,  I  sent  him  (the  negro)  back  to  in 
form  Tidd,  while  I  hastened  down  the  road.  After  going  down  oppo 
site  the  Ferry,  I  ascended  the  mountain  in  order  to  get  a  better  view 
of  the  position  of  our  opponents. 

"  I  saw  that  our  party  were  completely  surrounded,  and  as  I  saw  a 
body  of  men  on  High  Street  firing  down  upon  them,  —  they  were  about 
half  a  mile  distant  from  me,  —  I  thought  I  Avould  draw  their  fire  upon 
myself ;  I  therefore  raised  my  rifle  and  took  the  best  aim  I  could  and 
fired.  It  had  the  desired  effect,  for  the  very  instant  the  party  returned 
it.  Several  shots  were  exchanged.  The  last  one  they  fired  at  me  cut 
a  small  limb  I  had  hold  of  just  below  my  hand,  and  gave  me  a  fall  of 
about  fifteen  feet,  by  which  I  was  severely  bruised,  and  my  flesh 
somewhat  lacerated.  I  descended  from  the  mountain  and  passed  down 
the  road  to  the  Crane  on  the  back  of  the  canal,  about  fifty  yards  from 
Mr.  W.'s  store.  I  saw  several  heads  behind  the  door-post  looking  at 
me ;  I  took  a  position  behind  the  Crane,  and  cocking  my  rifle,  beck 
oned  to  some  of  them  to  come  to  me.  After  some  hesitation,  one  of 
them  approached,  and  then  another,  both  of  whom  knew  me.  I  asked 
them  if  there  were  any  armed  men  in  the  store.  They  pledged  me 
their  word  and  honor  that  there  were  none.  I  then  passed  down  to 
the  lock  house,  and  went  down  the  steps  to  the  lock,  where  I  saw 
William  McGreg,  and  questioned  him  in  regard  to  the  troops  on  the 
other  side.  He  told  me  that  the  bridge  was  filled  by  our  opponents, 
and  that  all  of  our  party  were  dead  but  seven  —  that  two  of  them 
were  shot  while  trying  to  escape  across  the  river.  He  begged  me  to 
leave  immediately.  After  questioning  him  in  regard  to  the  position 
and  number  of  the  troops,  and  from  what  sources  he  received  his  in 
formation,  I  bade  him  good  night,  and  started  up  the  road  at  a  rapid 
walk.  I'stopped  at  the  house  of  an  Irish  family  at  the  foot  of  the  hill, 
and  got  a  cup  of  coffee  and  some  eatables.  I  was  informed  by  them 
that  Captain  Brown  was  dead ;  that  he  had  been  shot  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  At  the  time  I  believed  this  report  to  be  true.  I 
went  on  up  to  the  school  house,  and  found  the  shutters  and  door 
closed  ;  called  to  Tidd  and  the  boys,  but  received  no  answer  ;  cocked 
my  rifle,  and  then  opened  the  door  ;  it  was  dark  at  the  time.  Some 
of  the  goods  had  been  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  and,  in  the 
dark,  looked  like  men  crouching.  I  uncocked  my  rifle,  and  drew  my 
revolver,  and  then  struck  a  match ;  saw  that  there  was  no  one  in  the 
school  house ;  went  into  the  bushes  back  of  the  school  house,  and 
called  for  the  boys  ;  receiving  no  answer,  I  went  across  the  road  into 
some  pines,  and  again  called,  but  could  find  no  one.  I  then  started 
up  the  road  towards  Captain  Brown's  house ;  I  saw  a  party  of  men 
coming  down  the  road ;  when  within  about  fifty  yards,  I  ordered  them 
to  halt ;  they  recognized  my  voice,  and  called  me.  I  found  them  to 
be  Charles  P.  Tidd,  Owen  Brown,  Barclay  Coppic,  F.  J.  Merriam, 
and  a  negro  who  belonged  to  Washington  or  Alstadtt.  They  asked 
me  the  news,  and  I  gave  the  information  that  I  received  at  the  canal  lock 
and  on  the  road.  It  seemed  that  they  thought  it  would  be  sheer  mad 
ness  in  them  to  attempt  a  rescue  of  our  comrades,  and  it  was  finally 
determined  co  return  to  the  house  of  Captain  Brown.  I  found  that  Tidd, 


Sword  in  Hand.  259 

before  leaving  the  school  house  to  go  for  Brown,  Coppic,  and  Merriam, 
had  stationed  the  negroes  in  a  good  position  in  the  timber  back  of  the 
school  house.  On  his  return,  however,  they  could  not  be  found.  We 
therefore  left  for  Captain  Brown's  house.  Here  we  got  a  few  articles 
which  would  be  necessary,  and  then  went  over  into  the  timber  on  the 
side  of  the  mountain,  a  few  yards  beyond  the  house,  where  the  spears 
were  kept.  Here  we  laid  down  and  went  to  sleep.  About  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning  one  of  our  party  awakened,  and  found  that  the 
negro  had  left  us.  He  immediately  aroused  the  rest  of  the  party,  and 
we  concluded  to  go  to  the  top  of  the  mountain  before  light.  Here  we 
remained  for  a  few  hours,  and  then  passed  over  to  the  other  side  of 
the  mountain,  where  we  waited  till  dark,  and  then  crossed  the  valley 
to  the  other  range  beyond." 

The  town  was  filled  with  militia  forces,  which  guarded 
every  street  and  approach  to  the  Ferry.  There  were 
fifteen  hundred  men  under  arms.  During  the  night, 
Colonel  Lee,  with  ninety  United  States  marines,  and 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  arriving  in  the  town,  took  pos 
session  of  the  Armory  guard,  in  immediate  proximity 
to  the  engine  house. 

The  scene  in  the  town  is  thus  described  by  a  corre 
spondent  of  the  Frederick  Herald,  a  Maryland  pro- 
slavery  paper  : 

"The  dead  lay  on  the  streets,  and  in  the  river,  and  were  subjected 
to  every  indignity  that  a  wild  and  madly  excited  people  could  heap 
upon  them. 

"  Curses  were  freely  uttered  against  them,  and  kicks  and  blows  in 
flicted  upon  them.  The  huge  mulatto  that  shot  Mr.  Turner  was  lying 
In  the  gutter  in  front  of  the  Arsenal,  with  a  terrible  wound  in  his 
neck,  and  though  dead  and  gory,  vengeance  was  unsatisfied,  and 
many,  as  they  ran  sticks  into  his  wound,  or  beat  him  with  them,  wished 
that  he  had  a  thousand  lives,  that  all  of  them  might  be  forfeited  in  ex 
piation  and  avengement  of  the  foul  deed  he  had  committed. 

"  Leeman  lay  upon  a  rock  in  the  river,  and  was  made  a  target  for 
the  practice  of  those  who  had  captured  Sharpe's  rifles  in  the  fray. 
Shot  after  shot  was  fired  at  him,  and  when  tired  of  this  sport,  a  man 
waded  out  to  where  he  lay,  and  set  him  up,  in  grotesque  attitudes,  and 
finally  pushed  him  off,  and  he  floated  down  the  stream.  His  body  and 
that  of  Thompson,  which  was  also  in  the  water,  were  subsequently 
brought  to  shore,  and  were  buried,  as  were  ail  of  them,  except  a  fev 
which  were  taken  by  some  of  the  physicians.  It  may  be  thought  that 
there  was  cruelty  and  barbarity  in  this ;  but  the  state  of  the  public 
mind  had  been  frenzied  by  the  outrages  of  these  men ;  and  being  out 
laws,  were  regarded  as  food  for  carrion  birds,  and  not  as  human  crea 
tures." 


IX. 

FALLEN  AMONG  THIEVES. 

UP  to  the  close  of  Monday  evening,  John  Brown 
had  successfully  maintained  his  position  against 
the  united  forces  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  With 
his  three  surviving  followers  he  was  now  prepared  to 
oppose  the  Nation  ;  and,  knowing  no  fear  but  the  failure 
to  do  his  duty,  he  prepared  to  resist  her  forces  also. 

Hemmed  in  by  an  overwhelming  force,  with  the 
knowledge  that,  when  the  morrow's  sun  should  rise, 
he  must  fall  before  its  physical  superiority,  he  never 
once  faltered  in  his  resolution,  or  exhibited  the  slight 
est  sign  of  fear.  During  the  live-long  night,  said  one 
of  the  hostages,  the  voice  of  Brown  was  heard  contin 
ually  repeating,  Are  you  awake,  men  ?  Are  you 
ready  ?  "  And  Colonel  Washington  said  that  he  — 
Brown  —  was  the  coolest  man  he  ever  saw  in  defying 
death  and  danger.  With  one  son  dead  by  his  side, 
and  another  shot  through,  he  felt  the  pulse  of  his 
dying  sou  with  one  hand,  and  held  his  rifle  with  tho 
other,  and  commanded  his  men  with  the  utmost  com 
posure,  (encouraging  them  to  be  firm,  and  to  sell  their 

(260) 


Fallen  among  Thieves.  261 

lives  as  dearly  as  possible."  *  The  old  man,  we  are 
told,  spoke  freely  with  Colonel  "Washington,  and  re 
ferred  to  his  sons.  He  said  he  had  lost  one  in  Kansas, 
and  two  here.  He  had  not  pressed  them  to  join  him 
in  the  expedition,  but  did  not  regret  their  loss  —  they 
had  died  in  a  good  cause. 

At  seven  o'clock  the  preparations  for  an  assault 
began.  Watson  Brown  lay  writhing  in  agony  on  the 
ground,  unable  to  assist  in  the  defence  ;  but  his  un 
daunted  comrades  stood  fearless  and  ready  to  defend 
their  lives,  arid  resist  the  hireling  bands  of  the  oppressor. 

The  correspondent  of  a  Baltimore  paper  thus  de 
scribes  the  closing  scenes : 

"Shortly  after  seven  o'clock,  Lieutenant  E.  B.  Stuart,  of  the  1st 
Cavalry,  who  was  acting  as  aid  for  Colonel  Lee,  advanced  to  parley 
with  the  besieged,  Samuel  Strider,  Esq.,  an  old  and  respectable  citi 
zen,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce.  They  were  received  at  the  door  by  Cap 
tain  Brown.  Lieutenant  Stuart  demanded  an  unconditional  surrender, 
only  promising  them  protection  from  immediate  violence,  and  a  trial 
by  law.  Captain  Brown  refused  all  terms  but  those  previously  de 
manded,  which  were  substantially,  "  That  they  should  be  permitted  to 
march  out  with  their  men  and  arms,  taking  their  prisoners  with  them ; 
that  they  should  proceed  unpursued  to  the  second  toll-gate,  when  they 
would  free  their  prisoners;  the  soldiers  would  then  be  permitted  to 
pursue  them,  and  they  would  fight  if  they  could  not  escape."  Of 
course,  this  was  refused,  and  Lieutenant  Stuart  pressed  upon  Brown 
his  desperate  position,  and  urged  a  surrender.  The  expostulation, 
though  beyond  earshot,  was  evidently  very  earnest.  At  this  moment 
the  interest  of  the  scene  was  most  intense.  The  volunteers  were 
ranged  all  around  the  building,  cutting  off  escape  in  every  direction. 
The  marines,  divided  in  two  squads,  were  ready  for  a  dash  at  the  door. 

"Finally,  Lieutenant  Stuart,  having  failed  to  arrange  terms  with  the 
determined  Captain  Brown,  walked  slowly  from  the  door. 

"Immediately  the  signal  for  attack  wras  given,  and  the  marines, 
headed  by  Major  Russell  and  Lieutenant  Green,  advanced  in  two  lines 
on  each  side  of  the  door.  Two  powerful  fellows  sprung  between  the 
lines,  and  with  heavy  sledge  hammers  attempted  to  batter  down  the 
door.  The  door  swung  and  swayed,  but  appeared  to  be  secured  with 
a  rope,  the  spring  of  which  deadened  the  effect  of  the  blows.  Fail 
ing  thus,  they  took  hold  of  a  ladder,  some  forty  feet  long,  and,  ad 
vancing  at  a  run,  brought  it  with  tremendous  effect  against  the  door. 
At  the  second  blow  it  gave  way,  one  leaf  falling  inward  in  a  slanting 

*  Speech  of  Governor  Wise,  at  Richmond,  on  his  return  from  Harper's  Ferry. 


262  Fallen  among  Thieves. 

position.  The  marines  immediately  advanced  to  the  breach,  Majoi 
Kussell  and  Lieutenant  Green  leading.  A  marine  in  front  fell.  The 
firing  from  the  interior  was  rapid  and  sharp.  They  fired  with  delib 
erate  aim,  and  for  a  moment  the  resistance  was  serious,  and  desperate 
enough  to  excite  the  spectators  to  something  like  a  pitch  of  frenzy. 
The  next  moment  the  marines  poured  in,  the  firing  ceased,  and  the 
work  was  done.  In  the  assault  a  private  of  the  marines  received  a 
ball  in  the  stomach,  and  was  believed  to  be  fatally  wounded.  Another 
received  a  slight  flesh  wound." 

One  of  the  Liberators  fell  dead  —  Jerry  Anderson  — 
and  only  three  shots  were  fired ;  Brown,  Coppoc,  and 
Green  each  discharging  their  rifles  at  the  marines  on 
their  first  assault. 

Before  the  entrance  of  the  troops,  the  Liberators 
ceased  firing ;  and,  therefore,  by  all  the  rules  of  hon 
orable  warfare,  should  now  have  been  sacredly  pro 
tected  from  violence.  Offering  no  resistance,  every 
civilized  people  would  have  taken  them  prisoners  of 
war.  But  not  so  the  assailants  in  Virginia. 

Before  the  fight  began,  John  Brown,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  Colonel  Washington,  urged  his  hos 
tages  to  seek  places  of  safety  —  to  keep  themselves  out 
of  harm's  way  ;  while  the  crowd  in  the  streets,  judging 
the  Liberators  by  their  own  standard  of  humanity,  sup 
posed  that  they  were  killing  them  in  cold  blood.  How 
did  the  descendant  of  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  reciprocate 
this  consideration  ?  Let  his  friend  and  eulogist  reply  : 

"  Colonel  Washington,  who,  through  all  these  trying  scenes,  had 
borne  himself  with  an  intrepid  coolness  that  excited  the  admiration 
of  the  brigand  chief  himself,  now  did  important  service.  The  moment 
the  marines  entered,  he  sprang  upon  one  of  the  engines,  told  his  fel 
low-prisoners  to  hold  up  their  hands  that  they  might  be  recognized  as 
non-combatants,  and  then  rapidly  pointed  out  the  outlaws  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  soldiers.  ...  A  soldier,  seeing  Colonel  Washington  in  an 
active  and  prominent  position,  mistook  him  for  one  of  the  outlaws, 
levelled  his  piece,  and  put  his  finger  on  the  trigger  ;  but,  fortunately 
remembering  the  caution  in  regard  to  the  prisoners,  he  desi>tcd. 
Shields  Green,  alias  Emperor,  a  negro  M.  C.  under  the  future  Pro 
visional  Government,  sneaked  among  the  slave  prisoners,  hoping  thus 
to  escape  notice  and  detection  ;  but,  perceived  by  Colonel  Washington, 
he  was  hauled  forth  to  meet  his  doom." 


Fallen  among  Thieves.  263 

Lieutenant  Green,  as  soon  as  he  saw  John  Brown, 
although  he  was  unarmed,  (according  to  the  testimony 
of  a  Virginian,)  struck  him  in  the  face  with  his  sabre, 
which  instantly  knocked  him  down.  Not  content  with 
this  brutality,  the  Lieutenant  repeated  the  blow  sev 
eral  times,  and  then  another  soldier  ran  a  bayonet 
twice  into  the  prostrate  body  of  the  old  man.* 

The  scenes  that  followed  this  assault  are  so  discred 
itable  to  Virginia  —  nay,  to  human  riature —  that  I 
dare  not  trust  myself  to  describe  them  ;  but  will  con 
tent  myself  with  quoting  the  accounts  of  two  ultra  pro- 
slavery  journalists.  This  is  the  report  of  the  Baltimore 
American  : 

"  "When  the  insurgents  were  brought  out,  some  dead  and  others 
wounded,  they  were  greeted  with  execrations,  and  only  the  precautions 
that  had  been  taken  saved  them  from  immediate  execution.  The 
crowd,  nearly  every  man  of  which  carried  a  gun,  swayed  with  tumul 
tuous  excitement,  and  cries  of  *  Shoot  them  !  shoot  them  ! '  rang  from 
every  side.  The  appearance  of  the  liberated  prisoners,  ali  of  whom, 
through  the  steadiness  of  the  marines,  escaped  injury,  changed  the 
current  of  feeling,  and  prolonged  cheers  took  the  place  of  howls  and 
execrations. 

"  The  lawn  in  front  of  the  engine  house,  after  the  assault,  presented 
a  dreadful  sight.  Lying  on  it  were  two  bodies  of  men  killed  on  the 
previous  day,  and  found  inside  the  house  ;  three  wounded  men,  one 
of  them  just  at  the  last  gasp  of  life,  [Anderson ;]  and  two  others 
groaning  in  pain.  One  of  the  $eact -was  Brown's  son  Oliver.  The 
wounded  father  and  his  son  Watson  were  lying  on  the  grass,  the  old 
man  presenting  a  gory  spectacle.  He  had  a  severe  bayonet  wound  in 
his  side,  and  his  face  and  hair  were  clotted  with  blood." 

Porte-Crayon,  a  Virginia  artist  and  author,  and  a 
fiendish  historian  of  the  holy  Invasion,  thus  writes  of 
the  same  infamous  scene  : 

*  In  the  trial  of  Copeland,  the  following  dialogue  occurred  : 

Mr.  Sennott.  You  say  that  when  Brown  was  down  you  struck  him  in  the  face  with 
J  our  sabre  ? 

Lieut.  Green.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Se.nnntt.  This  was  after  he  was  dawn  ? 

Lieut.  Green.  Yes,  sir,  he  was  down. 

Mr.  Sf.nnM.  IIow  many  times,  Lieut.  Green,  did  you  strike  Brown  iu  the  face  after 
he  was  down? 

Lieut.  Green.  Why.  sir.  he  was  defending  himself  with  his  gun. 

Mr  Hunter.  I  hope  the  counsel  for  the  defence,  will  not  press  such  questions  as  these. 

Mr.  Sennvtt.  Very  well,  sir. 


264  Fallen  among  Thieves. 

"The  citizen  captives,  released  from  their  long  and  trying  v/onnnt- 
ment,  hurried  out  to  meet  their  friends  with  every  demonstration  of 
joy ;  -while  the  bloody  carcasses  of  the  dead  and  dying  outlaws  were 
dragged  into  the  lawn  amidst  the  howls  and  execrations  of  the  people. 
It  was  a  hideous  and  ghastly  spectacle.  Some,  stark  and  stiff,  with 
staring  eyes  and  fallen  jaws,  were  the  dead  of  yesterday ;  while  others, 
struck  with  death  wounds,  writhed  and  wallowed  in  their  blood. 
Two  only  were  brought  out  unhurt,  —  Coppoc,  and  Green  the  negro, 
—  and  they  only  escaped  immediate  death  by  accident,  the  soldiers  not 
at  once  distinguishing  them  from  the  captive  citizens  and  slaves." 

There  is  only  one  account  of  the  conversation  of 
John  Brown,  as  he  lay  wounded  and  bloody  on  the 
lawn.  It  is  thus  narrated  : 

"A  short  time  after  Captain  Brown  was  brought  out,  he  revived, 
and  talked  earnestly  to  those  about  him,  defending  his  course,  and 
avowing  that  he  had  done  only  what  was  right.  He  replied  to  ques 
tions  substantially  as  follows : 

"/<  Are  you  Captain  Brown,  of  Kansas  ? ' 

T  '  I  am  sometimes  called  so.' 

"  '  Are  you  Osawatomie  Brown  ? ' 
A     W*' 1  tried  to  do  my  duty  there.1  " 

j  A  These  two  replies  are  eminently  characteristic  —  so 

/  manly  and  so  modest.     He  never  himself  assumed  the 

I  /title  of  Captain,  even  in  Kansas,  where  titles  were  as 

|  common  as  proper  names.     "  I  tried  to  do  my  duty 

there,"  —  the  sentence  was  a  key  to  his  whole  life. 

Neither  honor  nor  glory^noved  him  ;  the  voice  of  duty 

was  the  only  one  he  h( 

"  '  What  was  your  present 

"  ' To  free  the  slaves  from  bondage.' 

"  'Were  any  other  persons  but  those  with  you  now  connected  with 
the  movement  ? ' 

"  'No.' 

"  '  Did  you  expect  aid  from  the  North  ? 

"  'No;  there  was  no  one  connected  with  the  movement  but  those 
who  came  with  me.' 

"  '  Did  you  expect  to  kill  people  in  order  to  carry  your  point : ' 

"  '  I  did  not  wish  to  do  so,  but  you  force  us  to  it.' 

"  Various  questions  of  this  kind  were  put  to  Captain  Brown,  which 
he  answered  clearly  and  freely,  with  seeming  anxiety  to  vindicate 
himself. 

' '  He  urged  that  he  had  the  town  at  his  mercy ;  that  he  could  have 
burned  it,  and  murdered  the  inhabitants,  but  did  not ;  he  had  treated 
the  prisoners  with  courtesy,  and  complained  that  he  was  hunted  down 
like  a  beast.  He  spoke  of  the  killing  of  his  son,  which  he  alleged  was 
done  while  bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  and  seemed  very  anxious  for  the 
safety  of  his  wounded  son.  His  conversation  bore  the  impression  of 


Fallen  among  Thieves.  265 

the  conviction  that  whatever  he  had  done  to  free  slaves  was  right,  and 
that  in  th"  warfare  in  which  he  was  engaged  he  was  entitled  to  be 
treated  with  all  the  respect  of  a  prisoner  of  war. 

"He  seemed  fully  convinced  that  he  was  badly  treated,  and  had  a 
right  to  complain.  Although  at  first  considered  dying,  an  examina 
tion  of  his  wounds  proved  that  they  were  not  necessarily  fatal.  He 
expressed  a  desire  to  live,  and  to  be  tried  by  his  country.  In  his 
pockets  nearly  three  hundred  dollars  were  found  in  gold.  Several 
important  papers,  found  in  his  possession,  were  taken  charge  of  by 
Colonel  Lee,  on  behalf  of  the  government.  To  another,  Brown  said  it 
was  no  part  of  his  purpose  to  seize  the  public  arms.  He  had  arms 
and  ammunition  enough  rcshipped  from  Kansas.  He  only  intended 
to  make  the  first  demonstration  at  this  point,  when  he  expected  to 
receive  a  rapid  increase  of  the  allies  from  Abolitionists  every  where 
settled  through  Maryland  and  Virginia,  sufficient  to  take  posses 
sion  of  both  St^es,  with  all  of  the  negroes  they  could  capture.  He 
did  not  expect  tu  encounter  the  Federal  troops.  He  had  only  a  gen 
eral  idea  as  to  his  course ;  it  was  to  be  a  general  south-west  course 
through  Virginia,  varying  as  circumstances  dictated  or  required.  Mr. 
Washington  reports  that  Brown  was  remarkably  cool  during  the  as 
sault.  He  fell  under  two  bayonet  wounds  —  one  in  the  groin,  and 
one  in  the  breast —  and  four  sabre  cuts  on  the  head.  During  the  fight 
he  was  supposed  to  be  dead,  or  doubtless  he  would  have  been  shot. 
He  was  not  touched  by  a  ball.  The  prisoners  also  state  that  Browr. 
was  courteous  to  them,  and  did  not  ill-use  them,  and  made  no  abolition 
speech  to  them.  Coppoc,  one  of  the  prisoners,  said  he  did  not  want  to 
ioin  the  expedition,  but  added,  '  Ah,  you  gentlemen  don't  know  Cap 
tain  Brown  ;  when  he  calls  for  us  we  never  think  of  refusing  to  come.' "  * 

Captain  Brown,  after  his  pockets  were  rifled,  was 
carried,  with  his  dying  son,  to  the  Guard  House,  and 
Stevens  was  soon  brought  and  laid  down  beside  them 
on  the  floor.  No  beds  were  provided  for  the  prisoners. 
Coppoc,  the  brave  Iowa  boy,  thus  described,  in  a  letter 
to  their  mother,  the  death  of  John  Brown's  sons,  and  the 
accommodations  provided  for  them  by  the  Virginians  : 

"  I  was  with  your  sons  when  they  fell.  Oliver  lived  but  a  very  few 
moments  after  he  was  shot.  He  spoke  no  word,  but  yielded  calmly  to 
his  fate.  Watson  was  shot  at  ten  o'clock  on  Monday  morning,  and 
died  about  three  o'clock  on  Wednesday  morning.  He  suffered  much. 
Though  mortally  wounded  at  ten  o'clock,  yet  at  three  o'clock  Monday 
afternoon  he  fought  bravely  against  the  men  who  charged  on  us. 
When  the  enemy  were  repulsed,  and  the  excitement  of  the  charge  was 
over,  he  began  to  sink  rapidly.  After  we  were  taken  prisoners,  he 
was  placed  in  the  Guard  House  with  me.  He  complained  of  the  hard 
ness  of  the  bench  on  which  he  was  lying.  I  begged  hard  for  a  bed  for 
him,  or  even  a  blanket,  but  could  obtain  none  for  him.  I  took  off  my 
coat,  and  placed  it  under  him,  and  held  his  head  in  my  lap,  in  which 
position  he  died,  witnout  a  groan  or  struggle." 

*  These  statements  are  unworthy  of  belief. 

23 


x. 

SPOILS  OF  WAR. 

SOME  time  after  the  capture  of  the  Liberators,  a 
negro,  held  in  bondage  by  Colonel  Washington, 
reported  that  Captain  Cook  was  in  the  mountains,  only 
three  miles  off.  Scouting  parties  went  out  in  search 
of  him,  but  all  of  them  returned  unsuccessful.  From 
this  time  until  the  day  of  John  Brown's  death,  the  whole 
country  around  Harper's  Ferry  and  Charlestown  was 
kept  in  a  condition  of  perpetual  alarm.  Rumors  of 
invasion,  and  rescue,  and  murder  —  letters  written  by 
lovers  of  fun  in  the  North,  for  the  purpose  of  fright 
ening  the  authorities  —  "  mysterious  Roman  lights 
seen  shooting  up  at  night  among  the  mountains  "  — 
and  cows  of  bellicose  propensities,  who  rebelliously  re 
fused  to  advance  and  give  the  countersign  ;  all  aided  to 
exhibit  the  exceeding  cowardice  of  Virginia,  and  how 
dastardly  a  spirit  her  criminal  institution  has  created 
J  among  a  people  once  brave  and  chivalrous^/  The  inva- 
"  sion  of  John  Brown,  if  it  had  done  no  more  than  achieve 
this  object,  was  an  eminent  success  ;  for,  more  effectu 
ally  than  ever  all  the  pens  and  tongues  of  eloquent 
champions  of  Freedom  had  done,  it  tore  away  the  veil 

[386) 


Spoils  of  War.  267 


of  decency  and  courage  which  hitherto  had  hidden  th 
enoi-mities  of  Slavery.  1 

All  Virginia  was  in/ alarm.  Her  militia  forces  were 
every  where  called  out,  and  all  business  for  the  time 
was  suspended.  They,  who  had  boasted  of  the  stability 
of  slave  society,  now  acknowledged  that  its  foundations 
lay  in  fire,  whose  irruption  they  daily  feared  would 
overwhelm  them  with  ruin. 

COMPLICITY   OP   SLAVES. 

At  Washington  City  the  military  force  was  increased, 
and  every  precaution  taken  to  keep  the  negroes  down. 
A  telegraphic  despatch  from  the  Capital,  on  the  18th  — 
the  day  when  John  Brown  was  captured  —  thus  por 
trays  their  fears  and  the  reason  for  them : 

"  It  appears  from  intelligence  received  here  to-day  from  various  portions  of  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  that  a  general  stampede  of  slaves  has  taken  place.  There  must  have 
been  an  understanding  of  some  nature  among  them  in  reference  to  this  affair,  for  in  nu 
merous  instances  —  so  I  am  informed  by  the  slaveholders  since  this  insurrection  —  they 
have  found  it  almost  impossible  to  control  them.  The  slaves  were  in  many  instances 
insolent  to  their  masters,  and  even  refused  to  work.  It  is  believed  by  the  slaveholders, 
since  this  insurrection,  that  the  slaves  -were  aware  of  it,  but  were  afraid  to  cooperate. 
This  view  of  the  case  is  corroborated  by  Brown  and  other  leaders." 

Large  numbers  of  negroes  were  also  reported  to  huve 
left  the  neighborhood  of  Hagerstown,  Maryland,  arid 
Alexandria,  Virginia.  A  reporter  of  a  pro-slavery 
paper  gives  additional  information  with  respect  to  the 
"  complicity  "  of  the  slaves  : 

"  The  inhabitants  are  not  by  any  means  easy  in  their  minds,  as  to  the  temper  of  the 
slaves  and  free  negroes  among  them.  Col.  Washington,  who  was  one  of  Old  Brown  * 
hostages,  does  not  spend  his  nights  at  home,  and  we  are  assured  that  many  olhei 
•wealthy  slave  owners,  whose  residences  lie  at  a  distance  from  those  of  their  neighbors, 
also  regard  it  prudent  to  lodge  elsewhere  for  the  present;  and  yet  the  personal  courage 
of  these  gentlemen  cannot  be  questioned.  It  has  been  ascertained,  reports  to  the  con 
trary  notwithstanding,  that  many  negroes  in  the  neighborhood,  who  had  been  tarn 
pered  with  by  Cook  and  others  of  Brown's  gang,  had  at  least  cognizance  of  the  plana 
of  the  marauders,  if  they  did  not  sympathize  with  them.  On  the  night  that  Col 
Washington  was  taken,  a  free  negro,  who  has  a  wife  on  the  Colonel's  plantation,  was 
spending  the  night  there,  and  although  he  might  in  half  an  hour  have  raised  nr 
alarm  at  Charlestown,  only  two  or  three  miles  distant,  he  refrained  from  doing  so, 


Jf 


268  Spoils  of  War. 

and  the  first  news  of  the  affair  was  brought  to  that  village  by  citizens  of  Harper's 
Ferry  the  next  clay.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Washington's  negro  coachman  Jim,  whc 
•was  chased  into  the  river  by  citizens  and  drowned,  had  joined  the  rebels  with  a  good 
•will.  A  pistol  was  found  on  him,  and  he  had  his  pockets  filled  with  ball  cartridges 
when  he  was  fished  out  of  the  river.  On  Sunday  evening,  before  the  attack,  a  gentle 
man  on  the  way  to  Harper's  Ferry  was  stopped  in  a  lonely  place,  three  or  four  miles 
distant,  by  a  white  man,  carrying  a  rifle,  and  two  negroes,  armed  with  axes,  who  told 
him  there  was  something  going  on  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  he  must  turn  back.  He  did 
so,  and  the  men  remained  standing  there  until  he  was  out  of  sight.  Who  these  parties 
were,  or  what  their  connection  with  Brown's  party,  is  still  a  mystery.  It  is  certain 
that  Brown's  party  was  considerably  larger  when  the  attack  was  made  than  he  hat 
acknowledged,  or  was  at  first  supposed.  There  must  have'been  at  least  thirty  men." 

The  Richmond  Examiner  found  yet  another  trace  of 
slave  "  conspiracy."  It  says : 

"We  are  informed  by  a  highly  respectable  gentleman  of  this  city  that  he  saw,  yes 
terday  morning,  a  letter  which  Mr.  Samuel  Gordon  took  from  his  negro,  which  was 
addressed  to  a  negro  from  Baltimore,  saying  that  he  (the  recipient  of  the  letter)  was 
expected  in  Baltimore  by  the  13th  of  this  month,  that  a  post  had  been  assigned  him, 
and  that  he  was  expected  to  be  there  by  that  time.  The  letter  concluded  in  these 
words  :  '  And  you  know  what  will  happen  next  day.' " 

These  few  and  faint  indications  of  sympathy  among 
the  slaves  struck  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  Virginians. 
What  would  they  have  done,  had  they  known  the  ter 
rible  facts  that  now  lie  buried  with  the  corpse  of  John 
Brown  ?  Not  buried  eternally,  however  ;  for  they  will 
rise  again  —  with  the  slaves. 

CAPTURE   OF   THE   ARMS. 

The  Independent  Grays  of  Baltimore,  who  went  out 
in  search  of  Cook,  —  for  the  Virginians  did  not  dare  to 
venture  beyond  the  parade  ground,  —  returned  in  two 
hours  with  the  arms  and  ammunition  found  in  the  school 
house.  The  brave  exploit  by  which  they  captured  these 
arms,  which  was  the  most  courageous  action  of  the 
sober  militia  forces, —  for  the  company  of  the  editor,  Al- 
bertus,  by  their  own  confession,  were  intoxicated  when 
they  charged  on  the  Armory  buildings,  —  is  thus  de 
scribed  by  a  native  historian,  worthy  of  the  heroes 
whose  vaor  he  exf.ol^  : 


Spoils  of  War. 


269 


FEARFUL  CHARGE  ON  AN  ARMED  LOG  CABIN. 

"The  gallant  Gra3'S  proceeded  at  'double-quick'  time,  along  a  constantly  ascending 
and  rocky  road,  to  execute  the  order.  About  a  mile  from  tlie  Ferry,  they  arrived 
within  sight  of  the  school  house,  a  cabin  situated  in  a  gloomy  hollow,  and,  apparently, 
closely  barricaded.  Halting  for  a  few  moments,  the  Grays  formed  into  platoons,  under 
.he  respective  commands  of  Lieuts.  Simpson  and  Kerchner,  and,  at  a  given  signal,  dash 
ing  down  the  declivity  of  the  road,  and  with  the  butt-ends  of  their  muskets,  battered 
in  the  doors  and  windows,  through  which  they  entered.  The  cabin  was  entirely 
empty  of  occupants.  Against  the  front  door  were  piled  sixteen  long  and  heavy  boxes, 
one  of  which,  upon  being  burst  open,  was  found  to  contain  ten  newly-finished  Sharpe's 
breech-loading  rifles,  evidently  fresh  from  the  hands  of  their  maker.  There  was  also 
discovered  one  large  square  box,  exceedingly  heavy,  which  was  suffered  to  remain  un 
opened  :  a  largo  and  heavy  black  trunk,  a  box  filled  with  bayonets  and  sabres,  and 
(several  boxes  of  rifle  cartridges  and  ammunition.  There  were  in  all  twenty-one  boxes, 
several  of  which  were  filled  with  Maynard's  large-sized  patent  revolvers,  with  powder 
flasks  accompanying.  The  room  was  littered  with  Sharpe's  rifles,  revolvers,  and  pikes, 
evidently  distributed  with  a  view  to  their  immediate  use,  either  for  the  purpose  of 
defence  or  an  aggressive  action.  After  satisfying  themselves  that  the  traitors  had 
fled,  the  gallant  Grays  proceeded  to  possess  themselves  —  each  man  —  of  a  rifle  and  a 
pair  of  revolvers,  the  remainder  being  placed,  together  with  a  large  number  of  pikes, 
&c.,  upon  a  large  new  wagon,  (purchased  a  few  days  before,  by  Smith,  or  Capt.  Brown, 
as  he  is  now  known.)  to  which  the  captors  harnessed  a  pair  of  fine  horses  they  caught 
grazing  in  the  enclosure,  and  conveyed  their  valuable  prize  into  town,  where  they 
were  received  with  loud  cheers  by  the  citizens  and  military. 

"  The  captured  boxes  were  placed  for  safe  keeping  in  the  Arsenal  of  the  United 
States,  though  the  Grays  asserted  an  exclusive  right  to  their  possession,  as  the  lawful 
prize  of  the  captors." 

The  stores  found  in  this  cabin,  are  thus  classified  : 


102  Sharpe's  Rifles. 
12  Mass.  Arms  Company's  Pistols. 
56      "  "  "          Powder 

4  Large  Powder  Flasks.         [Flasks. 
10  Kegs  Gunpowder. 
23,000  Percussion  Rifle  Caps. 
100,000  Percussion  Pistol  Caps 
13,000  Sharpe's  Rifle  Cartridges,  slightly 

damaged  by  water. 
160  Sharpe's  Primers. 
14  Ibs.  Lead  Balls. 
1  Old  Percussion  Pistol. 
1  Major  General's  Sword. 
55  Old  Bayonets. 
]2  Old  Artillery  Swords. 
483  Pikes. 

150  Broken  Handles  for  Pikes. 
16  Picks. 
40  Shovels. 

[The  railroad  way  bill  called  for  several 
dozen,  showing  that  more  were  to  come.] 
1  Tin  Powder  Case, 
1  Sack  Coat. 
1  Pair  Cloth  Pants. 


1  Pair  Linen  Pants. 

Canvas  for  Tent. 
1  Old  Porte-monuaie. 
625  Envelopes. 

1  Pocket  Map  of  Kentucky. 

1  Pocket  Map  of  Delaware. 
3  Gross  Steel  Pens. 

5  Inkstands. 
21  Lead  Pencils. 
34  Pen  Holders. 

2  Boxes  Wafers. 

47  Small  Blank  Books. 

2  Papers  Pins. 

5  Pocket  Small  Tooth  Combs.* 

1  Ball  Hemp  Twine. 

1  Ball  Cotton  Twine. 
50  Leather  Water  Caps. 

1  Emery. 

2  Yards  Cotton  Flannel. 

1  Roll  Sticking  Plaster  for  Wounds 
12  Reams  Cartridge  Paper. 

2  Bottles  Medicine. 
1  Large  Trunk. 

1  Horse  Wagon. 


»  The  discovery  of  these  "  deadly  "  implements  of  domestic  warfare,  it  has  been  argued,  proved 
incontestably  the  intention  of  the  Liberators  to  make  war  upon  the  "  peculiar  institutions  "  of 
Virginia. 

23* 


2jo  Spoils  of  War. 

JOHN  BROWN'S  CARPET  BAG. 

The  next  military  movement  must  also  be  described 
in  the  glowing  language  of  the  friends  of  the  fearless 
heroes  who  executed  it : 

"The  excitement  attending  this  clever  exploit  [the  charge  on  the  deserted  school 
house]  had  scarcely  subsided,  when  another  alarm,  was  given,  that  the  notorious  insur 
gent  leader,  Cook,  had  a  few  minutes  beiore  been  seen  upon  the  mountains  on  the 
Maryland  shore.  A  scouting  party,  consisting  of  several  members  of  the  Grays,  (the 
ouly  foreign  corps  in  the  town,  quite  or  nearly  all  of  those  present  in  the  forenoon  hav 
ing  left  for  their  homes,)  some  score  or  more  of  volunteers,  and  about  twenty  United 
States  marines,  under  command  of  Capt.  J.  E.  B.  Stewart,  was  instantly  formed,  and 
proceeded  rapidly  in  pursuit.  Following  the  same  path  which  the  Grays  had  pursued 
in  making  their  discoveries,  and  which  is  known  as  the  'County  Road,'  leading  into 
the  heart  of  "Washington  Co.,  Md.,  the  party  continued  their  course  for  a  distance  of  4% 
miles  from  the  Ferry,  until  they  reached  the  farm  and  house  bought  and  occupied  by 
Brown,  under  the  name  of  John  Smith.  The  dwelling  —  a  log  house,  containing  two 
unpaved  basement  rooms,  used  apparently  for  storage,  and  in  which  were  several  empty 
gun  boxes ;  two  rooms  and  a  pantry  upon  the  second  floor ;  and  one  large  attic  room  in 
which  were  six  husk  mattresses  —  was  discovered  to  be  unoccupied,  save  by  a  huge 
pavage-looking  mastiff,  tied  with  a  rope  to  the  railing  of  a  small  piazza  outside  the 
house ;  but  there  was  abundant  evidence  of  its  recent  hurried  vacation.  The  floors  of 
all  the  rooms  were  littered  with  books,  papers,  documents,  and  wearing  apparel  of  sev 
eral  persons,  hastily  snatched  from  eight  or  ten  trunks  and  an  equal  number  of  valises 
and  coarse  carpet  bags  strewn  around,  the  fastenings  of  all  of  which  had  been  forcibly 
broken,  as  if  their  violators  were  too  much  pressed  for  time  to  adopt  the  tardier  method 
of  entrance  by  looking  up  keys.  In  the  pantry,  which  appeared  to  have  been  used  for 
kitchen  purposes,  besides  an  almost  new  cooking  stove,  and  an  abundance  of  tin  uten 
sils,  were  two  barrels  of  flour,  a  large  quantity  of  sausage  meat  and  cured  hams,  to 
gether  with  several  pounds  of  butter,  lard,  &c.  The  fire  was  yet  smouldering  in  the 
stove,  and  the  water  in  the  boilers  was  quite  hot  at  the  time  of  the  entrance.  But  tho 
most  valuable  discovery  was  a  trunk  belonging  to  Captain  Erown,  containing  a  great 
number  of  highly  important  papers,  documents,  plans,  and  letters  from  private  indi 
viduals  throughout  the  Union  —  all  revealing  the  existence  of  an  extensive  and  thor 
oughly  organized  conspiracy. 

"The  telegraphic  account  of  this 'clever  exploit'  stated  that  they  found  a  large 
quantity  of  blankets,  boots,  shoes,  clothes,  tents,  and  1500  pikes  with  large  blades 
affixed.  They  also  discovered  a  carpet  bag,  containing  '  documents  throwing  much 
light  on  the  affair,  printed  constitutions  and  by-laws  of  an  organization  showing  or 
indicating  ramifications  in  various  States  of  the  Union.'" 

In  this  carpet  bag  were  found  various  unimportant 
notes,  from  prominent  persons  in  different  States  ;  let 
ters  to  "J.Henrie,"  meaning  Kagi;  and  "Friend Isaac," 
meaning-  Captain  Brown  —  referring  chiefly  to  the  old 
man's  Kansas  work  ;  brief  entries,  in  journals,  of  sub 
scriptions  received,  and  journeys  made,  and  hardships 
endured  in  Iowa,  the  Eastern  States,  and  Canada ; 


Spoils  of  War.  271 

copies  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  books  of  military 
tactics,  with  numerous  receipts  and  bills  for  stock  and 
provisions  purchased  for  the  war  of  liberation. 

In  the  mean  time,  now  that  the  fight  was  over,  the 
valiant  Virginians  flocked  to  Harper's  Ferry.  Gov 
ernor  Wise  came  down  by  the  midday  train,  and,  after 
ridiculing  the  people,  visited  the  prisoners.  The  in 
terview  lasted  several  hours.  None  but  the  bitterest 
enemies  of  the  Liberators  were  present  during  this  con 
fronting  of  the  representatives  of  the  North  and  South. 
The  most  graphic  narrative  is  written  by  a  Virginia 
artist,  who  stands  high  in  the  estimation  of  her  people, 
and  is  regarded  as  a  true  representative  of  her  chivalry. 
The  character  of  her  gentry,  therefore,  may  be  judged 
from  the  spirit  of  his  description  : 

"The  midday  train  of  Tuesday  brought  Governor  Wise,  accompanied  by  several  hun 
dred  men  from  Richmond,  Alexandria,  Baltimore,  and  elsewhere.  There  was  real  dis 
appointment  to  find  that  the  fight  was  all  over,  and  when  the  Governor  was  informed 
of  the  mere  handful  of  men  who  had  created  all  this  bobbery,  he  boiled  over.  In  his 
wrath  he  said  some  good  things.  Indeed  it  was  universally  seen  and  felt  that  Gov 
eruor  Wiss  was  just  the  man  for  such  an  occasion. 

"  Accompanied  by  Andrew  Hunter,  Esq.,  a  distinguished  lawyer  of  Jefferson  County, 
the  Governor  presently  repaired  to  the  guard  room  where  the  two  wounded  prisoners 
lay,  and  there  had  a  protracted  and  interesting  conversation  with  the  chief  of  T;he  out 
laws.  It  had  more  the  character  of  a  conversation  than  a  legal  examination,  for  the 
Governor  treated  the  wounded  man  with  a  stately  courtesy  that  evidently  surprised 
and  affected  him.  Brown  was  lying  upon  the  floor  with  his  feet  to  the  fire  and  his 
head  propped  upon  pillows  on  the  back  of  a  chair.  Ilis  hair  was  a  mass  of  clotted  gore, 
so  that  I  could  not  distinguish  the  original  color;  his  eye  a  pale  blue  or  gray,  nose 
Roman,  and  beard,  originally  sandy,  was  white"  and  blood-stained.  His  speech  was  fre 
quently  interrupted  by  deep  groans,  not  awakening  sympathy  like  those  of  the  young 
soldier  dying  in  the  adjacent  office,  but  reminding  one  of  the  agonized  growl  of  a  fero 
cious  beast. 

"  A  few  feet  from  the  leader  lay  Stevens,  a  fine-looking  fellow,  quiet,  net  ir  pain 
apparently,  and  conversing  in  a  voice  as  full  and  natural  as  if  he  were  unhurt  I  low 
ever,  his  hands  lay  folded  upon  his  breast  in  a  child-like,  helpless  way  —  a  position  tha» 
I  observed  was  assumed  by  all  those  who  had  died  or  were  dying  of  their  wounds 
Only  those  who  were  shot  stone  dead  lay  as  they  fell. 

"  Brown  was  frank  and  communicative,  answering  all  questions  without  reserve,  ex 
cept  such  as  might  implicate  his  immediate  associates  not  yut  killed  or  taken.  I  append 
some  extracts  from  notes  taken  during  the  conversation  by  Mr.  Hunter : 

li '  Brown  avers  that  the  small  pamphlet,  many  copies  of  which  w»-iv  found  on  the 
persons  of  the  slain,  and  entitled  "Provisional  Constitution  and  Ordinances  for  the 
People  of  the  United  Stakes,"  was  prepared  principally  by  himself,  and  adopted  at  a 


272  Spoils  of  War. 


convention  of  Abolitionists  held  about  two  years  ago  at  Chatham,  Canada  West,  where 
it  was  printed.  That  under  its  provisions  he  was  appointed  <;Commander-in-Chief." 
His  two  sons  and  Stevens  were  each  captains,  and  Coppoc  a  lieutenant.  They  each 
had  their  commissions,  issued  by  himself. 

'•' '  He  avers  that  the  whole  number  operating  under  this  organization  was  but  twenty- 
two,  each  of  whom  had  taken  the  oath  required  by  Article  XLVIII. ;  but  he  confi 
dently  expected  large  reinforcements  from  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  North  and 
South  Carolina,  and  several  other  Slave  States,  besides  the  Free  States  — taking;  it  for 
granted  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  seize  the  public  arms  and  place  them  ia  the  hands 
of  the  negroes  and  non-slaveholders  to  recruit  his  forces  indefinitely.  In  this  calcula 
tion  he  reluctantly  and  indirectly  admitted  that  he  had  been  entirely  disappointed.' 

"  Concluding  that  the  prisoner  must  be  seriously  weakened  by  his  vigils  and  his 
wounds,  the  Governor  ordered  some  refreshment  to  be  given  him,  and  appointing  a 
meeting  on  the  following  day,  took  his  leave.  As  some  of  us  lingered,  the  old  man 
recurred  again  to  his  sons,  of  whom  he  had  spoken  several  times,  asking  if  we  were 
sure  they  were  both  dead.  He  was  assured  that  it  was  so. 

"  '  How  many  bodies  did  you  take  from  the  engine  house  ? '  he  asked. 

"  He  was  told  three. 

"'Then,' said  he,  quickly, 'they  are  not  both  dead;  there  were  three  dead  bodies 
there  last  night.  Gentlemen,  my  son  is  doubtless  living  and  in  your  power.  I  wilt 
ask  for  him  what  I  would  not  ask  for  myself;  let  him  have  kind  treatment,  for  he  is 
as  pure  and  noble-hearted  a  youth  as  ever  breathed  the  breath  of  life.' 

"  There  was  some  show  of  human  feeling  in  the  old  felon  at  last,  but  his  prayer  wa* 
vafci.  Both  his  boys  lay  stark  and  bloody  by  the  Armory  wall. 

"I  had  observed  Stevens  holding  a  small  packet  in  his  folded  hands,  and  feeling 
some  curiosity  in  regard  to  it,  it  was  handed  to  me.  It  contained  miniatures  of  his 
sisters ;  one,  a  sweet  girlish  face  of  about  fourteen,  the  other  more  mature,  but  pretty. 
What  strange  reflections  these  incidents  awakened!  This  old  man  craves  a  boon  for  hi3 
noble  boys  which  neither  pain  nor  death  can  bring  him  to  ask  for  himself.  The  other 
clasps  to  his  dying  breast  a  remembrance  of  his  gentle  sisters  and  his  father's  elm-shaded 
cottage  far  away  in  peaceful  Connecticut.  Is  this  pity  that  thus  dims  my  eyes?  a 
rising  sympathy  that  struggles  in  my  heart?  Away  with  puling  weakness.  Has  not 
this  hoary  villain,  that  prates  about  his.  sons,  been  for  months  a  deliberate  plotter 
against  the  lives  and  happiness  of  thousands?  Did  he  not  train  these  very  boys  to  aid 
him  in  his  attempt  to  waste,  with  fire  and  sword,  the  fairest  land  under  the  cope  of 
heaven?  And  this  bloody  dupe — his  follower  —  how  many  men's  sisters  did  he  pro 
pose  to  murder?  how  many  social  hearths  to  quench  in  blood?  For  what  use  were 
those  hundreds  of  deadly  rifles,  those  loads  of  pikes,  those  bundles  of  incendiary 
fagots ?  A  felon's  death!  Almighty  Providence!  is  man  indeed  so  weak  that  he  can 
inflict  no  more  ? " 

The  man  whom  God  had  anointed,  and  the  man 
whom  the  people  had  appointed  —  both  were  too  con 
scious  of  their  earthly  position,  as  they  stood  in  the 
guard  house  of  Harper's  Ferry,  to  feel  that  either 
could  do  the  other  a  favor.  The  assertion  that  John 
Brown  was  affected  by  the  conduct  of  Governor  Wise, 
is  one  that  none  but  an  unheroic  pen  could  make. 
Coarse  brutality  and  stately  courtesy  were  alike  indif- 


Spoils  of  War.  273 

ferent  to  the  venerable  warrior.  Conscious  of  having 
tried  to  do  his  duty,  he  serenely  awaited  his  preap- 
pointed  fate.  What  was  it  to  him  that  he  would  be 
brutally  accused  of  having  sought  to  lay  "  waste,  with 
fire  and  sword,  the  fairest  land  under  the  cope  of 
Heaven  ?  "  of  having  proposed  to  murder  innocent 
women,  or  having  conspired  against  the  lives  and  hap 
piness  of  thousands  ?  Knowing  that  he  had  obeyed  the 
Divine  behest  only  by  listening  to  the  poor  that  cried  ; 
that  he  had  done  unto  others  as  he  would  have  desired 
that  others  should  have  done  unto  him ;  he  was  neither 
to  be  awed  into  fear,  nor  softened  into  gratitude,  to  the 
enemies  of  his  God :  and  thus  he  aroused,  by  the  modest 
manliness  of  his  demeanor,  the  astonishment  —  almost 
the  veneration  —  of  the  able  but  distorted  intellect  who 
stood  beside  him.  When  Governor  Wise,  on  his  return 
to  Richmond,  appeared  before  the  people,  he  thus  spoke 
of  the  wounded  Liberator  : 

" They  are  themselves  mistaken  who  take  him  to  be  a  madman.  He  is  a  bundle 
of  the  best  nerves  I  ever  saw,  cut  and  thrust,  and  bleeding  and  in  bonds.  He  is  a 
man  of  clear  head,  of  courage,  fortitude,  and  simple  ingenuousness.  He  is  cool,  col 
lected,  and  indomitable,  and  it  is  but  just  to  him  to  say,  that  he  was  humane-  to  his 
prisoners,  as  attested  to  me  by  Col.  Washington  and  Mr.  Mills,  and  he  inspired  ma 
with  great  trust  in  his  integrity,  as  a  man  of  truth.  He  is  a  fanatic,  vain  and  garru 
lous,  but  firm,  and  truthful,  and  intelligent.  His  men,  too,  who  survive,  except  the 
free  negroes  with  him,  are  like  him.  He  professes  to  be  a  Christian,  in  communion 
with  the  Congregationalist  Church  of  the  North,  and  openly  preaches  his  purpose  of 
universal  emancipation  :  and  the  negroes  themselves  were  to  be  the  agents,  by  means 
of  arms,  led  on  by  white  commanders.  When  Col.  Washington  was  taken,  his  watch, 
and  plate,  and  jewels,  and  money  were  demanded,  to  create  what  they  call  a  •'  safety 
fund,'  to  compensate  the  liberators  for  the  trouble  and  expense  of  taking  away  his 
slaves.  This,  by  a  law,  was  to  be  done  with  all  slaveholders.  Washington,  of  course- 
refused  to  deliver  up  any  thing;  and  it  is  remarkable,  that  the  only  thing  of  material 
value  which  they  took,  besides  his  slaves,  was  the  sword  of  Frederick  the  Great,  which 
was  sent  to  General  "Washington.  This  was  taken  by  Stevens  to  Brown,  and  the  lattoi 
commanded  his  men  with  that  sword  in  this  fight  against  the  peace  and  safety  o: 
Washington's  native  State !  He  promised  Col.  Washington  to  return  it  to  him  when 
he  was  done  with  it.  And  Col.  Washington  says  that  he,  Brown,  was  the  coolest  and 
firmest  man  he  ever  saw  in  defying  danger  and  death.  With  one  son  dead  by  his  side, 
and  another  shot  through,  he  felt  the  pulse  of  his  dying  son  with  one  hand  and  held 
his  rifle  with  the  other,  and  commanded  his  men  with  the  utmost  composure,  encour 
aging  them  to  be  firm,  and  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  th^y  could." 


XL 

THE  POLITICAL  INQUISITORS. 

AS  soon  as  it  was  known  that  John  Brown  was  not 
dead,  and  that  three  of  his  followers  had  been 
safely  protected  from  the  fury  of  the  populace,  four 
political  inquisitors  hastened  down  to  see  him ;  to 
extort,  if  possible,  from  the  lips  of  the  dying  chief,  or 
the  fears  or  hopes  of  the  younger  captives,  confessions 
that  might  criminally  implicate  the  champions  or  friends 
of  the  Republican  party.  From  the  South  came  Gov 
ernor  Wise  and  Senator  Mason  of  Virginia  ;  from  the 
North,  a  United  States  Marshal  named  Johnson,  and 
Mr.  Vallandigham,  a  member  of  Congress  from  Ohio. 

The  result  of  these  visits  was  one  of  John  Brown's 
greatest  victories.  From  the  three  published  reports 
of  it,  carefully  compared  and  corrected,  we  give  the 
conversation  that  ensued  between  the  wounded  insur 
rectionists  and  their  cowardly  political  inquisitors. 

Never  before,  in  the  United  States,  did  a  recorded 
conversation  produce  so  sudden  and  universal  a  change 
of  opinion.  Before  its  publication,  some,  who  subse 
quently  eulogized  John  Brown,  with  fervor  and  snr- 

(274) 


The  Political  Inquifitors.  275 

passing  eloquence,  as  well  as  the  great  body  of  the  press 
and  people  who  knew  not  the  man,  lamented  that  he 
should  have  gone  insane,  —  never  doubting  that  he  was 
a  maniac ;  while,  after  it,  from  every  corner  of  tho 
land  came  words  of  wonder,  of  praise  rising  to  worship, 
and  of  gratitude  mingling  with  sincerest  prayers  for 
the  noble  old  hero.  Enemies  and  friends  were  equally 
amazed  at  the  carriage  and  sayings  of  the  wounded 
warrior.  "  During  his  conversation,"  wrote  a  Southern 
pro-slavery  reporter  to  a  Southern  pro-slavery  paper, 
"  no  signs  of  weakness  were  exhibited.  In  the  midst 
of  enemies  whose  home  he  had  invaded  ;  wounded  and 
a  prisoner  ;  surrounded  by  a  small  army  of  officials  and 
a  more  desperate  army  of  angry  men ;  with  the  gallows 
staring  him  full  in  the  face,  Brown  lay  on  the  floor, 
and,  in  reply  to  every  question  gave  answers  that 
betokened  the  spirit  that  animated  him.  The  language 
of  Governor  Wise  well  expresses  his  boldness  when  he 
said  :  c  He  is  the  gamest  man  I  ever  saw.'  I  believe 
the  worthy  Executive  had  hardly  expected  to  cee  a 
man  so  act  in  such  a  trying  moment." 

"  Such  a  word  as  insane"  said  an  eloquent  speaker, 
unconsciously  uttering  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  the 
North,  "  is  a  mere  trope  with  those  who  persist  in  using 
it ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  many  of  them,  in  silence, 
have  already  retracted  their  words.  Read  his  admirable 
answers  to  Mason  and  others.  How  they  are  dwarfed 
and  defeated  by  the  contrast !  On  the  one  side,  half- 
brutish,  half-timid  questioning;  on  the  other,  Truth, 
clear  as  lightning,  crashing  into  their  obscene  temples. 
They  are  made  to  stand  as  Pilate  or  Gesler  and  the 
Inquisition.  Probably  all  the  speeches  of  all  the  men 


276  The  Political  Inquifitors. 

whom  Massachusetts  has  sent  to  Congress  for  the  last 
few  years  do  not  match,  for  manly  directness  and  force, 
and  for  simple  truth,  the  few  casual  remarks  of  John 
Brown  on  the  floor  of  the  Harper's  Ferry  engine  house 
—  that  man  whom  you  are  about  to  send  to  the  other 
world  ;  though  not  to  represent  you  there.  He  is  too 
fair  a  specimen  of  a  man  to  represent -the  like  of  us. 
Who,  then,  were  his  constituents  ?  Read  his  words, 
understandingly,  and  you  will  find  out.  In  his  case 
there  is  no  idle  eloquence.  Truth  is  the  inspirer  and 
earnestness  the  polisher  of  his  sentences.  He  could 
afford  the  loss  of  his  Sharpe's  rifles  while  he  retained 
the  faculty  of  speech — a  rifle  of  far  straighter  sight 
and  longer  range." 

It  is  seldom  that  men  of  views  so  opposite  meet 
together,  either  in  the  events  themselves,  or  in  their 
subsequent  views  of  those  events,  as  met  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  when  Captain  John  Brown  and  Senator  Mason 
• — the  abolitionist  and  the  ex-traditionist —  the  slave 
liberator  in  virtue  of  the  higher  law,  and  the  slave- 
holding  author  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  —  gazed  at 
each  other  face  to  face  ;  or  when  the  Baltimore  Ameri 
can  and  the  hermit  of  Concord  united  to  do  honor  to 
the  venerable  invader  of  Virginia !  The  reader  will 
notice,  also,  how  the  two  earnest  men  respected  each 
other ;  how  Mason,  the  "  fanatic,"  unlike  his  compro 
mising  compeer,  was  courteous  to  the  old  man  fearless 
and  almost  reverential  in  his  questionings. 

THE   CONVERSATION. 

Senator  Mason.  Can  you  tell  us,  at  least,  who  furnished  money  for 
your  expedition  ? 

Capt.  Brown.  I  furnished  most  of  it  myself.  I  cannot  implicate 
others.  It  is  by  my  own  folly  that  I  have  been  taken.  I  could  easily 


The  Political  Inquifitors.  277 

have  saved  myself  from  it  if  I  had  exercised  my  own  better  judgment, 
rather  than  yielded  to  my  feelings.  I  should  have  gone  away,  but 
I  had  thirty  odd  prisoners,  whose  wives  and  daughters  were  in  tears 
for  their  safety,  and  I  felt  for  th6%i.  Besides,  I  wanted  to  allay  the 
fears  of  those  who  believed  we  came  here  to  burn  and  kill.  For  this 
reason  I  allowed  the  train  to  pass  the  bridge,  and  gave  them  full  lib 
erty  to  pass  on.  I  did  it  only  to  spare  the  feelings  of  those  passengers 
and  their  families,  and  to  allay  the  apprehension  that  you  had  got  here 
in  your  vicinity  a  band  of  men  who  had  no  regard  for  life  and  prop 
erty,  nor  any  feeling  of  humanity. 

Senator  M.  But  you  killed  some  people  passing  along  the  streets 
quietly. 

Capt.  B.  Well,  sir,  if  there  was  any  thing  of  that  kind  done,  it  was 
without  my  knowledge.  Your  own  citizens,  who  were  my  prisoners, 
will  tell  you  that  every  possible  means  were  taken  to  prevent  it.  I  did 
not  allow  my  men  to  fire,  nor  even  to  return  a  fire,  when  there  was 
danger  of  killing  those  we  regarded  as  innocent  persons,  if  I  could 
help  it.  They  will  tell  you  that  we  allowed  ourselves  to  be  fired  at 
repeatedly,  and  did  not  return  it. 

A  Bystander.  That  is  not  so.  You  killed  an  unarmed  man  at  the 
corner  of  the  house,  over  there,  (at  the  water  tank,)  and  another 
besides. 

Capt.  B.  See  here,  my  friend ;  it  is  useless  to  dispute  or  contradict 
the  report  of  your  own  neighbors,  who  were  my  prisoners. 

Senator  M.  If  you  would  tell  us  who  sent  you  here,  —  who  pro 
vided  the  means,  —  that  would  be  information  of  some  value. 

Capt.  B.  I  will  answer  freely  and  faithfully  about  what  concerns 
myself — I  will  answer  anything  I  can  with  honor,  but  not  about 
others. 

Mr.  Vallandingham,  (member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  who  had  just 
entered.)  Mr.  Brown,  who  sent  you  here  ? 

Capt.  B.  No  man  sent  me  here  ;  it  was  my  own  prompting  and  that 
of  my  Maker,  or  that  of  the  devil  whichever  you  please  to  ascribe  it  to. 
]  acknowledge  no  master  in  human  form. 

Mr.  V.     Did  you  get  up  the  expedition  yourself  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  did. 

Mr.  V.     Did  you  get  up  this  document  called  a  constitution  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  did.  They  are  a  constitution  and  ordinances  of  my  own 
contriving  and  getting  up. 

Mr.  V.     How  long  have  you  been  engaged  in  this  business  ? 

Capt.  B.  From  the  breaking  out  of  the  difficulties  in  Kansas.  Four 
of  my  sons  had  gone  there  to  settle,  and  they  induced  me  to  go.  I  did 
not  go  there  to  settle,  but.  because  of  the  difficulties. 

24 


2y8  The  Political  Inquifttors. 

Senator  M.  How  many  are  engaged  in  this  movement  ?  I  ask 
these  questions  for  your  own  safety. 

Capt.  B.  Any  questions  that  I  can  honorably  answer,  I  will ;  not 
otherwise.  So  far  as  I  am  myself* concerned,  I  have  told  every  thing 
truthfully.  I  value  my  word,  sir. 

Senator  M.     What  was  your  object  in  coming  ? 

Capt.  B.     We  came  to  free  the  slaves,  and  only  that. 

A  Young  Man,  (in  the  uniform  of  a  volunteer  company.)  How 
many  men  in  all  had  you  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  came  to  Virginia  with  eighteen  men  besides  myself. 

Volunteer.  What  in  the  world  did  you  suppose  you  could  do  here 
in  Virginia  with  that  amount  of  men  ? 

Capt.  B.     Young  man,  I  don't  wish  to  discuss  that  question  here. 

Volunteer.     You  could  not  do  any  thing. 

Capt.  B.  Well,  perhaps  your  ideas  and  mine,  on  military  subjects, 
would  differ  materially. 

Senator  M.     How  do  you  justify  your  acts  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  think,  my  friend,  you  are  guilty  of  a  great  wrong  against 
God  and  humanity  —  I  say  it  without  wishing  to  be  offensive  —  and  it 
would  be  perfectly  right  for  any  one  to  interfere  with  you  so  far  as  to 
free  those  you  wilfully  and  wickedly  hold  in  bondage.  I  do  not  say 
this  insultingly. 

Senator  M.     I  understand  that. 

Capt.  B.  I  think  I  did  right,  and  that  others  will  do  right  who  in 
terfere  with  you,  at  any  time,  and  all  times.  I  hold  that  the  golden 
rule  —  "Do  unto  others  as  you  would  that  others  should  do  unto 
you  "  —  applies  to  all  who  would  help  others  to  gain  their  liberty. 

Lieutenant  Stuart.     But  you  don't  believe  in  the  Bible  ? 

Capt.  B.     Certainly  I  do. 

Mr.  V.  Where  did  your  men  come  from  ?  Did  some  of  them  come 
from  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.     Some  of  them. 

Mr.  V.  From  the  Western  Reserve,  of  course  !  None  came  from. 
Southern  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.  O,  yes.  I  believe  one  came  from  Steubenville,  -down  not 
far  from  Wheeling. 

Mr.  V.     Have  you  been  in  Ohio  this  summer  ? 

Capt.  B.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  V.     How  lately  ? 

Capt.  B.    I  passed  through  to  Pittsburg  on  my  way,  in  June. 

Mr.  V.     Were  you  at  any  county  or  state  fair  there  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  was  not  there  since  June. 

Senator  M.    Did  you  consider  this  a  military  organization  in  this 


The  Political  Inquiiitors.  279 

paper  ?  (Showing  a  copy  of  John  Brown's  constitution  and  ordinance.) 
I  have  not  yet  read  it. 

Capt.  B.  I  did  in  some  measure.  I  wish  you  would  give  that 
paper  your  close  attention. 

Senator  M.  You  considered  yourself  the  commander-in-chief  of 
mis  provisional  military  force  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  was  chosen,  agreeably  to  the  ordinance  of  a  certain  doc 
ument,  commander-in-chief  of  that  force. 

Senator  M.     "What  wages  did  you  offer  ? 

Capt.  B.     None. 

Lieut.  S.     "The  wages  of  sin  is  death." 

Capt.  B.  I  would  not  have  made  such  a  remark  to  you,  if  you  had 
been  a  prisoner  and  wounded,  in  my  hands. 

Bystander.  Did  you  not  promise  a  negro  in  Gettysburg  twenty 
dollars  a  month  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  did  not. 

Bystander.     He  says  you  did. 

Mr.  V.    Were  you  ever  in  Dayton,  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.     Yes,  I  must  have  been. 

Mr.  V.     This  summer  ? 

Capt.  B.     No  ;  a  year  or  two  since. 

Senator  M.     Does  this  talking  annoy  you  at  all  ? 

Capt.  B.    Not  in  the  least. 

Mr.  V.     Have  you  lived  long  in  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  went  there  in  1805.  I  lived  in  Summit  County,  which 
was  then  Trumbull  County.  My  native  place  is  York  State. 

Mr.  V.  Do  you  recollect  a  man  in  Ohio  named  Brown,  a  noted 
counterfeiter  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  do.  I  knew  him  from  a  boy.  His  father  was  Henry 
Brown,  of  Irish  or  Scotch  descent.  The  family  was  very  low. 

Mr.  V.     Have  you  ever  been  in  Portage  County  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  was  there  in  June  last. 

Mr.  V.  When  in  Cleveland,  did  you  attend  the  Fugitive  Slave-  Law 
Convention  there  ? 

Capt.  B.  No.  I  was  there  about  the  time  of  the  sitting  of  the 
court  to  try  the  Oberlin  rescuers.  I  spoke  there,  publicly,  on  that 
subject.  I  spoke  on  the  fugitive  slave  law,  and  my  own  rescue.  Of 
course,  so  far  as  I  had  any  influence  at  all,  I  was  disposed  to  justify 
the  Oberlin  people  for  rescuing  the  slave,  because  I  have  myself  forci 
bly  taken  slaves  from  bondage.  I  was  concerned  in  taking  eleven 
slaves  from  Missouri  to  Canada,  last  winter.  I  think  that  I  spoke  in 
Cleveland  before  the  Convention.  I  do  not  know  that  I  had  any  con 
versation  with  any  of  the  Oberlin  rescuers.  I  was  sick  part  of  *he 


280  The  Political   Inquifitors. 

time  I  was  in  Ohio.  I  had  the  ague.  I  was  part  of  the  <ime  in  Ash- 
tabula  county. 

Mr.  V.     Did  you  see  any  thing  of  Joshua  R.  Giddings  there  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  did  meet  him. 

Mr.  V.     Did  you  converse  with  him  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  did.  I  would  not  tell  you,  of  course,  any  thing  that 
would  implicate  Mr.  Giddings  ;  but  I  certainly  met  with  him,  and  had 
a  conversation  with  him. 

Mr.  V.     About  that  rescue  case  ? 

Capt.  B.  Yes,  I  did.  I  heard  him  express  his  opinion  upon  it  very 
freely  and  frankly. 

Mr.  V.     Justifying  it  ? 

Capt.  B.  Yes,  sir.  I  do  not  compromise  him,  certainly,  in  saying 
that. 

A  Bystander.  Did  you  go  out  to  Kansas  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Emigrant  Aid  Society  ? 

Capt.  B.  No,  sir  ;  I  went  out  under  the  auspices  of  John  Brown, 
and  nobody  else. 

Mr.  V.  "Will  you  answer  this  r  Did  you  talk  to  Giddings  about 
your  expedition  here  ? 

Capt.  B.  No,  sir  !  I  won't  answer  that,  because  a  denial  of  it 
I  would  not  make ;  and  to  make  an  affidavit  of  it,  I  should  be  a  great 
dunce. 

j/r.  Y.  Have  you  had  any  correspondence  with  parties  at  the  North 
on  the  subject  of  this  movement  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  have  had  no  correspondence.* 

Bystander.     Do  you  consider  this  a  religious  movement  ? 

Capt.  B.  It  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest  service  a  man  can  render 
to  his  God. 

Bystander.  Do  you  consider  yourself  an  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  Providence  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  do. 

Bystander.     Upon  what  principle  do  you  justify  your  acts  ? 

Capt.  B.  Upon  the  golden  rule.  I  pity  the  poor  in  bondage  that 
have  none  to  help  them.  That  is  why  I  am  here  ;  it  is  not  to  gratify 
any  personal  animosity,  or  feeling  of  revenge,  or  vindictive  spirit.  It 
3  my  sympathy  with  the  oppressed  and  the  wronged,  that  are  as  good 
as  you,  and  as  precious  in  the  sight  of  God. 

Bystander.     Certainly.     But  why  take  the  slaves  against  their  will  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  never  did. 

Bystander.     You  did  in  one  instance,  at  least. 

Stevens.  (To  the  inquirer,  interrupting  Brown.)  You  are  right, 
sir ;  in  one  case  —  (a  groan  from  the  wounded  man")  —  in  one  case,  I 

*  One  report  reads  thus :  the  other  oraits  the  word  "  no." 


The  Political  Inquifitors.  281 

know  the  negro  wanted  to    go  back.  —  (To  Brown.)      Captain,  the 
gentleman  is  right. 

Bystander.     (To  Stevens.)     Where  did  you  come  from  ? 

Stevens.     I  lived  in  Ashtabula  County,  Ohio. 

Mr.  B.     How  recently  did  you  leave  Ashtabula  County  ? 

Stevens.  Some  months  ago.  I  never  resided  there  any  length  of 
time.  I  have  often  been  through  there. 

Mr.  V.     How  far  did  you  live  from  Jefferson  ? 

Capt.  B.  (To  Stevens.)  13e  very  cautious,  Stevens,  about  an  an 
swer  to  that ;  it  might  commit  some  friend.  I  would  not  answer  it 
at  all. 

Stevens,  who  had  been  groaning  considerably,  as  if  the  exer 
tion  necessary  to  conversation  seriously  affected  him,  seemed  content 
to  abide  by  the  captain's  advice.  He  turned  partially  over,  with  a 
groan  of  pain,  and  was  silent. 

Mr.  V.  (To  Capt.  Brown.)  Who  are  your  advisers  in  this  move 
ment? 

Capt.  B.  I  cannot  answer  that.  I  have  numerous  sympathizers 
throughout  the  entire  North. 

Mr.  V.     In  Northern  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.     No  more  there  than  any  where  else —  in  all  the  Free  States. 

Mr.  V.     But  are  you  not  personally  acquainted  in  Southern  Ohio  ? 

Capt.  B.     Not  very  much. 

Mr.  V.     (To  Stevens.)     Were  you  at  the  convention  last  June  ? 

Stevens.     I  was. 

Mr.  V.     (To  Capt.  Brown.) ,  You  made  a  speech  there  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  did,  sir. 

Bystander.     Did  you  ever  live  in  Washington  city  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  did  not.  I  want  you  to  understand,  gentlemen,  that  3 
respect  the  rights  of  the  poorest  and  weakest  of  the  colored  people, 
oppressed  by  the  slave  system,  just  as  much  as  I  do  those  of  the  most^ 
wealthy  and  powerful.  That  is  the  idea  that  has  moved  me,  and  that 
alone.  We  expected  no  reward  except  the  satisfaction  of  endeavoring 
to  do  for  those  in  distress —  the  greatly  oppressed —  as  we  would  be 
done  by.  The  cry  of  distress,  of  the  oppressed,  is  my  reason,  and  the 
only  thing  that  prompted  me  to  come  here. 

Bystander.     Why  did  you  do  it  secretly  ? 

Capt.  B.  Because  I  thought  that  necessary  to  success,  and  for  no 
other  reason. 

Bystander.  And  you  think  that  honorable,  do  you  ?  Have  you 
read  Gerrit  Smith's,  last  letter  ? 

Capt.  B.     What  letter  do  you  mean  ? 

Bystander.     The  New  York  Herald  of  yesterday,  in  speaking  of  this 

24* 


282  The  Political  Inquifitors. 

affair,  mentions  a  letter  in  which  he  says,  "  that  it  is  folly  to  attempt 
to  strike  the  shackles  off  the  slave  by  the  force  of  moral  suasion  or 
legal  agitation,"  and  predicts  that  the  next  movement  made  in  the 
direction  of  negro  emancipation  will  be  an  insurrection  in  the  South. 

Capt.  B.  I  have  not  seen  a  New  York  Herald  for  some  days  past ; 
but  I  presume,  from  your  remarks  about  the  gist  of  the  letter,  that  I 
should  concur  with  it.  I  agree  with  Mr.  Smith,  that  moral  suasion  is 
hopeless.  I  don't  think  the  people  of  the  Slave  States  will  ever  con 
sider  the  subject  of  slavery  in  its  true  light  until  some  other  argument 
is  resorted  to  than  moral  suasion. 

Mr.  V.  Did  you  expect  a  general  rising  of  the  slaves  in  case  of 
your  success  ? 

Capt.  B.  No,  sir  ;  nor  did  I  wish  it.  I  expected  to  gather  strength 
from  time  to  time  ;  then  I  could  set  them  free. 

Mr.  V.     Did  you  expect  to  hold  possession  here  till  then  ? 

Capt.  B.  Well,  probably  I  had  quite  a  different  idea.  I  do  not 
know  that  I  ought  to  reveal  my  plans.  I  am  here  a  prisoner,  and 
wounded,  because  I  foolishly  allowed  myself  to  be  so.  You  overrate 
your  strength  when  you  suppose  I  could  have  been  taken  if  I  had  not 
allowed  it.  I  was  too  tardy,  after  commencing  the  open  attack,  in  de 
laying  my  movements  through  Monday  night,  and  up  to  the  time  I  was 
attacked  by  the  government  troops.  It  was  all  occasioned  by  my  de 
sire  to  spare  the  feelings  of  my  prisoners  and  their  families,  and  the 
community  at  large. 

Mr.  V.  Did  you  not  shoot  a  negro  on  the  bridge,  or  did  not  some 
of  your  party  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  knew  nothing  of  the  shooting  of  the  negro,  (Hey- 
wood.) 

Mr.  V.  What  time  did  you  commence  your  organization  over  in 
Canada  ? 

Capt.  B.  It  occurred  about  two  years  ago.  If  I  remember  right, 
it  was,  I  think,  in  1858. 

Mr.  V.     Who  was  the  secretary  ? 

Capt.  B.  That  I  would  not  tell  if  I  recollected  ;  but  I  do  not  re 
member.  I  think  the  officers  were  elected  in  May,  1858.  I  may 
answer  incorrectly,  but  not  intentionally.  My  head  is  a  little  confused 
by  wounds,  and  my  memory  of  dates  and  such  like  is  somewhat 
confused. 

Dr.  Bigys.     Were  you  in  the  party  at  Dr.  Kennedy's  house  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  was  the  head  of  that  party.  I  occupied  the  house  to 
matxire  my  plans.  I  would  state  here  that  I  have  not  been  in  Balti 
more  to  purchase  percussion  caps. 

Dr.  is.    What  was  the  number  of  men  at  Kennedy' i  ? 


The  Political  Inquifitors.  283 

Copt.  B.     I  decline  to  answer  that. 

Dr.  B.     Who  lanced  that  woman's  neck  on  the  hill  ? 

Copt.  B.  I  did.  I  have  sometimes  practised  in  surgery,  when  1 
thought  it  a  matter  of  humanity  or  of  necessity  —  when  there  was  no 
one  else  to  do  it ;  but  I  have  not  studied  surgery. 

Dr.  B.  (To  the  persons  around.)  It  was  done  very  well  and  scien 
tifically.  These  men  have  been  very  clever  to  the  neighbors,  I  have 
been  told,  and  we  had  no  reason  to  suspect  them,  except  that  we 
could  not  understand  their  movements.  They  were  represented  as 
eight  or  nine  persons  ;  on  Friday  there  were  thirteen. 

Capt.  B.     There  were  more  than  thirteen. 

Questions  were  now  put  in  by  almost  every  one  in  the  room. 

Q.     Where  did  you  get  arms  to  obtain  possession  of  the  armory  ? 

Capt.  B.     I  bought  them. 

Q.     In  what  state  ? 

Capt.  B.     That  I  would  not  state. 

Q.     How  many  guns  ? 

Capt.  B.     Two  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  two  hundred  revolvers 

—  what  is  called  the  Massachusetts  Arms  Company's   revolvers  —  a 
little  under  the  navy  size. 

Q.     Why  did  you  not  take  that  swivel  you  left  in  the  house  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  had  no  occasion  for  it.  It  was  given  to  me  a  year  or 
two  ago. 

A  Reporter.  I  do  not  wish  to  annoy  you ;  but  if  you  have  any 
thing  else  you  would  like  to  say,  I  will  report  it. 

Capt.  B.  I  do  not  wish  to  converse  any  more  ;  I  have  nothing  to 
say.  I  will  only  remark  to  these  reporting  gentlemen,  that  I  claim  to 
be  here  in  carrying  out  a  measure  I  believe  to  be  perfectly  justifiable, 
and  not  to  act  the  part  of  an  incendiary  or  ruffian ;  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  to  aid  those  suffering  under  a  great  wrong.  I  wish  to  say,  fur 
thermore,  that  you  had  better  —  all  you  people  of  the  South  —  pre 
pare  yourselves  for  a  settlement  of  this  question.  It  must  come  up  for 
settlement  sooner  than  you  are  prepared  for  it,  and  the  sooner  you 
commence  that  preparation  the  better  for  you.  You  may  dispose  of 
me  very  easily.  I  am  nearly  disposed  of  now  ;  but  this  question  is 
still  to  be  settled  —  this  negro  question,  I  mean.  The  end  of  that  is 
not  yet.  These  wounds  were  inflicted  upon  me,  —  both  the  sabre  cut 
on  my  head,  and  the  bayonet  stabs  in  the  different  parts  of  my  body, 

—  some  minutes  after  I  had  ceased  fighting,  and  had  consented  to  sur 
render  for  the  benefit  of  others,  and  not  for  my  own  benefit. 

(Several  persons  vehemently  denied  this  statement.  Without  no 
ticing  the  interruption,  the  old  man  continued :) 

I  believe  the  Major  here  (pointing  to  Lieut.  Stuart)  would  not  have 


284  The  Political  Inquifitors. 

been  alive  but  for  me.  I  might  have  killed  him  just  as  easy  as  I  could 
kill  a  mosquito,  when  he  came  in  ;  but  I  supposed  that  he  came  in  only 
to  receive  our  surrender.  There  had  been  long  and  loud  calls  of  sur 
render  from  us,  —  as  loud  as  men  could  yell,  —  but  in  the  confusion 
and  excitement  I  suppose  we  were  not  heard.  I  do  not  believe  the 
major,  or  any  one  else,  wanted  to  butcher  us  after  we  had  surren 
dered. 

An  officer  present  here  stated  that  special  orders  had  been  given  to 
the  marines  not  to  shoot  any  body ;  but  when  they  were  fired  upon  by 
.Brown's  men,  and  one  of  them  had  been  killed,  4ind  another  wounded, 
they  were  obliged  to  return  the  compliment. 

Captain  Brown  insisted,  with  some  warmth,  that  the  marines  fired 
first. 

An  Officer.     Why  did  you  not  surrender  before  the  attack  ? 

Capt.  B.  I  did  not  think  it  was  my  duty  or  interest  to  do  so.  We 
assured  our  prisoners  that  we  did  not  wish  to  harm  them,  and  that 
they  should  be  set  at  liberty.  I  exercised  my  best  judgment,  not  be 
lieving  the  people  would  wantonly  sacrifice  their  own  fellow- citizens. 
When  we  offered  to  let  them  go  upon  condition  of  being  allowed  to 
change  our  position  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  the  prisoners  agreed  by 
vote  among  themselves  to  pass  across  the  bridge  with  us.  We  wanted 
them  only  as  a  sort  of  guarantee  for  our  own  safety  —  that  we  should 
not  be  fired  into.  We  took  them,  in  the  first  place,  as  hostages,  and 
to  keep  them  from  doing  any  harm.  We  did  kill  some  men  when 
defending  ourselves  ;  but  I  saw  no  one  fire  except  directly  in  self- 
defence.  Our  orders  were  strict  not  to  harm  any  one  not  in  arms 
against  us. 

Q.  Well,  Brown,  suppose  you  had  every  nigger  in  the  United 
States,  what  would  you  do  with  them  ? 

Capt.  B.     (In  a  loud  tone,  and  with  emphasis.)     Set  them  free,  sir  ! 

Q.   Yoiir  intention  was  to  carry  them  off  and  free  them  ? 

Capt.  B.     Not  at  all. 

Bystander.  To  set  them  free  would  sacrifice  the  life  of  every  man 
in  this  community. 

Capt.  B.     I  do  not  think  so. 

Bystander.     I  knoAv  it.     I  think  you  are  fanatical. 

Capt.  B.  And  I  think  you  are  fanatical.  "  Whom  the  gods  would 
destroy,  they  first  make  mad  ;  "  and  you  are  mad. 

Q.     Was  your  only  object  to  free  the  negroes  ? 

Capt.  B.     Absolutely  our  only  object. 

Bystander.  But  you  went  and  took  Col.  Washington's  silver  and 
watch. 

Capt  It.     0,  yes  ;  we  intended  freely  to  have  appropriated  the  prop- 


The  Political  Inquifitors.  285 

erty  of  slaveholders,  to  carry  out  our  object.  It  was  for  that,  and  only 
that ;  and  with  no  design  to  enrich  ourselves  with  any  plunder 
whatever. 

Q.  Did  you  know  Sherrod  in  Kansas  ?  I  understand  you  killed 
him. 

Capt.  B.  I  killed  no  man  except  in  fair  fight.  I  fought  at  Black 
Jack,  and  at  Osawatomie  ;  and  if  I  killed  any  body,  it  was  at  one  of 
those  places. 

During  this  conversation,  the  wounded  Liberators, 
we  are  told  by  pro-slavery  writers,  "  lay  stretched  on 
miserable  shake-downs."  John  Brown's  "  long  gray 
hair  was  matted  and  tangled,  and  his  hands  and  clothes 
all  smooched  and  smeared  with  blood,  and  begrimed 
with  dirt  —  the  effect  of  continued  exposure  to  the 
smoke  of  powder.  His  manner  and  conversation  were 
courteous  and  affable,  and  he  appeared  to  make  a 
favorable  impression  upon  his  auditory." 

Mr.  Vallandigham,  not  ashamed  of  having  at 
tempted  to  extort  political  capital  from  the  lips  of  a 
dying  man  —  or  having  inquired  if  he  knew  one  Brown, 
a  noted  counterfeiter,  or  having  striven  to  bring  dis 
honor  on  the  people  of  Ohio,  in  the  eyes  of  the  South 
—  returned  to  his  native  state,  and,  unconscious  UL  the 
immortality  of  infamy  he  had  gained,  publicly  and  in 
writing  declared  that  "  I  have  only  to  regret  now  that 
I  did  not  pursue  the  matter  further,  asking  more  ques 
tions,  and  making  them  more  specific."  Of  the  old 
hero  he  said : 

"It  is  in  vain  to  underrate  either  the  man  or  the  conspiracy.  Cap  , 
John  Brown  is  as  brave  and  resolute  a  man  as  ever  headed  an  insur 
rection,  and,  in  a  good  cause,  and  with  a  sufficient  force,  would  have 
been  a  consummate  partisan  commander.  He  has  coolness,  daring 
persistency,  the  stoic  faith  and  patience,  and  a  firmness  of  will  ana 
purpose  unconquerable.  He  is  the  farthest  possible  remove  from  the 
ordinary  ruffian,  fanatic,  or  madman.  Certainly  it  was  one  of  the 
best  planned  and  best  executed  conspiracies  that  ever  failed." 


XII. 

LODGED  IN  JAIL. 

AFTER  a  public  exhibition  of  more  than  thirty 
hours,  as  they  lay  unattended  and  bloody  on  the 
floor  of  the  guard  house,  interrogated  by  unmanly  politi 
cians  and  insulted  by  the  brutal  mob,  the  surviving  Lib 
erators,  on  Wednesday  evening,  October  19,  were  con 
veyed  to  the  jail  of  Charlestown,  under  an  escort  of 
marines. 

A  United  States  Marshal  from  Ohio,  after  the  politi 
cal  inquisitors  had  finished  with  the  whites,  endeavored 
to  extort  from  the  negroes,  Copeland  and  Green,  con 
fessions  to  criminate  the  friends  of  freedom  in  his  na 
tive  State.  He  succeeded  in  procuring  no  confession 
whatever,  but  only  a  few  brief  answers  to  leading 
questions,  which  served  to  show  at  once  his  political 
purpose  and  his  depravity  of  heart. 

A  Virginia  journalist  thus  describes  the  journey  to 
Charlestown  : 

"  On  Wednesday  evening  they  were  conveyed  to  the  jail  of  Jefferson 
County,  under  an  escort  of  marines.  Stevens  and  Brown  had  to 
be  taken  in  a  wagon,  but  the  negro  Green  and  Coppoc,  being  unhurt, 
walked  between  a  file  of  soldiers,  followed  by  hundreds  of  excited  men, 
exclaiming,  '  Lynch  them  ; '  but  Governor  Wise,  who  was  standing  on 
the  platfrtm  of  the  carj»;  said,  '  O,  it  would  be  cowardly  to  do  so 

(286) 


Lodged  in  Jail.  287 

now ; '  and  the  crowd  fell  back,  and  the  prisoners  were  safely  placed 
on  the  train.  Stevens  was  placed  in  the  bottom  of  the  car,  being 
unable  to  sit  up.  Brown  was  propped  up  on  a  seat  with  pillows,  and 
Coppoc  and  Green  seated  in  the  middle  of  them ;  the  former  was  evi 
dently  much  frightened,  but  looked  calm,  while  the  latter  was  the  very 
impersonation  of  fear.  His  nerves  were  twitching,  his  eyes  wild  and 
almost  bursting  from  their  sockets,  his  whole  manner  indicating  the 
dreadful  apprehensions  that  filled  his  mind.  This  fellow  was  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress,  under  the  Provisional  Government,  had  been  very 
daring  while  guarding  the  arsenal,  and  very  impudent  while  in  the 
engine  house,  but  when  the  marines  entered  it,  he  jumped  back 
among  the  imprisoned,  and  cried  out  that  he  was  a  prisoner  ;  but  Mr. 
Washington  thrust  him  forward,  and  informed  the  besiegers  that  he 
was  one  of  the  guerillas,  upon  which  a  stab  was  made  at  him,  but 
missed  him,  and  he  still  lives  to  expiate  his  guilt  on  the  gallows." 

These  statements,  with  regard  to  the  negroes,  are  in 
all  probability  false.  The  Virginians,  who  had  not 
dared  to  fight  them  armed,  mustered  courage  to  insult 
them  when  manacled. 

On  the  same  evening  there  was  another  panic  at 
Harper's  Ferry :  it  was  Cook,  this  time,  who  was  mur 
dering  all  the  people  at  Sandy  Hook !  The  marines 
hastened  out  to  protect  the  citizens,  but  found  neither 
Cook  nor  a  broil  there.  When  they  returned  to  Har 
per's  Ferry,  the  Virginia  militia,  who  had  been  afraid 
to  follow,  now  valiantly  offered  to  go  out  to  defend 
their  fellow-citizens. 

But  the  limits  of  this  volume  will  not  permit  me  to 
recount  how  often  and  pusillanimously  the  Virginians 
acted.  From  the  arrest  of  the  Liberators  till  the  death 
of  their  Chief,  the  shivering  chivalry  of  the  once  gal 
lant  State  of  Virginia  suffered  from  a  chronic  but 
ludicrously  painful  fright. 

Governor  Wise  and  Mr.  Hunter  accompanied  the 
prisoners  to  Charlestown,  where  they  were  lodged  in 
jail,  and  placed  under  the  charge  of  Capt.  John  Avis. 
Of  the  jail  and  jailer  a  trust-worthy  writer  says : 


2c88  Lodged  in  Jail. 

"  Brown,  is  as  comfortably  situated  as  any  uaaii  can  bo  in  a  jail,  lie 
has  a  pleasant  room,  which  is  shared  by  Stevens,  whose  recovery 
remains  doubtful.  He  has  opportunities  of  occupying  himself  by 
writing  and  reading.  His  jailer,  Avis,  was  of  the  party  who  assisted 
in  capturing  him.  Brown  says,  that  Avis  is  one  of  the  bravest  men 
he  ever  saw,  and  that  his  treatment  is  precisely  what  he  should 
expect  from  so  brave  a  fellow.  Avis  is  a  just  and  humane  man.  He 
does  all  for  his  prisoners  that  his  duty  allows  him  to.  I  think  he  has 
a  sincere  respect  for  Brown's  undaunted  fortitude  and  fearlessness. 
Brown  is  permitted  to  receive  such  visitors  as  he  desires  to  see.  He 
states  that  he  welcomes  every  one,  and  that  he  is  preaching,  even  in 
jail,  with  great  effect,  upon  the  enormities  of  Slavery, .  and  with 
arguments  which  every  body  fails  to  answer."  His  wounds,  excepting 
one  cut  on  the  back  of  the  head,  have  all  now  healed,  without  sup 
puration,  and  the  scars  are  scarcely  visible.  He  attributes  his  very 
rapid  recovery  to  his  strict  abstemious  habits  through  life.  He  is 
really  a  man  of  imposing  appearance,  and  neither  his  tattered  gar 
ments,  the  rents  in  which  were  caused  by  sword  cuts,  nor  his  scarred 
face,  can  detract  from  the  manliness  of  his  mien.  He  is  always  com 
posed,  and  every  trace  of  disquietude  has  left  him." 

On  the  following  day  —  Thursday,  October  20  —  the 
body  of  Kagi  was  taken  from  the  river,  and  the  other 
corpses  were  buried  in  a  large  pit.  The  body  of  Wat 
son  Brown,  however,  was  crammed  into  a  box  and 
carried  off  for  medical  dissection.  The  corpses  of  the 
negroes  were  horribly  mutilated  by  the  brutal  pop 
ulace.  A.  D.  1859  — YA.,  U.  S.  A. ! 


AMONG    THE    PHILISTINES 


8.     And  he  smote  them  hip  and  thigh,  with  great  slaughter.     (Chap 
ter  xv.) 

21.     But  the  Philistines  took  him  and  brought  him  down  to  Gaza. 

23.  Then  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  gathered  them  together  for 
to  offer  a  great  sacrifice  unto  Dagon,  their  god,  and  to  rejoice  :  for 
they  said,  Our  god  hath  delivered  Samson  our  enemy  into  our  hand. 

24.  And  when  the  people  saw  him,  they  praised  their  god :  for 
they  said,  Our  god  hath  delivered  into  our  hands  our  enemy,  and  the 
destroyer  of  our  country,  which  slew  many  of  us. 

30.     The  dead  which  he  slew  at  his  death  were  more  than  they 
which  he  slew  in  his  life.  —  Book  of  Judges,  Chapter  xvi. 


I. 

THE  PRELIMINARY  EXAMINATION. 

THE  prisoners  were  formally  committed  to  jail  on  the 
20th  of  October,  by  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  of 
Charlestown,  on  the  oaths  of  Henry  A.  Wise  and  two 
others,  "  for  feloniously  conspiring  with  each  other-,  and 
other  persons  unknown,  to  make  an  abolition  insurrec 
tion  and  open  war  against  the  Commonwealth  of  Vir 
ginia,"  and  for  the  additional  crimes  of  murder  and 
"  conspiring  with  slaves  to  rebel  and  to  make  insurrec 
tion."  On  the  same  day  a  warrant  was  issued  to  the 
Sheriff,  commanding  him  to  summon  eight  Justices  of 
the  Peace  to  hold  a  Preliminary  Court  of  Examination 
on  the  25th  of  October. 

On  the  day  thus  appointed  the  Preliminary  Court 
assembled ;  a  person  named  Colonel  Davenport  pre 
siding.  At  half  past  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the 
prisoners  were  conducted  from  the  jail  under  a  guard 
of  eighty  armed  men.  Another  military  force  was  sta 
tioned  around  "  the  Court  House,  which  was  bristling 
with  bayonets  on  all  sides." 

John  Brown  and  Coppie  were  manacled  together. 
"  The  prisoners,  as  brought  into  Court,"  writes  a  pro- 

291) 


292  The  Preliminary  Examination. 

slavery  eye  witness,  "  presented  a  pitiable  sight,  Brown 
and  Stevens  being  unable  to  stand  without  assistance. 
Brown  had  three  sword  cuts  in  his  body,  and  one 
sabre  cut  over  the  head.  Stevens  had  three  balls  in 
his  head  and  two  in  his  breast,  and  one  in  his  arm. 
He  was  also  cut  on  the  forehead  with  a  rifle  bullet, 
which  glanced  off,  leaving  a  bad  wound.  Brown  seemed 
weak  and  haggard,  with  eyes  swollen  from  the  effects 
of  wounds  on  the  head.  Stevens  seemed  less  injured 
than  Brown,  but  looked  haggard  and  depressed." 

Never  before,  in  our  Christian  country,  or  in  any 
other  civilized  land,  were  men,  thus  suffering  and  dis 
abled,  dragged  from  their  beds  of  sickness  to  a  Court 
of  Justice,  to  be  tried  for  a  capital  offence.  Judge 
Jeffreys,  of  England,  never  fully  equalled  this  atrocity  ; 
it  needed,  for  its  perpetration,  men  brutalized  by  the 
influence  of  American  slavery. 

Charles  B.  Harding,  attorney  for  the  County  of  Jef 
ferson,  and  Andrew  Hunter,  counsel  for  the  State, 
appeared  for  the  prosecution.  The  Sheriff  read  the 
commitment  of  the  prisoners,  and  the  Prosecuting 
Attorney  asked  the  Court  that  counsel  might  be  assigned 
them.  The  Presiding  Magistrate  then  inquired  if  the 
prisoners  had  counsel. 

John  Brown  replied : 

FIRST   SPEECH   IN   COURT. 

"  Virginians  :  I  did  not  ask  for  any  quarter  at  the  time  I  was  taken. 
I  did  not  ask  +o  have  my  life  spared.  The  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Virginia  te&uered  me  his  assurance  that  I  should  have  a  fair  trial ;  but 
under  no  circumstances  whatever,  will  I  be  able  to  attend  to  my  trial, 
if  you  seek  my  blood,  you  can  have  it  at  any  moment  without  this 
mockery  of  a  trial. 

"I have  had  no  counsel.     I  have  not  been  able  to  advise  with  any 


The  Preliminary  Examination.  293 

one.  I  Know  nothing  about  the  feelings  of  my  fellow-prisoners,  and 
am  utterly  unable  to  attend  in  any  way  to  my  own  defence.  My 
memory  don't  serve  me.  My  health  is  insufficient,  although  improving. 
;  If  a  fair  trial  is  to  be  allowed  us,  there  are  mitigating  circum 
stances,  that  I  would  urge  in  our  favor.  But,  if  we  are  to  be  forced 
with  a  mere  form  —  a  trial  for  execution  —  you  might  spare  yourselves 
that  trouble.  I  am  ready  for  my  fate.  I  do  not  ask  a  trial.  I  beg  for 
no  mockery  of  a  trial  —  no  insult  —  nothing  but  that  which  conscience 
gives  or  cowardice  would  drive  you  to  practise. 

"I  ask  again  to  be  excused  from  the  mockery  of  a  trial.  I  do  not 
know  what  the  special  design  of  this  examination  is.  I  do  not  know 
what  is  to  be  the  benefit  of  it  to  the  Commonwealth.  I  have  now  little 
further  to  ask,  other  than  that  I  may  be  not  foolishly  insulted,  only  as 
cowardly  barbarians  insult  those  who  fall  into  their  power." 

Without  paying  the  slightest  attention  to  this  brave 
speech,  calmly  delivered  in  the  midst  of  infuriated 
enemies,  the  Court  assigned  Charles  J.  Faulkner  and 
Lawsoii  Botts,  both  Virginians  and  pro-slavery  men, 
as  counsel  for  the  defendants.  Mr.  Faulkner,  after 
consultation  with  the  prisoners,  desired  to  decline  the 
appointment,  —  because  he  doubted  the  authority  of 
the  Court  to  order  him  to  defend  them ;  because  John 
Brown  had  declared  that  such  a  defence  would  be  a 
mockery;  and  because,  having  been  at  the  place  of 
action,  and  having  heard  all  the  admissions  of  the  de 
fendants,  it  would  be  improper  and  inexpedient  for  him 
to  be  their  counsel.  But  if  the  Court  peremptorily 
ordered  him,  and  the  prisoners  consented,  he  would  see 
that  full  justice  was  done  them.  Mr.  Botts  accepted. 

"Mr.  Harding  then  asked  John  Brown  if  he  was  willing  to  accept 
these  gentlemen  as  counsel. 

John  'Brown  replied:  "I  wish  to  say  that  I  have  sent  for  counsel.  I 
did  apply,  through  the  advice  of  some  persons  here,  to  some  persons 
whose  names  I  do  not  now  recollect,  to  act  as  counsel  for  me  ;  and  I 
have  sent  for  other  counsel,  who  have  not  had  time  to  reach  here,  and 
have  had  no  possible  opportunity  to  see  me.  I  wish  for  counsel,  if  I 
am  to  have  a  trial ;  but  if  I  am  to  have  nothing  but  the  mockery  of  a 

25* 


294  The  Preliminary  Examination. 

trial,  as  I  said,  I  do  not  care  any  thing  about  counsel.  It  is  unneces 
sary  to  trouble  any 'gentleman  with  that  duty." 

Mr.  Harding.    "  You  are  to  have  a  fair  trial." 

John  Broion.  "  There  were  certain  men  —  I  think  Mr.  Botts  was  one 
of  them  —  who  declined  acting  as  counsel,  but  I  am  not  positive  about 
it ;  I  cannot  remember  whether  he  was  one,  because  I  have  heard  so 
many  names.  I  am  a  stranger  here,  and  do  not  know  the  disposition 
or  character  of  the  gentlemen  named.  I  have  applied  for  counsel  of 
my  own,  and  doubtless  could  have  them,  if  I  am  not,  as  I  have  said 
before,  to  be  hurried  to  execution  before  they  can  reach  here.  But  if 
that  is  the  disposition  that  is  to  be  made  of  me,  all  this  trouble  and 
expense  can  be  saved." 

Mr.  Harding.  "The  question  is,  do  you  desire  the  aid  of  Messrs. 
Faulkner  and  Botts  as  your  counsel  ?  Please  to  answer  yes  or  no." 

John  Brown.  "  I  cannot  regard  this  as  an  examination  under  any 
circumstances.  I  would  prefer  that  they  should  exercise  their  own 
pleasure.  I  feel  it  as  a  matter  of  little  account  to  me.  If  they  had 
designed  to  assist  me  as  counsel,  I  should  have  wanted  an  opportunity 
to  consult  with  them  at  my  leisure." 

Mr.  Harding.  "Stevens,  are  you  willing  those  gentlemen  should  act 
as  your  counsel  ? " 

Stevens.  "I  am  willing  that  gentleman  shall,"  (pointing  to  Mr. 
Botts.) 

Mr.  Harding.  "  Do  you  object  to  Faulkner  ? " 

Stevens.  "  No  ;  I  am  willing  to  take  both." 

Mr.  Harding  then  addressed  each  of  the  other  prisoners  separately, 
and  each  stated  his  willingness  to  be  defended  by  the  counsel  named. 

The  Court  then  issued  peremptory  orders  that  the  press  should  not 
publish  detailed  testimony,  as  it  would  render  the  getting  of  a 'jury 
before  the  Circuit  Court  impossible."  * 

Eight  witnesses  were  then  examined,  who  testified  to 
the  arrest  of  citizens,  the  occupation  of  the  armory,  the 
fight,  the  casualties  of  the  conflict,  and  the  self-avowed 
object  of  the  liberators.  Kitzmillar  admitted  that  Ste 
vens  was  fired  at  and  shot  while  under  a  flag  of  truce, 
with  which,  accompanied  by  the  witness,  and  at  his  re 
quest,  he  had  left  the  armory,  to  permit  him  to  try  to 
"  accommodate  matters  "  for  the  safety  of  the  citizens 

*  Telegraphic  report  of  the  Associated  Press. 


The  Preliminary  Examination.  295 

detained  there ;  that  Brown,  while  the  Virginia  pris 
oners  were  in  his  power,  treated  them  with  great  cour 
tesy  and  respect ;  and  repeatedly  stated  that  his  only 
object  was  to  liberate  the  negroes,  and  that,  to  accom 
plish  it,  he  was  willing  to  fight  the  pro-slavery  men. 
The  witnesses  who  were  prisoners  in  the  Armory  also 
testified  that  during  the  conflict  they  were  requested  by 
the  Liberators  to  keep  themselves  out  of  the  fire  of  the 
marines.  One  thought  that  Coppic  shot  Beckman,  and 
Brown  the  marine. 

At  one  stage  of  the  proceedings,  Stevens,  weak  from 
his  wounds,  appeared  to  be  fainting,  and  a  mattress  was 
procured  for  him,  on  which  he  reposed  during  the  re 
mainder  of  the  examination.  What  a  scene  for  an 
American  Court ! 

The  prisoners  were  of  course  remanded  to  the  Cir 
cuit  Court  for  trial. 

The  telegraph,  although  entirely  managed  by  the  par 
tisans  of  Slavery  at  this  time,  involuntarily  told  truths 
disgraceful  to  Virginia,  and  illustrative  of  the  effect 
of  her  iniquitous  institution  on  the  character  cf  her 
citizens  of  every  rank,  as  well  as  of  the  danger  that 
this  criminal  tenacity  to  Human  Slavery  creates  to  the 
stability  of  Southern  society.  Two  paragraphs  will 
suffice  to  sustain  me. 

"  There  is  an  evident  intention  to  hurry  the  trial  through,  and  exe. 
cute  the  prisoners  as  soon  as  possible  —  FEARING  attempts  to  rescue  them. 
It  is  rumored  that  Brown  is  desirous  of  making  a  full  statement  of  his 
motives  and  intentions  through  the  press,  but  the  Court  has  refused  all 
access  to  reporters  —  TEARING  that  he  may  put  forth  something  calculated 
to  influence  the  public  mind,  and  to  have  a  bad  effect  on  the  slaves" 

•'The  reason  given  for  hurrying  the  trial  is,  that  the  people  of  the 
whole  country  are  kept  in  a  state  of  excitement,  and  a  large  armed 
force  is  required  to  prevent  attempts  at  rescue." 


II.. 

JUDICIAL  ALACRITY. 

TTAKDLY  had  the  Preliminary  Court  adjourned,  ere 
JLL  the  Circuit  Court  assembled.  At  two  o'clock  the 
Grand  Jury  were  called,  and  charged  by  Judge  Rich 
ard  Parker.  By  way  of  a  contrast  to  the  subsequent 
proceedings,  the  plausible  yet  Jesuitical  address  of  the 
Judge,  which  promises  and  urges  a  fair  trial,  but,  at 
the  same  time,  so  clearly  indicates  the  spirit  of  Vir 
ginia,  is  deserving  of  a  record  here. 

CHARGE  TO  THE  GRAND  JURY. 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  JURY  :  In  the  state  of  excitement  into  which 
our  whole  community  has  been  thrown  by  the  recent  occurrences  in 
this  county,  I  feel  that  the  charge  which  I  usually  deliver  to  a  grand 
jury  would  be  entirely  out  of  place.  These  occurrences  cannot  but 
force  themselves  upon  your  attention.  They  must  necessarily  occupy 
a  considerable  portion  of  that  time  which  you  will  devote  to  your 
public  duties  as  a  Grand  Jury.  However  guilty  the  unfortunate  men 
who  are  now  in  the  hands  of  justice  may  prove  to  be,  still  they  cannot 
be  called  upon  to  answer  to  the  offended  laws  of  our  Commonwealth 
for  any  of  the  multifarious  crimes  with  which  they  are  charged,  until  a 
Grand  Jury,  after  "dignified"  inquiry,  shall  decide  that  for  these  of 
fences  they  be  put  upon  their  trial.  I  will  vctf  permit  myself  to  give 
expression  to  any  of  those  feelings  which  at  once  spring  up  in  every  breast 
token  reflecting  upon  the  enormity  of  the  guilt  in  which  those  are  involved 
who  invade  bij  force  a  peaceful,  unsuspecting  portion  of  our  common  coun- 

(296) 


Judicial  Alacrity.  297 

try,  raise  the  standard  of  insurrection  amongst  us,  and  shoot  down  without 
mercy  Virginia  citizens  defending  Virginia  soil  against  their  invasion. 
I  must  remember,  gentlemen,  that,  as  a  minister  of  justice,  bound  to 
execute  our  laws  faithfully,  and  in  the  very  spirit  of  Justice  herself,  I 
must,  as  to  every  one  accused  of  crime,  hold,  as  the  law  holds,  that  he 
is  innocent  until  he  shall  be  proved  guilty  by  an  honest,  an  independent, 
and  an  impartial  jury  of  his  countrymen.  And  what  is  obligatory 
upon  me  is  equally  binding  upon  you,  and  upon  every  one  who  may  bo 
connected  with  the  prosecution  and  trial  of  these  offenders.  In  these 
cases,  as  in  all  others,  you  will  be  controlled  by  that  oath  which  each 
of  you  has  taken,  and  in  which  you  have  solemnly  sworn  that  you 
will  diligently  inquire  into  all  offences  which  may  be  brought  to  your 
knowledge,  and  that  "you  will  present  no  one  through  ill-will,"  as 
well  as  "  that  you  will  leave  no  one  unpresented  through  fear  or  favor, 
but  in  all  your  presentments  you  shall  present  the  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth."  Do  but  this,  gentlemen,  and  you 
will  have  fulfilled  your  whole  duty.  Go  beyond  this,  and,  in  place  of 
that  diligent  inquiry  and  calm  investigation  which  you  have  swrorn  to 
make,  act  upon  prejudice  or  from  excitement  of  passion,  and  you  will 
have  done  a  wrong  to  that  law  in  whose  service  you  are  engaged.  As  I 
before  said,  these  men  are  now  in  the  hands  of  justice.  They  are  to  have 
a  fair  and  an  impartial  trial.  We  owe  it  to  the  cause  of  justice,  as  well 
as  to  our  own  characters,  that  such  a  trial  should  be  afforded  them.  If 
guilty,  they  will  be  sure  to  pay  the  extreme  penalty  of  their  guilt,  and  the 
example  of  punishment,  when  thus  inflicted  by  virtue  of  law,  will  be 
beyond  all  comparison  more  efficacious  for  our  future  protection  than 
any  torture  to  which  mere  passion  could  subject  them.  Whether,  then, 
we  be  in  public  or  private  position,  let  each  one  of  us  remember  that,  as 
the  lawr  has  charge  of  these  alleged  offenders,  the  law  alone,  through 
its  recognized  agents,  must  deal  with  them  to  the  last.  It  can  tolerate 
no  interference  by  others  with  duties  it  has  assumed  to  itself.  If  true  to 
herself,  —  and  true  she  will  be,  —  our  Commonwealth,  through  her  courts 
of  justice,  will  be  as  ready  to  punish  the  offence  of  such  interference  as 
she  is  to  punish  these  grave  and  serious  offences  writh  which  she  is  now 
about  to  deal  —  in  case  these  offences  be  proved  by  legal  testimony  to 
have  been  perpetrated.  Let  us  all,  gentlemen,  bear  this  in  mind,  and 
in  patience  await  the  result  —  confident  that  that  result  will  be  what 
ever  strict  and  impartial  justice  shall  determine  to  be  necessary  and 
proper.  It  would  seem,  gentlemen,  —  and  yet  I  speak  from  no  evidence, 
but  upon  vague  rumors  which  have  reached  me,  —  that  these  men  who 
have  thrown  themselves  upon  us  confidently  expected  to  be  joined  by 
our  slaves  and  free  negroes,  and  unfurled  the  banner  of  insurrection, 


298  Judicial  Alacrity. 

and  invited  this  class  of  our  citizens  to  rally  tinder  it.     And  yet,  I  am 
told,  they  are  unable  to  obtain  a  single  recruit.* 

The  Preliminary  Court  reported  the  result  of  their 
examination,  and  the  Grand  Jury  at  once  retired  with 
the  witnesses.  At  five  o'clock  they  returned,  and  asked 
to  be  discharged  for  the  day.  They  reassembled  at  ten 
o'clock  on  the  following  forenoon,  Wednesday,  and,  at 
twelve  o'clock,  reported  "  a  true  bill  fi  against  each  of 
the  prisoners  :  First,  For  conspiring  with  negroes  to 
produce  insurrection  ;  second,  For  treason  in  the  Com 
monwealth,  and,  third,  For  murder.  The  Grand  Jury 
was  then  discharged. 

This  is  the  indictment  of  the  Grand  Jury  : 

THE   INDICTMENT. 

Judicial  Circuit  of  Virginia,  Jefferson  County,  to  wit. — The  Jurors  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Virginia,  in  and  for  the  body  of  the  County  of  Jefferson,  duly  impanelled, 
and  attending  upon  the  Circuit  Court  of  said  county,  upon  their  oaths  do  present  that 
John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens  and  Edwin  Coppic,  win  to 
men,  and  Shields  Green  and  John  Copeland,  free  negroes,  together  with  divers  other 
evil-minded  and  traitorous  persons  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  not  having  the  fear  of  God 
bufore  their  eyes,  but  being  moved  and  seduced  by  the  false  and  malignant  counsel  of 
other  evil  and  traitorous  persons,  and  the  instigations  of  the  devil,  did,  severally,  on  the 
sixteenth,  sev  ,iite«ith,  and  eighteenth  days  of  the  mouth  of  October,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty-nine,  and  on  divers  other  days  before  and  after  that 
time,  within  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  and  the  County  of  Jefferson  aforesaid,  and 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Court,  with  other  confederates  to  the  Jurors  unknown, 
feloniously  and  traitorously  make  rebellion  and  levy  war  against  the  said  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia,  and  to  effect,  carry  out,  and  fulfil  their  said  wicked  and  treasonable  ends 
ami  purposes  did,  then  and  there,  as  a  band  of  organized  soldiers,  attack,  seize,  and  hold 
a  certain  part  and  place  within  the  county  and  State  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  aforesaid,  known  and  called  by  the  name  of  Harper's  Ferry,  and  then  and  there 
did  forcibly  capture,  make  prisoners  of.  and  detain  divers  good  and  loyal  citizens  of  said 
Commonwealth,  to  wit:  Lewis  W.  Washington.  John  M.  Allstadt,  Archibald  M.  Kitz- 
iniller,  Benjamin  J.  Mills,  John  E.  P.  Ihinger field,  Arnistead  Ball,  John  Donoho,  and 
did  then  and  there  slay  and  murder,  by  shooting  with  firearms,  called  Sharpe's  rifles, 
clivers  good  and  loyal  citizens  of  said  Commonwealth,  to  wit:  Thomas  Boerly,  Georgo 
W.  Turner,  Fontaine  Beckham,  together  with  Luke  Qninn,  a  soldier  of  the  United  States, 
and  Haj'ward  Sheppard.  a  free  negro,  and  did  then  and  there,  in  manner  aforesaid,  wound 
divers  other  good  and  loyal  citizens  of  said  Commonwealth,  and  did  then  and  there  felo 
niously  and  traitorously  establish  and  set  np,  without  authority  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  a  government,  separate  from,  and  hostile  to,  the  existing 
Government  of  said  Commonwealth  ;  and  did  then  and  there  hold  and  exercise  divers 
offices  under  said  usurped  Government, to  wit:  the  said  John  Brown  as  Commander-in 
Chief  of  the  military  forces,  the  said  Aaron  C.  Stephens  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  as  Cap 
tain  ;  the  said  Edwin  Coppic,  as  Lieutenant,  and  the  said  Shields  Green  and  John  Cope- 

*  It  is  true  that  the  slaves  did  not  join  John  Brown.  But  why?  Because  they  had  not  time 
to  know  his  design,  and  to  act,  ere  their  heroic  liberators  were  cither  killed  or  imprisoned.  But 
one  negro,  I  know,  —  a  slave  of  "Washington,—  whom  Governor  AVise  pretended  had  probably 
been  killed  by  Captain  Cook  in  endeavoring  to  return  home,  was  shot  in  the  river  as  he.  was 
fighting  for  freedom.  I  know  this  fact  from  one  of  John  Brown's  men  who  saw  him.  I  have 
positive  knowledge,  also,  of  eixtcen  slaves  who  succeeded  in  escaping  from  Harper's  Ferry. 


Judicial  Alacrity  299 

land  as  soldiers  ;  and  did  then  and  there  require  and  compel  obedience  to  said  officers; 
and  then  and  there  did  hold  and  profess  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  said  usurped  Govern 
ment  ;  and  under  color  of  the  usurped  authority  aforesaid,  did  then  and  there  resist  forci 
bly,  and  with  warlike  arms,  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia, 
and  with  firearms  did  wound  and  maim  divers  other  good  and  loyal  citizens  of  said 
Commonwealth,  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  when  attempting,  with  lawful  authority,  to 
uphold  and  maintain  said  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  and 
for  tho  purpose,  end,  and  aim  of  overthrowing  and  abolishing  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  said  Commonwealth,  and  establishing,  in  the  place  thereof,  another  and  differ 
ent  government,  and  constitution  and  laws  hostile  thereto,  did  then  and  there  feloni 
ously  and  traitorously,  and  in  military  array,  join  in  open  battle  and  deadly  warfare  with 
the  civil  officers  and  soldiers  in  the  lawful  service  of  the  said  Commonwealth  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  did  then  and  there  shoot  and  discharge  divers  guns  and  pistols,  charged  with 
gunpowder  and  leaden  bullets,  against  and  upon  divers  parties  of  the  militia  and  vol 
unteers  embodied  and  acting  under  the  command  of  Colonel  liobert  W.  Baylor,  and  of 
Colonel  John  Thomas  Gibson,  and  other  officers  of  said  Commonwealth,  with  lawful 
authority  to  quell  and  subdue  the  said  John  Brown.  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D. 
Stephens.  Edwin  Coppic,  Shields  Green,  and  John  Copland,  and  other  rebels  and 
traitors  assembled,  organized,  and  acting  with  them,  as  aforesaid,  to  the  evil  example 
of  all  others  in  like  case  offending,  and  against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  Common 
wealth. 

Second  Count. —  And  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oaths  aforesaid,  do  further  pre 
sent  that  tho  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  1).  Stephens,  Edwin 
Coppic,  Shields  Green,  and  John  Copeland,  severally,  on  the  sixteenth,  seventeeth,  and 
eighteenth  days  of  October,  in  the  year  cf  our  Lord  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty-nine,  in 
the  said  County  of  Jefferson,  and  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  and  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  this  Court,  not  having  the  fear  of  God  before  their  eyes,  but  moved  and  seduced  by 
the  false  and  malignant  counsels  of  others,  and  the  instigations  of  the  devil,  did  each 
severally,  maliciously,  and  feloniously  conspire  with  each  other,  and  with  a  certain 
John  E.  Cook,  John  Kagi,  Charles  Tidd,  and  others  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  to  induce 

certain  slaves,  to  wit,  Jirn,  Sam,  Mason,  and  Catesby, 

the  slaves  and  property  of  Lewis  W.  Washington,  and  Henry,  Levi,  Hen,  Jerry,  Phil, 
George,  and  Bill,  the  slaves  and  property  of  John  II.  Allstadt,  and  other  slaves  to  the 
Jurors  unknown,  to  rebel  and  make  insurrection  against  their  masters  and  owners, 
and  against  the  Government  and  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Virginia:  and  then  and  there  did  maliciously  and  feloniously  advise  said  slaves,  and 
other  slaves  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  to  rebel  and  make  insurrection  against  their  masters 
and  owners,  and  against  the  Government,  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Common 
wealth  of  Virginia,  to  the  evil  example  of  all  others  in  like  cases  offending,  and  against 
the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Third  Count.  —  And  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oaths  aforefaid,  further  present 
that  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  Edwin  Coppic, 
Shields  Green,  and  John  Copeland.  severally,  on  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eigh 
teenth  days  of  October,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty- 
nine,  in  tho  County  of  Jefferson  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  aforesaid,  and 
within  the  jurisdiction  aforesaid,  in  and  upon  the  bodies  of  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W. 
Turner,  Fontaine  Beckham,  Luke  Quinn,  white  persons,  and  Hay  ward  Sheppc.rd,  a  free 
negro,  in  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth  then  and  there  being,  feloniously,  wilfully, 
and  of  their  malice  aforethought,  did  make  an  assault,  and  with  firearms  called 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  other  deadly  weapons  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  then  and  there, 
charged  with  gunpowder  and  leaden  bullets,  did  then  and  there  feloniously,  wilfully, 
and  of  their  malice  aforethought,  shoot  and  discharge  the  same  against  the  bodies  sev 
erally  find  respectively  of  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  \V.  Turner,  Fontaine  Beck 
ham,  Luke  Quinn,  and  Hayward  Sheppard  ;  and  that  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C. 
Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  Edwin  Coppic,  Shields  Green,  and  John  Copland, 
with  the  leaden  bullets  aforesaid,  out  of  the  firearms  called  Sharpe's  rifles,  aforesaid, 
shot  and  discharged  as  aforesaid,  and  with  the  other  deadly  weapons  to  the  jurors 
unknown,  as  aforesaid,  then  and  there  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  their  malice  afore 
thought  did  strike,  penetrate  and  wound  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner, 
Fontaine  Beckham,  Luke  Quinn,  Hayward  Sheppard,  each  severally;  to  wit:  the  said 
Thomas  Boerly  in  and  upon  the  left  side;  the  said  George  W.  Turner  in  and  upon  the 
left  shoulder;  the  said  Fontaine  Beckham  in  and  upon  the  right  breast;  the  said  Luke 
Quinn  in  and  upon  the  abdomen,  and  the  said  Hayward  Sheppard  in  and  upon  the  back 
and  side,  giving  to  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner,  Fontaine  Beckham, 
Luke  Quinn,  Hayward  Sheppard,  then  and 'there  with  the  leaden  bullets,  so  as  afore 
said  shot  and  discharged  by  them,  severally  and  respectively  out  of  the  Sharpe's  rifles 
aforesaid,  and  with  the  other  deadly  weapons  to  the  Jurors  unknown,  as  aforesaid,  each 
one  mortal  wound,  of  which  said  mortal  wounds  they  the  said  Thomas  Bi,orly,  Georjo 
W.  Turner,  Fontaine  Beckham,  Luke  Quinn,  and  Hayward  Sheppard  each  died;  and  BO 


300  Judicial  Alacrity. 

the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oaths  aforesaid,  do  say  that  the  said  John  Brown, 
Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  Edwin  Ccppic,  Shields  Green,  and  John 
Copland,  then  and  there,  them  the  said  Thomas*  Doerly,  George  W.  Turner,  Fontaine 
Beckham,  Luke  Quinn,  and  Hay  ward  Sheppard,  in  the  manner  aforesaid,  and  by  the 
means  aforesaid,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  their,  and  each  of  their  malice  afore 
thought,  did  kill  and  murdter,  against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Fourth  Count. —  And  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oaths  aforesaid,  further  present 
that  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  and  Edwin 
Coppic,  and  Shields  Green,  each  severally  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  October,  in  tho 
year  of  our  Lord  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty-nine,  in  the  County  of  Jefferson  and  Com 
monwealth  of  Virginia  aforesaid,  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Court,  in  and!  upon 
the  bodies  of  certain  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner,  and  Fontaine  Beckham,  in 
the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth,  then  and  there  being  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of 
their  malice  aforethought,  did  make  an  assault,  and  with  guns  called  Sharpe's  rifles, 
then  and  there  charged  with  gunpowder  and  leaden  bullets,  did  then  and  there  felo 
niously,  wilfully,  and  of  their,  and  each  of  their  malice  aforethought,  shoot  and  dis 
charge  the  same  against  the  bodies  of  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner,  and 
Fontaine  Beckham,  and  that  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D. 
Stephens,  Edward  Coppic,  and  Shields  Green,  with  leaden  bullets  aforesaid,  shot  out 
of  the  Sharpe's  rifles  aforesaid,  then  and  there,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  their  malice 
aforethought,  did  strike,  penetrate,  and  wound  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W. 
Turner,  and  Fontaine  Beckham,  each  severally,  viz. :  The  said  Thomas  Boerly  in  and 
upon  the  left  side;  the  said  Georgo  W.  Turner  in  and  upon  the  left  shoulder  and 
breast,  and  the  said  Fontaine  Beckham  in  and  upon  the  right  breast,  giving  to  tho 
said  Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner,  and  Fontaine  Beckham,  then  and  there,  with 
leaden  bullets  aforesaid,  shot  by  them  severally  out  of  Sharpe's  rifles  aforesaid,  each 
one  mortal  wound,  of  which  said  mortal  wounds  they  the  said  Thomas  Boerly,  George 
W.  Turner,  and  Fontaine  Beckham  then  and  there  died:  and  that  the  said  John  Cop 
land,  then  and  there,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  his  malice  aforethought,  was  present, 
aiding,  helping,  abetting,  comforting  and  assisting  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C. 
Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Stephens,  Edwin  Coppic,  and  Shields  Green  in  the  felony  and 
murder  aforesaid? in  manner  aforesaid  to  commit.  And  so  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon 
their  oaths,  do  say  that  the  said  John  Brown,  Aaron  C.  Stephens,  alias  Aaron  D.  Ste 
phens.  Edwin  Coppic,  Shields  Green,  and  John  Copland,  then  and  there  them,  the  said 
Thomas  Boerly,  George  W.  Turner,  and  Fontaine  Beckham,  in  the  manner  aforesaid, 
and  by  the  means  aforesaid,  feloniously,  wilfully,  and  of  their  and  each  of  their  malice 
aforethought,  did  kill  and  murder,  against  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia. 

Lewis  W.  Washington,  John  II.  Allstadt,  John  E.  I*.  Dangerfield,  Alexander  Kelly, 
Emaiiuel  Spangler,  Arm  stead  M.  Ball,  Joseph  A.  Brua,  William  Johnson,  Lewis  P. 
Starry,  Archibald  H.*Kitzmiller,  were  sworn  in  open  Court  this  26th  day  of  October, 
1S59,  to  give  evidence  to  the  Grand  Jury  upon  this  bill  of  indictment. 

Teste  :  KOBERT  T.  BROWN,  Clerk. 

A  true  copy  of  said  indictment. 

Teste :  KOBERT  T.  BROWN, 

Clerk  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Jefferson  County,  in  the  State  of  Virginia. 

Which  bill  of  indictment  the  Grand  Jury  returned  this  26th  day  of  October. 

A  true  bill.  THOMAS  RUTHERFORD,  Foreman. 

October  26,  1859. 

Before  the  indictment  was  read,  as  Mr.  Faulkner 
had  gone  home,  the  Court  requested  a  Mr.  Green,  a 
Virginian,  to  act  as  assistant  counsel  for  the  defend 
ants.  It  was  understood  that  all  the  prisoners  were 
willing  that  this  arrangement  should  be  made. 

APPEAL  FOR  A  DECENT  DELAY. 

John  Brown  then  rose  and  said  : 

I  do  not  intend  to  detain  the  court,  but  barely  wish  to  say,  as  I  have 
been  promised  a  fair  trial,  that  I  am  not  now  in  circumstances  that 


Judicial  Alacrity.  301 

enable  me  to  attend  a  trial,  owing  to  the  state  of  my  health.  I  have 
a  severe  wound  in  the  back,  or  rather  in  one  kidney,  which  enfeebles 
me  very  much.  But  I  am  doing  well,  and  I  only  ask  for  a  very  short 
delay  of  my  trial,  and  I  think  I  may  get  able  to  listen  to  it ;  and  I 
merely  ask  this,  that,  as  the  saying  is,  "  the  devil  may  have  his  due" 
—  no  more.  I  wish  to  say,  further,  that  my  hearing  is  impaired,  and 
rendered  indistinct,  in  consequence  of  wounds  I  have  about  my  head. 
I  cannot  hear  distinctly  at  all ;  I  could  not  hear  what  the  court  has 
said  this  morning.  I  would  be  glad  to  hear  what  is  said  on  my  trial, 
and  am  now  doing  better  than  I  could  expect  to  be  under  the  circum 
stances.  A  very  short  delay  would  be  all  I  would  ask.  I  do  not 
presume  to  ask  more  than  a  very  short  delay,  so  that  I  may  in  some 
degree  recover,  and  be  able  at  least  to  listen  to  my  trial,  and  hear 
what  questions  are  asked  of  the  citizens,  and  what  their  answers  are. 
If  that  could  be  allowed  me,  I  should  be  very  much  obliged. 

Mr.  Hunter  said  that  the  request  was  rather  prema 
ture.  The  arraignment  should  be  made,  and  this 
question  could  then  be  considered. 

The  Court  ordered  the  indictment  to  be  read,  so 
that  the  prisoner  could  plead  guilty  or  not  guilty,  and 
it  would  then  consider  Mr.  Brown's  request. 

The  indictment  was  now  read,  and  each  of  the  pris 
oners  pleaded  Not  Guilty,  and  demanded  to  have  sepa 
rate  trials.  One  incident  of  this  scene  is  so  revolting, 
that  I  must  record  it  in  the  language  of  the  enemies 
of  the  prisoners  : 

"The  prisoners  were  brought  into  court,  accompanied  by  a  body  of 
armed  men.  Cannon  were  stationed  in  front  of  the  court  house,  and 
rai  armed  guard  were  patrolling  round  the  jail.  Brown  looked  some 
thing  better,  and  his  eye  was  not  so  much  swollen.  Stevens  had  to 
1  ?  supported,  and  reclined  on  a  mattress  on  the  floor  of  the  court 
room  —  evidently  unable  to  sit.  He  has  the  appearance  of  a  dying  man, 
breathing  with  great  difficulty.  The  prisoners  were  compelled  to  stand 
during  the  indictment,  but  it  was  with  difficulty,  Stevens  being  held 
upright  by  two  bailiffs." 

As  soon  as  the  prisoners  had  responded  to  the  ar 
raignment,  Mr.  Hunter   rose   and   said,   "  The    State 
26 


302  Judicial  Alacrity. 

elects  to  try  John  Brown  first."  A  discussion  and 
decision,  fit  accompaniments  to  the  scene  above  de 
scribed,  then  ensued  ;  which  are  thus  reported  by  the 
partisans  of  the  State  : 

Mr.  Botts  said,  I  am  instructed  by  Brown  to  say  that  he  is  mentally 
•ji) .-I  physically  unable  to  proceed  with  his  trial  at  this  time.  He  has 
heard  to-day  that  counsel  of  his  own  choice  will  be  here,  whom  he 
will,  of  course,  prefer.  He  only  asks  for  a  dehv^.of  two  or  three  days. 
It  seems  to  be  but  a  reasonable  request,  and  I  hope  the  Court  will 
grant  it. 

Mr.  Hunter  said,  he  did  not  think  it  the  duty  of  the  prosecutor  for 
the  Commonwealth,  or  for  one  occupying  the  position,  to  oppose  any 
thing  that  justice  required,  nor  to  object  to  any  thing  that  involved  a 
simple  consideration  of  humanity,  where  it  could  be  properly  allowed ; 
yet,  in  regard  to  this  proposition  to  delay  the  trial  of  John  Brown  two 
or  three  days,  they  deemed  it  their  duty  that  the  Court,  before  deter 
mining  matters,  should  be  put  in  possession  of  facts  and  circumstances, 
judicially,  that  they  were  aware  of  in  the  line  of  their  duties  as  prose 
cutors.  His  own  opinion  was,  that  it  was  not  proper  to  delay  the 
trial  of  this  prisoner  a  single  day,  and  that  there  was  no  necessity  for 
it.  He  alluded  in  general  terms  to  the  condition  of  things  that  sur 
rounded  them.  They  were  such  as  rendered  it  dangerous  to  delay,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  exceeding  pressure  upon  the  physical  resources  of  the 
community,  growing  out  of  circumstances  connected  with  affairs  for 
which  the  prisoners  were  to  bo  tried.  He  said  our  laws,  in  making 
provisions  for  allowing,  in  the  discretion  of  the  Court,  briefer  time  than 
usual,  in  cases  of  conviction,  for  such  offenders,  between  the  condemna 
tion  and  execution,  evidently  indicates,  indirectly,  the  necessity  of 
acting  promptly  and  decisively,  though  always  justly,  in  proceedings 
of  this  kind.  In  reference  to  Brown's  physical  condition,  he  asked 
the  Court  not  to  receive  the  unimportant  statements  of  the  prisoners 
as  sufficient  ground  for  delay,  but  that  the  jailer  and  physicians  be 
examined.  As  to  expecting  counsel  from  abroad,  he  said  that  no  im 
pediment  had  been  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  prisoners'  procuring  such 
counsel  as  they  desired,  but,  on  the  contrary,  every  facility  had  been 
afforded ;  able  and  intelligent  counsel  had  been  assigned  them  here,  and 
he  apprehended  that  there  w?s  little  reason  to  expect  the  attendance 
of  those  gentlemen  from  the  Xorth  who  had  been  written  for.  There 
was  also  a  public  duty  resting  upon  them  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible,  within 
t/te  forms  of  law,  ana  with  reference  to  the  great  and  never  to  be  lost  sight 
of  principle  of  giving  of  a  fair  and  impartial  trial  to  the  prisoner  the 


Judicial  Alacrity.  30 j 

ntroduction  of  any  thing  likely  to  iceakcn  our  present  position,  and  give 
strength  to  our  enemies  abroad,  whether  it  issiies  from  the  jury  in  time, 
or  whether  it  comes  from  the  mouths  of  the  prisoners,  or  any  other  source. 
It  was  their  position  that  had  been  imperilled  and  jeopardized,  as 
they  supposed,  by  enemies. 

Mr.  Harding  concurred  in  the  objection  of  Mr.  Hunter,  on  the  ground 
of  danger  in  delay,  and  also  because  Brown  was  the  leader  of  the  insur 
rection,  and  hi?  trial  ought  to  be  proceeded  with  on  account  of  the  ad 
vantage  thereby  accruing  in  the  trial  of  the  others, 

Mr.  Green  remarked  that  he  had  had  no  opportunity  of  consulting  witli 
the  prisoner,  or  preparing  a  defence.  The  letters  for  Northern  counsel 
had  been  sent  off,  but  not  sufficient  time  had  been  afforded  to  receive 
ansicers.  Under  the  circumstances,  he  thought  a  short  delay  desirable. 

Mr.  Botts  added,  that  at  present  the  excitement  was  so  great  as  per 
haps  to  deter  Northern  counsel  from  coming  out ;  but  now  that  it  had 
been  promised  that  the  prisoners  should  have  a  fair  and  impartial  trial, 
he  presumed  that  they  would  come  and  take  part  in  the  case. 

The  Court  stated  that,  if  physical  inability  were  shown,  a  reasonable 
delay  must  be  granted.  As  to  the  expectation  of  other  counsel,  that 
did  not  constitute  a  sufficient  cause  for  delay,  as  there  was  no  cer 
tainty  about  their  coming.  Under  the  circumstances  in  which  the 
prisoners  were  situated,  it  was  rational  that  they  should  seek  delay. 
The  brief  period  remaining  before  the  close  of  the  term  of  the  Court  ren 
dered  it  necessary  to  proceed  as  expeditiously  as  practicable,  and  to  be 
cautious  about  granting  delays.  He  would  request  the  physician  who 
had  attended  Brown  to  testify  as  to  his  condition. 

Were  ever  before,  in  any  civilized  State,  such  reasons 
given  for  refusing  the  delay  of  a  few  days  only  to  a 
wounded  prisoner,  charged  with  a  capital  offence,  whose 
sole  request  was,  that  time  might  be  allowed  for  honest 
counsel,  whom  he  knew,  to  arrive  and  defend  him  ? 
Even  had  the  old  man  been  unwounded,  surrounded  as 
he  was  by  excited  enemies,  in  a  county  and  Common 
wealth  where  a  verdict  of  acquital  was  an  impossible 
event,  it  would  have  been  a  very  grave  judicial  outrage  to 
have  tried  him  until  he  could  obtain  proper  counsel, 
or  before  considering  a  demand  for  a  change  of  venue. 
Because  the  expense  of  a  trial  was  great ;  because  the 


304  Judicial  Alacrity. 

offences  charged  on  the  prisoner  were  declared  to  be 
grave  ones  —  by  the  unjust  Virginia  code  ;  because  the 
arrival  of  Northern  counsel  might  elicit  facts  unfavora 
ble  to  the  reputation  of  the  State,  but  that  might  tend  to 
exculpate  the  defendant  —  for  this  is  what  Mr.  Hunter's 
last  orphic  sentence  meant ;  because  there  might  be 
danger,  if  the  request  was  granted,  of  a  second  con 
quest  of  Virginia  by  the  friends  of  her  first  anti- 
slavery  invader  ;  and  because  —  how  and  why  is  not  yet 
explained  —  a  speedy  trial  of  the  leaders  would  result 
in  a  benefit  to  his  followers  in  jail :  these  were  the  rea 
sons,  as  extraordinary  as  inhuman,  advanced  by  the 
prosecution  why  a  wounded  man's  request  should  be 
refused  by  a  Court  of  Justice ;  not  one  of  them,  by  all 
the  rules  of  law,  either  pertinent  or  just,  and  one  of 
them  the  strongest  argument  why  the  case  should  bs 
protracted.  The  graver  the  crime,  the  more  lenient 
the  law  should  be  in  granting  opportunities  of  defence 
to  the  accused.  The  Judge's  reply  ignores  this  salu 
tary  rule,  and  assumes  that  it  was  necessary  to  try  the 
prisoners  at  that  particular  term  of  the  Court !  With 
every  faculty  undimmed,  with  every  legal  facility 
around  him,  with  able  lawyers  and  a  Pardoning 
Power  unpledged  against  the  exercise  of  his  highest 
prerogatives,  the  prisoner  had  a  right  to  demand  a  post 
ponement  of  the  trial  until  the  prejudices  of  the  people 
were  less  excited  against  him. 

The  physician  was  called,  and  swore,  of  course,  that 
the  old  man  was  able  to  go  on  with  the  trial,  and  did 
not  think  that  his  wounds  were  such  as  to  affect  his 
mind  and  recollection. 


Judicial  Alacrity.  305 

The  Court,  accordingly,  refused  to  postpone  the 
trial. 

IMPANELLING   A   JURY. 

The  afternoon  session,  which  lasted  three  hours,  was 
occupied  in  obtaining  a  jury.  At  this  time  no  Repub 
lican  reporters  were  permitted  to  enter  Charlestown,  or 
had  succeeded  in  obtaining  entrance  to  the  prison  or 
Court.  Hence,  for  the  only  accounts  of  the  trial,  we 
are  obliged  to  accept  the  statements  of  John  Brown's 
bitterest  foes.  This  is  their  report  of  that  afternoon's 
proceedings  : 

"  The  jailer  was  ordered  to  bring  Brown  into  Court.  He  found  him 
in  bed,  from  which  he  declared  himself  unable  to  rise.  He  was  accord 
ingly  brought  into  Court  on  a  cot,  which  was  set  down  within  the  bar.  The 
prisoner  lay  most  of  the  time  with  his  eyes  closed,  and  the  counter 
pane  drawn  up  close  to  his  chin.  The  jury  were  then  called  and 
sworn.  The  Court  excluded  those  who  were  present  at  Harper's  Ferry 
during  the  insurrection  and  saw  the  prisoners  perpetrating  the  act  for 
which  they  were  about  to  be  tried.  They  were  all  from  distant  parts 
of  the  country,  mostly  farmers  —  some  of  them  owning  a  few  slaves, 
and  others  none.  The  examination  was  continued  until  twenty-four 
were  decided  by  the  Court  and  counsel  to  be  competent  jurors.  Out 
of  these  twenty-four,  the  counsel  for  the  prisoner  had  a  right  to  strike 
off  eight,  and  then  twelve  are  drawn  by  ballot  out  of  the  remaining 
sixteen.  The  following  were  the  questions  put  to  the  jurors ;  Were 
you  at  Harper's  Ferry  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  ?  How  long  did  you 
remain  there  ?  Did  you  witness  any  of  the  proceedings  for  which  this 
party  is  to  be  tried  ?  Did  you  form  or  express  any  opinion,  from  what 
you  saw  there,  with  regard  to  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  these  people  ? 
Would  that  opinion  disqualify  you  from  giving  these  men  a  fair  trial  ? 
Did  you  hear  any  of  the  evidence  in  this  case  before  the  Examining 
Court  ?  What  was  your  opinion  based  on  ?  Was  it  a  decided  one,  or 
was  it  one  which  would  yield  to  evidence,  if  the  evidence  was  different 
from  what  you  supposed  ?  Are  you  sure  that  you  can  try  this  case 
impartially  from  the  evidence  alone,  without  reference  to  any  tiling 
you  have  heard  or  seen  of  this  transaction  ?  Have  you  any  conscien 
tious  scruples  against  convicting  a  party  of  an  offence  to  which  the 
law  assigns  the  punishment  of  death,  merely  because  that  is  the  pen. 
alty  assigned  ? " 


306  Judicial  Alacrity. 

But  these  statements  give  no  just  notion  of  the  man 
ner  of  impanelling  the  juries  in  the  trials  of  the  Lib 
erators.  As  they  were  all  similarly  conducted,  it  will 
be  proper  here  to  quote,  from  the  graphic  sketches  of 
an  eye  witness,  a  description  of  the  impanelling  of  the 
jury  who  tried  Edwin  Coppie. 

' « Let  me  endeavor  to  represent  to  you  how  some  of  the  jurors  in 
these  cases  are  qualified. 

A  stolid  and  heavy  man  stands  up  before  the  judge  to  answer  the 
necessary  questions.  His  countenance  is  lighted  only  by  the  hope  of 
getting  a  chance  to  give  his  voice  against  the  wounded  man  upon  the 
ground.  You  can  see  this  as  plainly  as  if  he  told  you. 

Judge.     Were  you  at  Harper's  Ferry,  sir,  during  these  proceedings  ? 

Juror.     No,  sir. 

Judge.     You  are  a  freeholder  of  this  county  ? 

Juror.     Yes,  sir. 

Judge.     Have  you  heard  the  evidence  in  the  other  cases  ? 

Juror.     (Eagerly.)     Yes,  sir. 

Judge.  I  mean,  if  you  have  heard  the  evidence,  and  are  likely  to 
be  influenced  by  it,  you  are  disqualified  here.  Have  you  heard  much 
of  the  evidence  ? 

Juror.     No,  sir. 

Judge.  Have  you  expressed  any  opinion  as  to  the  guilt  of  these 
parties  ? 

Juror.     Yes,  sir,  (eagerly  again.) 

Judge.  Are  you,  then,  capable  of  judging  this  case  according  to 
the  evidence,  without  reference  to  what  you  have  before  heard  said  ? 

Juror.     Yes,  sir. 

Judge.  Have  you  any  conscientious  scruples,  which  will  prevent 
you  finding  this  man  guilty,  because  the  death  penalty  may  be  his 
punishment  ? 

Juror.     Yes,  sir,  (promptly.) 

Judge.  I  think  you  do  not  understand  my  question.  I  ask  you  if 
you  would  hesitate  to  find  this  man  guilty,  because  he  would  be  hun* 
if  you  did  ? 

Juror  looks  around  puzzled,  overcome  by  the  abstract  nature  of  th  j 
proposition  ? 

Judge.  This  man  will  DC  hung  if  you  find  him  guilty.  Will  that 
rertainty  of  his  being  hung  prevent  you  from  finding  him  guilty,  if 
tho  evidence  convinces  you  he  is  so  ? 


Judicial  Alacrity.  307 

Juror.     (Catching  the  idea.)     No,  sir  —  no,  sir. 

Judge.     Very  -well,  sir  ;  you  can  take  your  seat  as  a  juror." 

Mr.  Botts,  who  had  solemnly  promised  to  John  Brown 
to  defend  him  faithfully,  did  not  fulfil  this  moral  and 
professional  obligation,  for  a  jury  was  obtained  without 
delay  and  without  any  objection  on  his  part.  The 
names  of  these  unfortunate  men*  were  announced, 
but  they"  were  not  sworn  till  the  following  day. 

At  five  o'clock  "  the  prisoner  was  carried  over  to 
jail  on  his  cot,  and  the  Court  adjourned  till  morning." 

*  They  were  — Richard  Tirnberlake,  Joseph  Myers,  Thomas  Watson,  Jr.,  Isaac  Dust, 
John  C.  McClure,  William  llightsdale,  Jacob  J.  Millar,  Thomas  Osborne,  George  W. 
Boyer,  John  C.  Wiltshare,  George  ^f.  Tapp,  and  "William  A.  Martin. 


III.     ,- 

STATE  EVIDENCE. 

ON  Thursday  morning,  October  27,  the  trial  began  in 
earnest.  John  Brown  was  brought  from  jail,  sup 
ported  on  either  side  —  for  he  was  too  feeble  to  walk 
alone,  —  and  laid  down  on  his  cot  within  the  bar.*  The 
author  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  present.  Did  he 
know  that  he  was  witnessing  the  beginning  of  the  end 
of  the  rule  of  the  wicked  Power  that  he  represents  ?  Did 
he  think  that  the  wounded  old  man  on  the  pallet  was  un 
dermining,  with  his  every  groan  and  breath,  the  founda 
tions  of  Human  Slavery  in  America  ?  As  John  Brown 
embodied  the  Northern  religious  anti-slavery  idea,  so 
Senator  Mason,  who  now  gazed  at  him,  incarnated 
the  Southern  idolatrous  principle  of  infidelity  to  man. 
Yet,  seemingly,  how  reversed  did  their  positions  ap 
pear  !  The  Slave  Liberator  with  no  earthly  prospect 
but  a  speedy  death  on  the  gallows ;  and  the  Slave 
Extraditionist  buoyed  up  with  the  hope  of  soon  filling 
the  Presidential  Chair ! 

A   PLEA    OF   INSANITY. 

The  plea  of   insanity  —  first  advanced  by  political 

*  See  the  engraving. 

(308) 


State  Evidence.  309 

monomaniacs  in  the  Northern  States,  who  could  not  un 
derstand  a  heroic  action  when  they  saw  one,  and  yet, 
admiring  his  spirit,  were  unwilling  to  denounce  John 
Brown  —  was  brought  forward,  before  the  jury  were 
sworn,  by  the  production  of  a  telegraphic  despatch  from 
Ohio.  It  asserted  that  insanity  was  hereditary  in  John 
Brown's  family ;  that  his  mother's  sister  died  with  it, 
and  her  daughter  was  now  in  an  insane  asylum ;  and 
that  three  of  the  children  of  his  maternal  uncle  were 
also  mentally  deranged. 

"  Mr.  Botts  said,  that  on  receiving  the  above  despatch,  he  went  to  the 
jail  with  his  associate,  Mr.  Green,  and  read  it  to  Brown,  and  was  de 
sired  by  him  to  say  that  in  his  father's  family  there  has  never  been  any 
insanity  at  all.  On  his  mother's  side  there  have  been  repeated  instances 
of  it.  He  adds  that  his  first  wife  showed  symptoms  of  it,  which  were 
also  evident  in  his  first  and  second  sons  by  that  wife.  Some  portions 
of  the  statements  in  the  despatch  he  knows  to  be  correct,  and  of  other 
portions  he  is  ignorant.  He  does  not  know  whether  his  mother's  sis 
ter  died  in  the  lunatic  asylum  ;  but  he  does  believe  that  a  daughter  of 
that  sister  has  been  two  years  in  the  asylum.  He  also  believes  that  a 
son  and  daughter  of  his  mother's  brother  have  been  confined  in  an 
asylum  ;  but  he  is  not  apprised  of  the  fact  that  another  son  of  that 
brother  is  now  insane,  and  in  close  confinement.  Brown  also  desires 
his  counsel  to  say  that  he  does  not  put  in  the  plea  of  insanity."  * 

John  Brown  then  rose,  and  spurned  the  plea  thus 
sought  to  be  introduced.  He  said  : 

"I  will  add,  if  the  Court  will  allow  me,  that  I  look  upon  it  as  a 
miserable  artifice  and  pretext  of  those  who  ought  to  take  a  different 
course  in  regard  to  me,  if  they  took  any  at  all,  and  I  view  it  with  eon- 
tempt  more  than  otherwise.  Insane  persons,  so  far  as  my  experience 
goes,  have  but  little  ability  to  judge  of  their  own  sanity ;  and  if  I  am 
insane,  of  course  I  should  think  I  knew  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the 
world.  But  I  do  not  think  so.  I  am  perfectly  unconscious  of  insan 
ity,  and  I  reject,  so  far  as  I  am  capable,  any  attempts  to  interfere  in  my 
behalf  on  that  score/' 

*  Report  of  Associated  Press. 


310  State  Evidence. 

A  DAY'S  DELAY  EEFUSED. 

"  The  course  taken  by  Brown  this  morning,"  writes 
a  pro-slavery  correspondent,  "makes  it  evident  that  he 
sought  no  postponement  for  the  mere  purpose  of  de 
lay."  And  yet,  although  the  prisoner  again  asked  for 
a  suspension  of  the  proceedings  for  one  day  only,  until 
a  lawyer  in  Ohio,  to  whom  he  had  written,  and  who 
had  telegraphed  a  reply,  should  arrive  in  Chaiiestown, 
the  Court  again  refused  to  grant  the  request,  and  or 
dered  the  examination  to  proceed !  Mr.  Hunter,  in 
opposing  the  request,  involuntarily  showed  that  he  re 
garded  the  trial  as  a  form  only,  —  a  mockery  of  justice, 
—  and  expressed  his  belief  that  the  old  man  was  less 
solicitous  for  a  fair  trial  than  to  give  to  his  friends  the 
time  and  opportunity  to  organize  a  rescue.  Mr.  Hard 
ing,  with  greater  brutality,  asserted  that  the  prisoner 
was  merely  shamming  sickness  —  although  he  could  not 
stand  unsupported  for  any  length  of  time,  and  was  cov 
ered  with  wounds,  not  one  of  which  had  healed ! 

The  Jury  were  sworn,  and  the  indictment  read.  The 
Court  permitted  the  prisoner,  while  arraigned,  to  re 
main  prostrate  on  his  pallet.  He  did  so.  The  in 
dictment  charged  Insurrection,  Treason,  and  Murder  < 
John  Brown  pleaded  Not  Guilty. 

ARGUMENTS   OP   THE   COUNSEL. 

Mr,  Hunter  then  stated  the  facts  that  he  designed  to 
prove  by  the  evidence  for  the  prosecution,  and  reviewed 
the  laws  relating  to  the  offences  charged  on  the  pris 
oner,  and  concluded  by  hypocritically 

"  Urging  the  jury  to  cast  aside  all  prejudices,  and  give  the  prisoners 
a  fair  and  impartial  trial,  and  not  to  allow  their  hatred  of  Abolition 
ists  to  influence  them  against  those  who  have  raised  the  black  flag 
on  the  soil  of  this  Commonwealth." 


State  Evidence.  311 

Mr.  Green  responded,  stating  what  should  be  proved, 
and  how,  to  convict  of  the  offences  charged : 

1.  To  establish  the  charge  of  treason  it  must  be  proven 
that  the  prisoner  attempted  to  establish  a  separate  and 
distinct  government  within  the  limits  of  Yirginia,  and 
the  purpose  also  of  any  treasonable  acts ;  and  this,  not 
by  any  confessions  of  his  own,  elsewhere  made,  but  by 
two  different  witnesses  for  each  and  every  act. 

2.  To  establish  the  charge  of  a  conspiracy  with  slaves, 

"The  jury  must  be  satisfied  that  such  conspiracy  was  done  within 
the  State  of  Virginia,  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Court.  If  it 
was  done  in  Maryland,  this  Court  could  not  punish  the  act.  If  it  was 
done  within  the  limits  of  the  Armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  it  was  not 
done  within  the  limits  of  this  State,  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  holding  exclusive  jurisdiction  within  the  said  grounds.  Attor 
ney  General  Gushing  had  decided  this  point  with  regard  to  the  Armory 
grounds  at  Harper's  Fc-rry,  which  opinion  was  read  to  the  jury,  show 
ing  that  persons  residing  within  the  limits  of  the  Armory  cannot  even 
be  taxed  by  Virginia,  and  that  crimes  committed  within  the  said  limits 
are  punishable  by  Federal  Courts." 

3.  Over  murder,  (he  argued,)  if  committed  within  the 
limits  of  the  Armory,  the  Court  had  no  jurisdiction ; 
and,  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Beckham,  if  he  was  killed  on 
the  railroad  bridge,  it  was  committed  within  the  State 
of  Maryland,  which  claims  jurisdiction  up  to  the  Armory 
grounds. 

Mr.  Botts  followed  him,  and  supported  these  views. 
The  only  noteworthy  thing  he  said  was,  that  — 

"It  is  due  to  the  prisoner  to  state  that  he  believed  himself  to  be 
actuated  by  the  highest  and  noblest  feelings  that  ever  cour?^d  through 
a  human  breast.  They  could  prove  by  those  gentlemen  who  were 
prisoners  that  they  were  treated  with  respect,  and  that  they  were  kept 
in  positions  of  safety,  and  that  no  violence  was  offered  to  them.  These 
facts  must  be  taken  into  consideration,  and  have  their  due  weight  with 
the  jury." 


312  State  Evidence. 

Mr.  Hunter  replied.  The  State  law  of  treason,  he 
argued,  was  more  full  than  that  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution. 

"  It  includes  within  its  definition  of  treason,  the  establishing,  without 
the  authority  of  the  Legislature,  any  Government  within  its  limits 
separate  from  the  existing  Government,  or  the  holding  or  executing, 
under  such  Government,  of  any  office,  professing  allegiance  or  fidel 
ity  to  it,  or  resisting  the  execution  of  law  under  the  color  of  its 
authority  ;  and  it  goes  on  to  declare  that  such  treason,  if  proved  by 
the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  by  confession 
in  Court,  shall  be  punished  with  death.  Any  one  of  these  acts  consti 
tutes  treason  against  this  Commonwealth ;  and  he  believed  that  the 
prisoner  had  been  guilty  of  each  and  all  these  acts,  which  would  be 
proven  in  the  clearest  manner,  not  by  two,  but  by  a  dozen  witnesses, 
unless  limited  by  the  lack  of  time.  The  prisoner  had  attempted  to 
break  down  the  existing  Government  of  the  Commonwealth,  and 
establish  on  its  ruins  a  new  Government ;  he  had  usurped  the  office 
of  Commander-in-chief  of  this  new  Government,  and,  together  with 
his  whole  band,  professed  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  it ;  he  represented 
not  only  the  civil  authorities  of  State,  but  our  own  military ;  he  is 
doubly,  trebly,  and  quaclruply  guilty  of  treason.  Mr.  Hunter  pro 
ceeded  again  to  the  question  of  jurisdiction  over  the  Armory  grounds, 
and  examined  the  authority,  cited  on  the  other  side,  of  Attorney  Gen 
eral  Gushing.  The  latter  was  an  able  man  ;  but  he  came  from  a  region 
of  country  where  opinions  are  very  different  from  ours  in  relation  to 
the  power  of  the  Federal  Government  as  affecting  State  rights.  Our 
Courts  are  decidedly  adverse^  to  Mr.  Cushing's  views.  In.  all  time 
past,  the  jurisdiction  of  this  County  of  Jefferson  in  criminal  offences 
committed  at  Harper's  Ferry,  has  been  uninterrupted  and  unchallenged, 
whether  they  were  committed  on  the  Government  property  or  not. 
He  cited  an  instance,  twenty-nine  years  ago,  where  an  atrocious  mur 
der  was  committed  between  the  very  shops  in  front  of  which  these 
men  fought  their  battles,  and  the  criminal  was  tried  here,  convicted, 
and  executed  under  our  laws.  There  was  a  broad  difference  between 
the  cession  of  jurisdiction  by  Virginia  to  the  Federal  Government  and 
mere  assent  of  the  State  that  the  Federal  Government  should  become  a 
i  landholder  within  its  limits.  The  law  of  Virginia,  by  virtue  of  which 
!  the  grounds  at  Harper's  Ferry  were  purchased  by  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  ceded  no  jurisdiction.  Bro\vn  was  also  guilty,  on  his  own 
notorious  confession,  in  advising  conspiracy.  In  regard  to  the  charge 
of  murder,  the  proof  will  be,  that  this  man  was  not  only  actually 
sngaged  in  murdering  our  citizens,  but  that  he  was  the  chief  director 


State  Evidence.  313 

of  the  whole  movement.     No  matter  whether  he  was  present  on  the 
spot,  or  a  mile  off,  he  is  equally  guilty." 

EXAMINATION   OF   WITNESSES. 

The  examination  of  witnesses  was  commenced  at  the 
afternoon  session.  The  conductor  of  the  train  was 
first  called,  narrated  the  circumstances  of  its  stoppage 
on  the  morning  of  Monday,  October  17,  and  thus  de 
scribed  his  interview  with  Captain  Brown : 

"  I  met  a  man  whom  I  now  recognize  as  Coppic,  and  asked  what 
they  meant.  He  replied,  « "We  don't  want  to  injure  you  or  detain 
your  train.  You  could  have  gone  at  three  o'clock :  all  we  want  is  to  free 
the  negroes.'  I  then  asked  if  my  train  could  now  start,  and  went  to 
the  guard  at  the  gate,  who  said,  '  There  is  Captain  Smith ;  he  can 
tell  you  what  you  want  to  know.'  I  went  to  the  engine  house,  and 
the  guard  called  Captain  Smith.  The  prisoner  at  the  bar  came  out, 
and  I  asked  him  if  he  was  captain  of  these  men.  He  replied  he  was. 
I  asked  him  if  I  could  cross  the  bridge,  and  he  peremptorily  re 
sponded,  « No,  sir.'  I  then  asked  him  what  he  meant  by  stopping  my 
train.  He  replied,  '  Are  you  the  conductor  on  that  train  ? '  I  told 
him  I  was,  and  he  said,  '  Why,  I  sent  you  word  at  three  o'clock  that  you 
could  pass.'  I  told  him  that,  after  being  stopped  by  armed  men  on  the 
bridge.  I  would  not  pass  with  my  train.  He  replied,  <  My  head  for  it, 
you  will  not  be  hurt ; '  and  said  he  was  very  sorry.  It  was  not  his  in 
tention  that  any  blood  should  be  spilled  ;  it  was  bad  management  on 
the  part  of  the  men  in  charge  of  the  bridge.  I  then  asked  him  what 
security  I  would  have  that  my  train  would  pass  safely,  and  asked  him 
if  he  would  walk  over  the  bridge  ahead  of  my  train  with  me.  He 
called  a  large,  stout  man  to  accompany  him,  and  one  of  my  passen 
gers,  Mr.  McByrne,  asked  to  accompany  me  ;  but  Brown  ordered  him 
to  get  into  the  train,  or  he  would  take  them  all  prisoners  in  five  min 
utes  ;  but  it  was  advice  more  than  in  the  form  of  a  threat.  Brown 
accompanied  me  ;  both  had  rifles.  As  we  crossed  the  bridge,  the  three 
armed  men  were  still  in  their  places.  When  we  got  across,  Brown 
said  to  me,  « You,  doubtless,  wonder  that  a  man  of  my  age  should  be 
here  with  a  band  of  armed  men  ;  but  if  you  knew  my  past  history, 
you  would  not  wonder  at  it  so  much.'  My  train  was  then  through 
the  bridge,  and  I  bade  him  good  morning,  jumped  on  my  train,  and 
left  him." 

He  narrated  the  conversation  between  Captain  Brown 
and  Governor  Wise,  when  the  Liberator  was  confined 

27 


314  State  Evidence. 

in  the  guard  house  at  Harper's  Ferry,  in  which  he  said 
that  the  prisoner  stated,  in  reply  to  a  question,  that  he 
thought  he  had  been  betrayed  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
but  had  practised  a  ruse  to  prevent  suspicion ;  yet  re 
fused  to  inform  them  whom  he  believed  to  be  the  trai 
tor,  or  how  he  had  acted  to  avert  the  consequences  of 
the  betrayal. 

John  Brown  thus  alluded  to  Colonel  Forbes  and  his 
own  third  visit  to  Kansas. 

During  the  examination  of  this  witness,  a  despatch 
arrived  from  Cleveland,  announcing  that  Northern 
counsel  would  arrive  in  Charlestown  that  evening ; 
whereupon  the  Virginia  counsel  for  John  Brown,  in  his 
name,  asked  that  the  cross-examination  might  be  post 
poned  till  the  following  morning.  It  was  already  late 
in  the  evening,  but  the  prosecuting  attorney  resisted 
the  request,  because : 

"If  the  cases  were  not  pushed  on,  the  whole  balance  of  the  term 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  try  these  men.  He  thought  there  was  no 
reason  for  delay,  especially  as  it  teas  uncertain  ichether  the  counsel  could 
get  here  before  —  to-morrow  !  " 

The  Court,  as  usual,  ordered  the  case  to  proceed. 

Colonel  Washington  described  his  arrest,  and  testified 
that  Captain  Brown  permitted  his  prisoners  to  keep  in 
a  safe  position ;  that  he  never  spoke  rudely  or  insult 
ingly  to  them  ;  that  he  allowed  them  to  go  out,  to  quiet 
tlieii-  families,  by  assuring  them  of  their  personal 
safety ;  that  he  heard  him  direct  his  men,  on  several 
occasions,  never  to  fire  on  an  unarmed  citizen  ;  that  he 
assured  the  captives  that  they  should  be  treated  well, 
and  none  of  their  property  destroyed ;  and  that  he 
overheard  a  conversation  between  Stevens  and  another 


State  Evidence.  315 

person,  on  Southern  Institutions,  in  the  course  of  which 
tnat  Liberator  asked,  "  if  he  was  in  favor  of  slavery  ?  " 
and,  011  receiving  the  reply,  that,  although  a  non-slave 
holder,  yet,  "  as  a  citizen  of  the  South,  he  would  sus 
tain  the  cause,"  immediately  answered,  "  Then  you  are 
the  first  man  I  would  hang ;  you  deserve  it  more  than 
a  man  who  is  a  slaveholder  and  sustains  his  interests." 
He  could  not  swear  whether  the  marines  fired  after 
they  broke  into  the  engine  house ;  the  noise,  he  said, 
was  great,  and  several  shouted  from  the  inside  that 
some  one  had  surrendered  among  the  prisoners. 

This  evidence  ended  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  on 
Thursday.  The  official  report  closed  with  this  extraor 
dinary  announcement :  "  Orders  have  been  given  to 
the  jailers  to  shoot  all  the  prisoners  if  an  attempt  is 
made  for  their  rescue" 

When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  only  offence  of 
these  prisoners  was  an  effort  to  fulfil  two  commands  of 
Jesus,  "  Do  unto  others  as  ye  would  that  others  should 
do  unto  you,"  and  "  Remember  those  in  bonds,  as  bound 
with  them ;  "  and  that,  by  the  laws  of  every  free  Com 
monwealth,  the  accused  man,  until  convicted  of  a 
crime,  is  held  to  be  guiltless,  —  what  a  fearful  picture 
of  the  civilization  and  Christianity  of  Virginia  does 
this  barbarous  and  bloody  order  hold  up  to  our  view ! 


IV. 

STATE  EVIDENCE  CLOSED. 

was  great  exultation  in  Charlestown  on  Fri 
day,  October  28.  John  E.  Cook  was  brought  in 
as  a  prisoner,  by  men  who,  in  a  Free  State,  betrayed 
and  seized  him,  for  the  price  of  his  blood,  previously 
offered  by  Governor  Wise.  But  until  this  record  of  the 
outrage  called  the  trial  of  John  Brown  be  completed,  I 
will  not  divert  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  fears 
and  hopes,  the  crimes  and  prayers  which  were  agitating 
the  world  outside  of  the  Court  House  and  the  Jail  of 
Chaiiestown. 

On  Friday  morning,  Mr.  Hoyt,  a  young  Boston  law 
yer,  arrived  as  a  volunteer  counsel  for  John  Brown ; 
and,  although  declining  to  act  until  he  obtained  a 
knowledge  of  the  case,  was  qualified  as  a  member  of 
the  bar. 

The  testimony  for  the  prosecution  was  resumed. 
Colonel  Washington,  recalled,  stated  that  he  heard 
Captain  Brown  frequently  complain  of  the  bad  faith  of 
the  people  by  firing  on  his  men  when  under  a  flag  of 
truce  ;  "  but  he  heard  him  make  no  threat,  nor  utter  any 
vindictiveness  against  them;"  and  that,  "  during  the 

(316) 


State  Evidence  Clofed.  317 

day,  one  of  Brown's  sons  was  shot  in  the  breast,  the 
ball  passing  around  to  the  side  ;  but  he  took  his  weapon 
again  and  fired  repeatedly  before  his  sufferings  com 
pelled  him  to  retire." 

Mr.  Hunter  then  laid  before  the  Jury  the  printed 
Constitution  and  Ordinance  of  the  Provisional  Govern 
ment,  and  a  large  bundle  of  letters  and  papers.  He 
asked  that  the  Sheriff,  who  knew  the  handwriting  of 
the  prisoner,  be  brought  to  identify  his  handwriting. 

John  Brown.  I  will  identify  any  of  my  handwriting, 
and  save  all  that  trouble.  I  am  ready  to  face  the  music. 

Mr.  Hunter.  I  prefer  to  prove  them  by  Mr.  Camp 
bell. 

John  Brown.     Either  way  you  please. 

The  bundle  of  letters  was  then  opened ;  each  was 
identified  by  Campbell,  and  then  handed  to  the  pris 
oner,  who,  in  a  firm  tone,  replied,  "Yes  —  that  is 
mine,"  as  soon  as  he  recognized  his  writing. 

Mr.  Hunter  presented  the  form  of  Government  established  by  the 
insurgents,  and  read  a  list  of  the  members  of  the  Convention.  It  is 
headed,  "William  Charles  Morris,  President  of  the  Convention,  and 
II.  Kagi,  Secretary  of  the  Convention."  On  handing  the  list  to 
Brown,  he  exclaimed,  with  a  groan,  "That  is  my  signature." 

Mr.  Ball,  master  machinist  of  the  Armory,  one  of  the  prisoners 
made  by  Captain  Brown,  testified  as  to  his  arrest,  and  stated  that  he 
"  was  conducted  to  Captain  Brown,  who  told  me  his  object  was  to  free 
the  slaves,  and  not  the  making  of  war  on  the  people  ;  that  my  person 
and  private  property  would  be  safe  ;  that  his  war  wa's  against  the 
accursed  system  of  slavery ;  that  he  had  power  to  do  it,  and  would 
carry  it  out ;  it  was  no  child's  play  he  had  undertaken.  He  then  gave 
me  permission  to  return  to  my  family,  to  assure  them  of  my  safety 
and  get  my  breakfast ;  started  back  home,  and  was  accompanied  by 
two  armed  men,  who  stopped  at  the  door ;  breakfast  not  being  ready, 
went  back,  and  was  allowed  to  return  home  again,  under  escort,  at  a 
later  hour  ;  on  returning  again,  Captain  Brown  said  it  was  his  determi 
nation  to  seize  the  arms  and  munitions  of  the  Government,  to  arm  the 
blacks  to  defend  themselves  against  their  masters." 


31 8  State  Evidence  Clofed. 

He  testified,  also,  as  to  several  incidents  narrated 
in  the  account  of  the  fight.  He  added,  in  his  cross- 
examination,  that  — 

"Brown  repeatedly  said  that  he  would  injure  no  one  but  in  self- 
defence,  and  Coppic  frequently  urged  us  to  seek  places  of  safety ;  but 
Brown  did  not  —  he  appeared  to  desire  us  to  take  care  of  ourselves. 
There  were  three  or  four  slaves  in  the  engine  hotfse  ;  they  had  spears, 
but  all  seemed  badly  scared ;  Washington  Phil  was  ordered  by  Brown 
to  cut  a  port-hole  through  the  brick  wall ;  he  continued  until  a  brisk 
fire  commenced  outside,  when  he  said,  '  This  is  getting  too  hot  for  Phil,' 
and  he  squatted.  Brown  then  took  up  the  tools  and  finished  the 
hole." 

John  Allstadt  told  how  he  was  brought  from  his  farm 
by  a  party  of  men  who  declared  that  their  object  was 
to  "  free  the  country  from  slavery ; "  described  his 
detention  at  the  engine  house,  and  various  incidents  of 
the  fight  there  ;  said  that  "  the  negroes  were  placed  in 
the  watch  house  with  spears  in  their  hands,  but  showed 
no  disposition  to  use  them ;  that  he  saw  Phil  making 
port-holes  by  the  Captain's  order,  but  that  the  other 
negroes  did  nothing,  and  had  dropped  their  weapons  — 
some  of  them  being  asleep  nearly  all  the  time ;  that 
John  Brown's  rifle  was  always  cocked,  and  that  he 
believed,  although  he  would  not  swear,  that  it  was  the 
old  man  himself  who  shot  the  marine. 

Alexander  Kelly  described  the  manner  of  Thomas 
Boerley's  death.  He  was  armed  with  a  gun  when 
killed.  George  W.  Turner,  also,  was  killed  as  he  was 
levelling  his  rifle. 

Albert  Grist  described  his  arrest,  by  a  man  armed 
with  a  spear,  on  Sunday  night,  and  his  detention  in  the 
Armory  until  he  was  dismissed  by  Captain  Brown,  after 
delivering  a  message  to  the  conductor  of  the  train. 


State  Evidence  Clofed.  319 

"  Brown,"  ho  said,  "  declared  that  his  object  was  to  free 
the  slaves.  I  told  him  there  were  not  many  there. 
He  replied :  '  The  good  Book  says  we  are  all  free  and 
equal.'  " 

At  the  afternoon  session  of  Friday,  three  additional 
witnesses  were  produced  for  the  State,  but  their  testi 
mony  presented  no  new  facts  ;  and  Henry  Hunter,  who 
is  described  as  "  a  very  intelligent  young  gentleman, 
apparently  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  the  son  of 
Andrew  Hunter,  Esq.,  who  conducts  the  prosecution," 
was  examined  as  to  the  murder  of  Thompson. 

Although,  technically,  the  record  of  the  evidence  for 
the  prosecution  should  here  close,  it  will  be  seen,  by 
the  subsequent  proceedings,  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
intentional  negligence  of  the  prisoner's  Virginia  coun 
sel,  it  was  not  concluded  till  the  adjournment  of  the 
Court.  The  defence  began  on  the  following  day.  Yet, 
in  this  Friday's  proceedings,  one  incident  of  the  conflict 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  as  described  by  a  witness  first  intro 
duced  by  the  State,  is  so  characteristic  of  the  spirit 
engendered  by  slavery,  —  so  faithful  a  mirror  of  modern 
Southern  chivalry,  —  that  it  deserves  to  be  reported  in 
full,  and  preserved  as  a  contrast  to  the  conduct  of  the 
Liberators. 

THE   MURDER   OF   THOMPSON. 

Mr.  Green  stated  to  the  Court  that  he  desired  to  bring  out  testi 
mony  relative  to  the  shooting  of  Thompson,  one  of  the  insurgents,  on 
the  bridge ;  but  the  State  objected  to  it,  unless  Brown  had  a  knowledge 
of  that  shooting. 

?Jr.  Hunter  said  there  was  a  deal  of  testimony  about  Brown's  for 
bearance  and  not  shooting  citizens,  that  had  no  more  to  do  with  this 
case  than  the  dead  languages.  If  he  understood  the  offer,  it  was  tc 
show  that  one  of  those  men,  named  Thompson,  a  prisoner,  was  de 


320  State  Evidence  Clofcd. 

spatched  after  Beckham's  death.  The  circumstances  of  the  deed  might  be 
such  as  he  himself  might  not  at  all  approve.  He  did  not  know  how 
that  might  be,  but  he  desired  to  avoid  any  investigation  that  might  be 
used.  Not  that  it  was  so  designed  by  the  respectable  counsel  employed 
in  the  case,  but  because  he  thoiight  the  object  of  the  prisoner  in  get 
ting  at  it  was  for  out-door  effect  and  influence.  He  therefore  said  if 
the  defence  could  show  that  this  prisoner  was  aware  of  these  circum 
stances,  and  the  manner  in  which  that  party  was  killed,  and  still 
exerted  forbearance,  he  would  not  object.  But  "unless  the  knowledge 
of  it  could  be  brought  home  to  the  prisoner  and  his  after  conduct,  he 
could  not  see  its  relevancy, 

Mr.  Green,  counsel  for  defence,  contended  that  they  had  a  right  to 
infer  that  Brown  had  been  made  aware  of  it,  as  it  was  already  proved 
that  communications  passed  between  him  and  the  citizens  several  times 
after  the  killing  of  Thompson. 

Judge  Parker  decided  that  the  whole  transaction  of  that  day  con 
stituted  a  part  of  the  res  gesta,  and  might  be  inquired  into. 

Henry  Hunter  called,  —  examined  by  counsel  for  defence. 

Q.  Did  you  witness  the  death  of  this  man  Thompson  ? 

A.  I  witnessed  the  death  of  one  whose  name  I  have  been  informed 
was  Thompson. 

Q.  The  one  who  was  a  prisoner  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Well,  sir,  what  were  the  circumstances  attending  it  ? 

A.  Do  you  Avish  my  own  connection  with  it,  or  simply  a  description 
of  the  circumstances  ?  Shall  I  mention  the  names  ? 

Mr.  Andreio  Hunter.     Every  bit  of  it,  Henry ;  state  all  you  saw. 

Witness.  There  was  a  prisoner  confined  in  the  parlor  of  the  hotel, 
and  after  Mr.  Beckham's  death  he  was  shot  down  by  a  number  of  us 
there  belonging  to  this  sharp- shooting  band. 

Mr.  Andreio  Hunter.  Will  you  allow  him  to  state,  before  proceeding 
further,  how  he  was  connected  with  Mr.  Beckham  ? 

Mr.   Green.     Certainly,  sir. 

Witness.  He  was  my  grand-uncle  and  my  special  friend  —  a  man 
I  loved  above  all  others.  After  he  was  killed,  Mr.  Chambers  and 
myself  moved  forward  to  the  hotel  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  pris 
oner  out  and  hanging  him  ;  we  were  joined  by  a  number  of  other 
persons,  Avho  cheered  us  on  in  that  work ;  we  went  up  into  his  room, 
where  he  was  bound,  with  the  undoubted  and  undisguised  purpose  of 
taking  his  life ;  at  the  door  we  were  stopped  by  persons  guarding  the 
door,  who  remonstrated  with  us,  and  the  excitement  was  so  great  that 
persons  who  remonstrated  with  us  at  one  moment  would  cheer  us  on 
the  next ,  we  burst  into  the  room  where  he  was,  and  found  several 


State  Evidence  Clofed.  321 

around  him,  but  they  offered  only  a  feeble  resistance ;  we  brought  our 
guns  down  to  his  head  repeatedly,  —  myself  and  another  person,  —  for 
the  purpose  of  shooting  him  in  the  room. 

There  was  a  young  lady  there,  the  sister  of  Mr.  Fouke,  the  hotel 
keeper,  who  sat  in  this  man's  lap,  covered  his  face  with  her  arms,  and 
shielded  him  with  her  person  whenever  we  brought  our  guns  to  bear  ; 
she  said  to  us,  "  For  God's  sake,  wait  and  let  the  law  take  its  course  ;  " 
my  associate  shouted  to  kill  him  ;  "  Let  us  shed  his  blood,"  were  his 
words  ;  all  round  were  shouting,  "  Mr.  Beckham's  life  was  worth  ten 
thousand  of  these  vile  abolitionists  ;  "  I  was  cool  about  it,  and  delib 
erate  ;  my  gun  was  pushed  up  by  some  one  who  seized  the  barrel,  and 
I  then  moved  to  the  back  part  of  the  room,  still  with  purpose  un 
changed,  but  with  a  view  to  divert  attention  from  me,  in  order  to  get 
an  opportunity,  at  some  moment  when  the  crowd  would  be  less  dense, 
to  shoot  him ;  after  a  moment's  thought,  it  occurred  to  me  that  that 
was  not  the  proper  place  to  kill  him  ;  we  then  proposed  to  take  him 
out  and  hang  him  ;  some  portion  of  our  band  then  opened  a  way  to 
him,  and  first  pushing  Miss  Fouke  aside,  we  slung  him  out  of  doors  ; 
I  gave  him  a  push,  and  many  others  did  the  same ;  we  then  shoved 
him  along  the  platform  and  down  to  the  trestle  work  of  the  bridge ; 
he  begged  for  his  life  all  the  time,  very  piteously  at  first. 

By-the-by,  before  we  took  him  out  of  the  room,  I  asked  the  ques 
tion  what  he  came  here  for :  he  said  their  only  purpose  was  to  free 
the  slaves  or  die ;  then  he  begged,  "  Don't  take  my  life  —  a  prisoner ;  " 
but  I  put  the  gun  to  him,  and  he  said,  "  You  may  kill  me,  but  it  will 
be  revenged;  there  are  eighty  thousand  persons  sworn  to  carry  out 
this  work ;  "  that  was  his  last  expression  ;  we  bore  him  or*  on  the 
bridge  with  the  purpose  then  of  hanging  him ;  we  had  no  rope,  and 
none  could  be  found  ;  it  was  a  moment  of  wild  excitement ;  two  of 
us  raised  our  guns  —  which  one  was  first  I  do  not  know  —  and  pulled 
the  trigger ;  before  he  had  reached  the  ground,  I  suppose  some  five 
or  six  shots  had  been  fired  into  his  body  ;  he  fell  on  the  railroad  track, 
his  back  down  to  the  earth,  and  his  face  up ;  we  then  went  back  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  another  one,  (Stevens ;)  but  he  was  sick  or 
wounded,  and  persons  around  him,  and  I  persuaded  them  myself  to 
let  him  alone;  I  said,  " Don't  let  us  operate  on  him,  but  go  around 
and  get  some  more  ;  "  we  did  this  act  with  a  purpose,  thinking  it  right 
and  justifiable  under  the  circumstances,  and  fired  and  excited  by  the 
cowardly,  savage  manner  in  which  Mr.  Beckham's  life  had  been 
taken. 

Mr.  Andrezv  Hunter.     Is  that  all,  gentlemen  ? 

Mr.  Botts.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr,  Andrew  Hunter.     (To  the  witness.)     Stand  aside. 


322  State  Evidence  Clofed. 

This  sworn  statement  of  a  cold-blooded  murder,  by 
one  of  the  perpetrators  of  it,  elicited  not  one  word  of 
condemnation  from  any  journal  published  in  the  South 
ern  Slates. 

Wm.  M.  Williams,  the  watchman,  stated  the  particulars  of  his  arrest 
and  confinement  in  the  watch  house.  Capt.  Brown  told  the  prisoners 
to  hide  themselves,  or  they  would  be  shot  by  the  people  outside ;  he 
said  he  would  not  hurt  any  of  them.  He  told  Sir.  Grist  to  tell  the 
people  to  cease  firing,  or  he  would  burn  the  town ;  but  if  they  didn't 
molest  him,  he  wouldn't  molest  them  ;  heard  two  shots  on  the  bridge 
about  the  time  the  express  train  arrived,  but  did  not  see  Hayward 
killed. 

Capt.  Brown.  State  what  was  said  by  myself,  and  not  about  his 
being  shot. 

Williams.  I  think  you  said  that  if  he  had  taken  care  of  himself, 
he  would  not  have  suffered. 

Reason  Cross.  I  prepared  a  proposition  that  Brown  should  retain 
the  possession  of  the  Armory,  that  he  should  release  us,  and  that  the 
firing  should  stop. 

Capt.  Brown.  Were  there  two  written  propositions  drawn  up  while 
you  were  prisoner  ? 

Cross.  Yes,  there  was  another  paper  prepared  by  Kitzmiller  and 
some  others.  I  went  out  to  stop  the  firing ;  a  man  went  with  me, 
and  they  took  him  prisoner  and  tied  him  ;  this  was  Thompson,  who 
was  afterwards  taken  out  and  shot;  Brown's  treatment  of  me  was 
kind  and  respectful ;  heard  him  talk  roughly  to  some  men  who  were 
going  in  to  where  the  blacks  were  confined. 

Several  witnesses  for  the  defence  were  then  called, 
but  none  of  them  answered  to  their  subpoenas.  They 
had  not  been  returned.  There  was  no  doubt,  now, 
that  the  trial  would  have  been  closed  at  once ;  for, 
up  to  this  period,  no  earnest  effort  had  been  made,  by 
the  counsel  for  the  defence,  to  compel  the  Court  to 
grant  a  brief  delay  ;  when,  unexpectedly,  John  Brown 
arose  from  his  mattress  and  addressed  the  Judge. 
JOHN  BROWN'S  SPEECH. 

May  it  Please  the  Court  —  I  discover  that,  notwithstanding  all  the 
assurances  I  have  received  of  a  fair  trial,  nothing  like  a  fair  trial 


State  Evidence  Clofed.  323 

is  to  be  given  me,  as  it  would  seem.  I  gave  the  names,  as  soon 
HS  I  could  get  them,  of  the  persons  I  wished  to  have  called  as  wit 
nesses,  and  was  assured  that  they  would  be  subpoenaed.  I  wrote 
down  a  memorandum  to  that  effect,  saying  where  these  parties  were ; 
but  if  appears  that  they  have  not  been  subpoenaed,  so  far  as  I  can 
learn.  And  now  I  ask,  if  I  am  to  have  any  thing  at  all  deserving 
the  name  and  shadow  of  a  fair  trial,  that  this  proceeding  be  deferred 
until  to-morrow  morning  ;  for  I  have  no  counsel,  as  I  have  before 
stated,  on  whom  I  feel  that  I  can  rely ;  but  I  am  in  hopes  counsel 
may  arrive  who  will  attend  to  seeing  that  I  get  the  witnesses  who  are 
necessary  for  my  defence.  I  am  myself  unable  to  attend  to  it.  I  have 
given  all  the  attention  I  possibly  could  to  it,  but  am  unable  to  see  or 
know  about  them,  and  can't  even  find  out  their  names ;  and  I  have 
nobody  to  do  any  errands,  for  my  money  was  all  taken  from  me 
when  I  was  sacked  and  stabbed,  and  I  have  not  a  dime.  I  had  two 
hundred  and  fifty  or  sixty  dollars  in  gold  and  silver  taken  from  my 
pocket,  and  now  I  have  no  possible  means  of  getting  any  body  to  do 
my  errands  for  me,  and  I  have  not  had  all  the  witnesses  subpoenaed. 
They  are  not  within  reach,  and  are  not  here.  I  ask  at  least  until 
to-morrow  morning  to  have  something  done,  if  any  thing  is  designed ; 
if  not,  I  am  ready  for  any  thing  that  may  come  up. 

The  old  man  lay  down  again,  drew  his  blanket  over 
him,  closed  his  eyes,  and  appeared  to  sink  in  tranquil 
slumber. 

This  bold  speech,  with  its  modest  request,  (which 
was  seconded  by  Mr.  Hoyt,  who,  we  are  told,  "  arose 
amid  great  sensation,"  and  stated  that  other  counsel 
would  arrive  to-night,)  shamed  the  unfaithful  Virginia 
advocates  into  an  immediate  resignation,  and  the  Court 
into  an  adjournment  till  the  following  morning.  But 
it  is  due  to  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Hunter  to  say,  that 
he  resolutely  resisted  this  action. 

"The  town,"  flashed  the  telegraph,  "is  greatly 
excited ;  the  guard  has  been  increased ;  the  conduct 
of  Brown  is  regarded  as  a  trick."  The  very  appear 
ance  of  decency  alarmed  the  citizens  of  Charlestown ! 


V. 

THE  DEFENCE. 

JOHN  BROWN  cared  little  for  posthumous  fame  ; 
but  for  his  reputation,  as  a  help  or  hinderance  to 
the  cause  of  the  slave,  he  had  a  just  degree  of  solici 
tude.  He  did  not  wish  to  die  with  the  character  of  a 
robber  or  a  murderer.  He  desired  to  show  that  he 
had  shed  no  blood,  committed  no  violence,  done  no 
uncourteous  act,  uttered  no  unkind  or  vindictive  say 
ing,  beyond  what  the  furtherance  of  his  plan  demanded 
—  above  or  outside  of  the  absolute  necessities  of  his 
holy  scheme  and  dangerous  situation.  While  freely 
admitting  every  act  that  he  committed,  therefore,  and 
having  no  hope  whatever  of  a  verdict  of  acquital,  or  of 
a  pardon,  he  sought  to  prove  in  Court,  by  the  evidence 
of  his  enemies,  that  he  had  not  in  any  way  transcended 
the  obligations  of  his  divinely-appointed  mission.  This 
design,  of  course,  was  not  acceptable  to  Virginia;  and 
her  loyal  sons,  therefore,  —  Messrs.  Botts  and  Green, — 
although  they  often  stated  their  determination  to  see 
justice  done,  took  no  efficient  steps  to  secure  its  fulfil 
ment.  This  is  a  copy  of  the  brief  directions  given  to 
them  at  the  commencement  of  the  trial  :  it  is  tran- 

(324) 


The  Defence.  325 

scribed   from   the   original,   in   the   old   hero's   hand 
writing  : 

JOHN  BROWN'S  DIRECTIONS  TO  HIS  COUNSEL. 

We  gave  to  numerous  prisoners  perfect  liberty. 

Get  all  their  names. 

We  allowed  numerous  other  prisoners  to  visit  their  families,  to  quiet 
their  fears. 

Get  all  their  names. 

"VVe  allowed  the  conductor  to  pass  his  train  over  the  bridge  with  all 
his  passengers,  I  myself  crossing  the  bridge  with  him,  and  assuring  all 
the  passengers  of  their  perfect  safety. 

Get  that  conductor's  name,  and  the  names  of  the  passengers,  so  far  as 
may  be. 

We  treated  all  our  prisoners  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  humanity. 

Get  all  their  names,  so  far  as  may  be. 

Our  orders,  from  the  first  and  throughout,  were,  that  no  unarmed 
person  should  be  injured,  under  any  circumstances  whatever. 

Prove  that  by  ALL  the  prisoners. 

We  committed  no  destruction  or  waste  of  property. 

Prove  that. 

The  Court  assembled  at  ten  o'clock  on  Saturday. 
John  Brown  was  brought  in  and  laid  on  his  pallet. 
Mr.  Samuel  Chilton,  of  Washington  City,  and  Mr. 
Henry  Griswold,  of  Ohio,  appeared  as  additional  coun 
sel  for  the  prisoner. 

Mr.  Chilton  rose  and  said,  that,  on  his  arrival  in 
Charlestown,  after  finding  that  the  counsel  whom  he 
had  come  to  assist  had  retired  from  the  case,  he  hesi 
tated  about  undertaking  it ;  it  was  only  at  the  urgent 
r  )licitation  of  the  prisoner  and  his  friends,  that  he  had 
n  ^w  consented  to  do  so  ;  but,  not  having  had  time  to 
read  the  indictment  or  the  evidence  already  given,  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  discharge  the  full  duty  of  a 
counsel.  So,  also,  with  Mr.  Griswold.  A  short  delay 
— a  few  hours  only — would  enable  them  to  make  some 
preparation. 

28 


326  The  Defence. 

The  Court,  as  usual,  refused  the  request,  and  re 
ferred,  with  some  asperity,  to  the  recent  speech  of  the 
plain-spoken  prisoner.  "  This  term,"  said  the  Judge, 
"  will  very  soon  end  ;  and  it  is  my  duty  to  endeavor  to 
get  through  with  all  the  cases  if  possible ,  in  justice  to 
the  prisoners,  and  in  justice  to  the  State.  The  trial 
must  proceed." 

Mr.  Hoyt,  after  objecting  to  certain  papers,  (which 
were  withdrawn,)  and  asking  certain  questions  relative 
to  the  witnesses  he  had  summoned,  called  on  John  P. 
Dangerfield,  of  Harper's  Ferry,  to  testify.  From  the 
evidence  for  the  defence,  it  is  unnecessary  to  quote 
more  than  those  passages  which  refer  to  the  object  that 
John  Brown  had  in  view,  and  a  few  brief  incidents  of 
the  conflict  not  elsewhere  noted  : 

John  P.  Dangerfield.  "Was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Capt.  Brown 
at  the  engine  house.  About  a  dozen  black  men  were  there,  armed 
with  pikes,  which  they  carried  most  awkwardly  and  unwillingly. 
During  the  firing  they  were  lying  about  asleep,  some  of  them  having 
crawled  under  the  engines.  From  the  treatment  of  Capt.  Brown  he 
had  no  personal  fear  of  him  or  his  men  during  his  confinement.  Saw 
one  of  John  Brown's  sons  shot  in  the  engine  hoiise ;  he  fell  back,  ex 
claiming,  "  It's  all  up  with  me,"  and  died  in  a  few  moments.  Another 
son  came  in  and  commenced  to  vomit  blood  ;  he  icas  icounded  while  out 
zvith  Mr.  Kitzmitller,  (carrying  a  flag  of  truce.)  The  prisoner  frequently 
complained  that  his  men  were  shot  down  while  carrying  a  flag  of 
truce. 

Mr.  Hunter  again  tried  to  arrest  the  production  of 
evidence  so  disgraceful  to  the  Virginians  ;  but  even 
the  barbarous  code  of  his  native  State  did  not  prevent 
the  presentation  of  proof  tending  to  show  the  absence 
of  malice.  The  witness  was  allowed  to  proceed  : 

"  Brown  promised  safety  to  all  descriptions  of  property  except  slave 
property.  After  the  first  attack  Capt.  Brown  cried  out  to  surrender. 
Saw  Brown  wounded  on  the  hip  by  a  thrust  from  a  sabre,  and  several 


The  Defence.  327 

sabre  cuts  on  his  head.  When  the  latter  wounds  icere  given,  Capt.  Brown 
appeared  to  be  shielding  himself  with  his  head  doicn,  bat  making  no  resist 
ance.  The  parties  outside  appeared  to  be  firing  as  they  pleased." 

Major  Mills,  master  of  the  armory,  was  next  sworn. 

"  Was  one  of  the  hostages  of  Capt.  Brown  in  the  engine  house.  .  .  . 
Brown's  son  went  out  ivith  a  flag  of  truce,  and  ^vas  shot.  Heard  Brown 
frequently  complain  that  the  citizens  had  acted  in  a  barbarous  manner. 
He  did  not  appear  to  have  any  malicious  feeling.  His  intentions  were 
to  shoot  nobody  unless  they  were  carrying  or  using  arms." 

John  Brown  here  asked  whether  the  witness  saw  any 
firing  on  his  part  that  was  not  purely  defensive. 

"  Witness.  It  might  be  considered  in  that  light,  perhaps  ;  the  balls 
came  into  the  engine  house  pretty  thick." 

A  conversation  here  ensued  between  John  Brown, 
lying  on  his  cot,  and  Mr.  Dangerfield,  as  to  the  part 
taken  by  the  prisoner  in  not  unnecessarily  exposing  his 
hostages  to  danger.  The  witness  generally  corrob 
orated  the  Liberator's  version  of  the  circumstances  at 
tending  the  attack  on  the  engine  house,  but  could  not 
testify  to  all  the  incidents  that  he  enumerated.  He 
did  not  hear  him  say  that  he  surrendered.  The  wife 
and  daughter  of  the  witness  were  permitted  to  visit 
him  unmolested,  and  free  verbal  communication  was 
allowed  with  those  outside.  "  We  were  treated  kindly, 
but  were  compelled  to  stay  where  we  didn't  want  to  be  " 

Samuel  Snider,  the  next  witness,  corroborated  the 
evidence  of  Mr.  Dangerfield  ;  asserting  that  the  pris 
oner  honestly  endeavored  to  protect  his  hostages,  and 
wished  to  make  peace  more  for  their  sake  than  his  per 
sonal  safety. 

Mr.  Hoyt's  sudden  indisposition  caused  the  Court  to 
adjourn  for  ah  hour. 

At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  testimony  was 


328  The  Defence. 

resumed,   and    the    examination    conducted    V»y  Mr. 
Griswold. 

Captain  Simms,  commander  of  the  Frederick  Vol 
unteers,  was  the  first  witness. 

"  Brown  complained,"  he  said,  "  that  his  men  were  shot  down  like 
dogs  while  bearing  a  flag  of  truce.  I  told  him  that  they  must  expect 
to  be  shot  down  like  dogs,  if  they  took  up  arms  ia-that  way." 

What  an  appalling  declaration  for  an  American  cit 
izen  to  make  —  that  men  who  interfere  in  behalf  of 
the  heavily  oppressed,  the  despised  poor,  for  whom 
Jesus  suffered  on  the  Cross  of  Calvary,  but  whom  Vir 
ginia  converts  into  mere  articles  of  merchandise, 
"must  expect"  —  in  a  country  which  boasts  of  its 
freedom  and  devotion  to  human  rights  —  "  to  be  shot 
down  like  dogs  "  !  How  horrible,  and  how  horribly 
true ! 

11  Brown  said  he  knew  what  he  had  to  undergo  when  he  came  there. 
He  had  weighed  the  responsibility,  and  should  not  shrink  from  it ;  he 
said  he  had  full  possession  of  the  town,  and  could  have  massacred  all 
the  inhabitants,  had  he  thought  proper  to  do  so  ;  but,  as  he  had  not,  he 
considered  himself  entitled  to  some  terms.  He  said  he  shot  no  one 
who  had  not  carried  arms.  I  told  him  that  Mayor  Beckham  had  been 
killed,  and  that  I  knew  he  was  altogether  unarmed.  He  seemed  sorry 
to  hear  of  his  death,  and  said,  '  I  fight  only  those  who  fight  me.'  I 
saw  Stevens  at  the  hotel  after  he  had  been  wounded  ['while  carrying  a 
flag  of  truce],  and  shamed  some  y oung  men  who  were  endeavoring  to  shoot 
him,  as  he  lay  in  his  bed,  apparently  dying.  .  .  .  He  had  no  sympathy 
for  the  acts  of  the  prisoner,  but  he  regarded  him  as  a  brave  man." 

Two  other  witnesses  corroborated  these  evidences  of 
the  old  hero's  courage  and  humanity,  and  of  the  cow 
ardly  barbarity  of  the  Virginians.  The  defence  here 
rested  their  case. 

LAWYERS'  TONGUE-FENCING. 

Whereupon,  the   lawyers   began   their   preliminary 


The  Defence.  329 

duties  —  to  submit  various  motions  and  make  objec 
tions  thereto.     For  such  as  admire  this  description  of 
debate,  I  submit  the  official  report  of  it. 
A  MOTION. 

Mr.  Chilian,  for  the  prisoner,  rose  and  submitted  a  motion  that  the 
prosecution  in  this  case  be  compelled  to  elect  one  count  of  the  indict 
ment  and  abandon  the  others.  The  indictment  consists  of  four  counts, 
and  is  indorsed  thus :  '  An  indictment  for  treason,  and  advising  and 
conspiring  with  slaves  and  others  to  rebel.'  The  charge  of  treason  is 
in  the  first,  and  the  second  count  alleges  a  charge  different  from  that 
which  is  indorsed  on  the  back  of  the  indictment,  and  which  is  upon 
record.  The  second  count  is  under  the  following  statute:  "If  a  free 
person  advise  or  conspire  with  a  slave  to  rebel  or  make  an  insurrec 
tion,  he  shall  be  punished  with  death,  whether  such  rebellion  or  insur 
rection  be  made  or  not."  But  the  second  count  of  the  indictment  is, 
that  these  parties,  who  are  charged  by  the  indictment,  "  conspired, 
together  with  other  persons,  to  induce  certain  slaves,  the  property  of 
of  Messrs.  Allstadt  and  Washington,  to  make  rebellion  and  insurrec 
tion."  There  is  a  broad  distinction  between  advising  and  conspiring 
with  slaves  to  rebel,  and  conspiring  with  others  to  induce  slaves  to 
rebel.  Whether  he  was  to  avail  himself  of  their  irregularity  by 
instruction  from  the  Court  to  the  Jury  to  disregard  this  second  count 
entirely,  or  whether  it  wrould  be  proper  to  wait  until  the  conclusion  of 
the  trial,  and  then  move  an  arrest  of  judgment,  he  left  his  Honor  to 
decide.  He  proceeded  to  argue  the  motion  that  the  prosecution  be 
compelled  to  elect  one  count  and  abandon  the  others,  quoting  Archi 
bald's  Criminal  Pleading  in  support  of  his  view.  He  further  alluded 
to  the  hardship  which  rests  upon  the  prisoner  to  meet  various  and  dis 
tinct  charges  in  the  same  trial.  From  the  authority  he  read,  it  would 
be  seen  that  in  a  case  of  treason,  different  descriptions  of  treason  could 
not  be  united  in  the  same  indictment :  high  treason  could  not  be  asso 
ciated  with  other  treason.  If  an  inferior  grade  of  the  same  character 
could  not  be  included  in  separate  counts,  still  less  can  offences  of 
higher  grade.  Treason  in  this  country  is  high  treason.  Treason 
against  the  State  of  Virginia  is  treason  against  her  sovereignty.  We 
have  no  other  description  of  treason,  because  treason  can  only  be  com 
mitted  against  sovereignty,  whether  that  of  the  United  States  c  T  of  a 
sovereign  State. 

OBJECTIONS. 

Mr.  Harding  could  not  see  the  force  of  the  objection  made  by  the 
learned  counsel  on  the  other  side.  In  regard  to  separate  offences 

28* 


330  The  Defence. 

being  charged,  these  were  but  different  parts  of  the  same  ^ransackon. 
Treason  against  the  Government  is  properly  made  the  subject  of  one 
of  the  counts.  But  we' also  have  a  count  of  murder,  for  it  can  hardly 
be  supposed  that  treason  can  exist  without  being  followed  or  accom 
panied  by  murder.  Murder  arose  out  of  this  treason,  and  was  the 
natural  result  of  this  bloody  conspiracy  ;  yet,  after  all  the  evidence  has- 
been  given  on  all  these  points,  the  objection  is  made  that  we  must 
confine  ourselves  to  a  single  one  of  them.  He  hoped  that  no  such 
motion  would  be  granted. 

•  Mr.  Hunter,  in  reply  to  the  argument  of  Mr.  Chilton,  said  that  the 
discretion  of  the  Court  compelling  the  prosecution  to  elect  on  one 
count  in  the  indictment,  is  only  exercised  where  great  embarrassment 
would  otherwise  result  to  the  prisoner.  As  applied  to  this  particular 
case,  it  involved  this  point,  that  notwithstanding  the  transaction,  as 
has  been  disclosed  by  the  evidence,  be  one  transaction,  a  continued, 
closely-connected  series  of  acts,  which,  according  to  our  apprehension 
of  the  law  of  the  land,  involves  the  three  great  offences  of  treason, 
conspiring  with  and  advising  slaves  to  make  insurrection,  and  the  per 
petration  of  murder ;  whether,  in  a  case  of  this  character,  it  is  right 
and  proper  for  the  Court  to  put  the  prosecution  upon  their  election,  as 
to  one  of  the  three,  and  bar  us  from  investigation  of  the  two  others, 
although  they  relate  to  facts  involved  in  one  grand  fact.  Notwith 
standing  the  multiplicity  of  duties  devolving  upon  the  prosecutor  and 
assistant  prosecutors,  yet  we  have  found  time  to  be  guarded  and  care 
ful  in  regard  to  the  mode  of  framing  the  indictment.  It  is  my  work, 
and  I  propose  to  defend  it  as  right  and  proper.  He  then  proceeded  to 
quote  Chitty's  Criminal  Law  and  Robinson's  Practice,  to  prove  that 
the  discretion  of  the  Court  there  spoken  of,  in  reference  to  the  further 
ing  of  the  great  object  in  view,  was  the  attainment  of  justice.  Where 
the  prisoner  is  not  embarrassed  in  making  his  defence,  this  discretion 
is  not  to  be  exercised  by  the  Court,  and  no  case  can  be  shown  where 
the  whole  ground  of  the  indictment  referred  to  one  and  the  same  trans 
action.  This  very  case  in  point  would  show  the  absurdity  of  the  prin 
ciple,  if  it  were  as  broad  as  contended  for  by  his  learned  friend.  As 
to  the  other  point  of  objection,  it  was  too  refined  and  subtle  for  his 
poor  intellect. 

KEPLY   TO    THEM. 

Mr.  Chilton  responded.  In  order  to  ascertain  what  a  party  is  tried 
for,  we  must  go  to  the  finding  of  the  Grand  Jury.  If  the  Grand  Jury 
return  an  indictment  charging  the  party  with  murder,  finding  a  true 
bill  for  that,  and  he  should  be  indicted  for  manslaughter,  or  any  other 
offence,  the  Court  would  not  have  jurisdiction  to  try  him  on  that 
count  in  the  indictment.  And  the  whole  question  turns  on  the  con- 


The  Defence.  331 

struction  of  the  section  of  the  statute  which  has  been  read,  viz.,  whether 
or  not  advising  or  conspiring  with  slaves  to  rebel  is  a  separate  and  dis 
tinct  offence  from  conspiring  with  other  persons  to  induce  it. 

THE   DECISION. 

The  Court  said  that  the  difference  might  perhaps  be  taken  advantage 
of  to  move  an  arrest  of  judgment;  but  the  Jury  had  been  charged  and 
had  been  sworn  to  try  the  prisoners  on  the  indictment  as  drawn.  The 
trial  must  go  on,  and  counsel  could  afterwards  move  an  arrest  of  judg 
ment.  As  to  the  other  objection,  the  Court  made  this  answer  :  The 
very  fact  that  the  offence  can  be  charged  in  different  counts,  varying  the 
language  and  circumstances,  is  based  upon  the  idea  that  distinct 
offences  may  be  charged  in  the  same  indictment.  The  prisoners  are  to 
be  tried  on  the  various  counts  as  if  they  were  various  circumstances. 
There  is  no  legal  objection  against  charging  various  crimes  in  the  same 
indictment.  The  practice  has  been  to  put  a  party  upon  election  where 
the  prisoner  would  be  embarrassed  in  his  defence  ;  but  that  is  not  the 
law.  In  this  case,  these  offences  charged  are  all  part  of  the  same  trans 
action,  and  no  case  is  made  out  for  the  Court  to  interfere  and  put  the 
parties  upon  an  election. 

APPEAL   FOR   TIME. 

Mr.  Chilton  said  he  would  reserve  the  motion  as  a  basis  for  a  motion 
in  arrest  of  judgment. 

Mr.  Grisicold  remarked  that  the  position  of  all  the  present  counsel 
of  the  prisoner  was  one  of  very  great  embarrassment.  They  had  no 
disposition  to  interfere  with  the  course  of  practice,  but  it  -was  the 
desire  of  the  defendant  that  the  case  should  be  argued.  He  supposed 
that  counsel  could  obtain  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  evidence  pre 
viously  taken  by  reading  notes  of  it.  But  it  was  now  nearly  dark. 
If  it  was  to  be  argued  at  all,  he  supposed  the  argument  for  the  Com 
monwealth  would  probably  occupy  the  attention  of  the  Court  until 
the  xisual  time  for  adjournment,  unless  it  was  the  intention  to  continue 
with  a  late  evening  session.  From  what  had  heretofore  transpired,  he 
felt  a  delicacy  in  making  any  request  of  the  Court ;  but  knowing  that 
the  case  was  now  ended  except  for  mere  argument,  he  did  not  know 
that  it  would  be  asking  too  much  for  the  Court  to  adjourn  after  the 
opening  argument  011  behalf  of  the  prosecution. 

Mr.  Hunter  said  that  he  would  cheerfully  bear  testimony  to  the  unex 
ceptionable  manner  in  which  the  counsel  who  had  just  taken  his  seat 
had  conducted  the  examination  of  witnesses  to-day.  It  would  afford 
him  very  great  pleasure,  in  all  ordinary  cases,  to  agree  to  the  indulgence 
of  such  a  request  as  the  gentleman  had  just  made,  and  which  was  en 
tirely  natural.  But  he  was  bound  to  remember,  and  respectfully 


332  The  Defence. 

remind  the  Court,  that  this  state  of  things,  which  places  counsel  IA  a 
somewhat  embarrassing  position  in  conducting  the  defence,  is  purely 
and  entirely  the  act  of  the  prisoner.  His  counsel  will  not  be  respon 
sible  for  it ;  the  Court  is  not  responsible  for  it ;  but  the  unfortunate 
prisoner  is  responsible  for  his  own  act  in  dismissing  his  faithful,  skilful, 
able,  and  zealous  counsel  on  yesterday  afternoon.  He  would  simply  say 
that  not  only  were  the  jurors  kept  away  from  their  families  by  their 
delays,  but  there  could  not  be  a  female  in  this  county,  who,  whether  with 
good  cause  or  not,  was  not  trembling  with  anxiety  and  apprehension, 
While  their  courtesy  to  the  counsel  and  humanity  to  the  prisoner 
should  have  due  weight,  yet  the  Commonwealth  has  its  rights,  the 
community  has  its  rights,  the  Jury  have  their  rights,  and  it  was  for  his 
Honor  to  weigh  these  in  opposite  scales,  and  determine  whether  we 
should  not  go  on  and  bring  this  case  to  a  close  to-night.  "We  had 
until  twelve  o'clock  to  do  it  in. 

ARGUMENT  FOE  AND  AGAINST  A  DECENT  DELAY. 

Mr.  Chilian  said  their  client  desired  that  they  should  argue  his  case. 
It  was  impossible  for  him  to  do  so  now,  and  he  could  not  allow  him 
self  to  make  an  attempt  at  argument  on  a  case  about  which  he  knew 
so  little.  If  he  were  to  get  up  at  all,  it  would  be  for  the  unworthy 
purpose  of  wasting  time.  He  had  no  such  design  ;  but  having  under 
taken  this  man's  cause,  he  very  much  desired  to  comply  with  his 
wishes.  He  would  be  the  last  man  in  the  world  to  subject  the  jurors 
to  inconvenience  unnecessarily ;  but  although  the  prisoner  may  have 
been  to  blame,  may  have  acted  foolishly,  and  may  have  had  an 
improper  purpose  in  so  doing,  still  he  could  not  see  that  he  should 
therefore  be  forced  to  have  his  case  submitted  without  argument.  In 
a  trial  for  life  and  death,  ice  should  not  be  too  precipitate. 

The  Covirt  here  consulted  with  the  jurors,  who  expressed  themselves 
very  anxious  to  get  home. 

His  Honor  said  he  was  desirous  of  trying  this  case  precisely  as  he 
would  try  another,  without  any  reference  at  all  to  outside  feeling. 

Mr.  Iloyt  remarked  that  he  was  physically  incapable  of  speaking  to 
night,  even  if  fully  prepared.  He  had  worked  very  hard  last  night  to 
get  the  law  points,  until  he  fell  unconscious  from  exhaustion  and 
fatigue.  For  the  last  five  days  and  nights  he  had  only  slept  ten  hours, 
and  it  seemed  to  him  that  justice  to  the  person  demanded  the  allow 
ance  of  a  little  time  in  a  case  so  extraordinary  in  all  its  aspects  as 
this. 

The  Court  suggested  that  we  might  have  the  opening  argument  for 
the  prosecution  to-night,  at  any  rate. 

Mr.  Harding  would  not  like  to  open  the  argument  now,  unless  the 
case  was  to  be  finished  to-night.  He  was  willing,  however,  to  submit 


The  Defence.  333 

tue  case  to  the  jury  without  a  single  word,  believing  they  would  do  the 
prisoner  justice.  The  prosecution  had  been  met  not  only  on  the  thresh 
old,  but  at  every  step,  with  obstructions  to  the  progress  of  the  case. 
If  th*>  case  was  not  to  be  closed  to-night,  he  would  like  to  ask  the  same 
indulgence  given  to  the  other  side,  that  he  might  collate  the  notes  of 
the  evidence  he  had  taken. 

The  Court  inquired  what  length  of  time  the  defence  would  require 
for  argument  on  Monday  morning.  He  could  then  decide  whether  to 
grant  the  request  or  not. 

After  consultation,  Mr.  Chilton  stated  that  there  would  be  only  two 
speeches  by  himself  and  Mr.  Griswold,  not  occupying  more  than  two 
hours  and  a  half  in  all. 

Mr.  Hunter  again  entered  an  earnest  protest  against  delay. 

The  Court  then  ordered  the  prosecution  to  proceed. 
Mr.  Hunter  spoke  forty  minutes,  and  ridiculed  as  ab 
surd  the  expectation  of  the  prisoner  —  that  he  should 
have  been  dealt  with  by  the  rules  of  honorable  war 
fare  ! 

The  Court  then  adjourned  till  Monday ;  and  the 
brave  old  man,  satisfied  that  his  motives  were  now 
correctly  understood,  and  that  no  injury  to  the  Cause 
would  ensue  from  his  heroic  unsuccess,  was  carried 
back  on  the  pallet  to  his  cell  in  the  prison.  ~He  re 
turned  there  a  conqueror. 


VI. 

LAWYERS'  PLEAS. 

Court  reassembled  early  on  Monday  morning, 
JL  October  31.  John  Brown  was  brought  from  prison 
between  files  of  armed  men,  as  the  practice  was,  and  laid 
down  on  his  bed  within  the  bar.  "  He  looked  better," 
we  are  told,  "  than  on  the  previous  day ;  his  health  is 
evidently  improving,  and  he  seemed  to  be  at  the  most 
perfect  ease  of  mind."  The  Court  room  and  every 
approach  to  it  were  densely  crowded. 

From  the  opening  of  the  Court  until  the  afternoon 
session,  the  counsel  for  the  defence  —  Messrs.  Griswold 
and  Chilton  —  and  for  the  prosecution  —  Messrs.  Hun 
ter  and  Harding —  occupied  the  attention  of  the  jury 
in  arguing  for  and  against  the  prisoner.  I  do  not  in 
tend  to  pollute  my  pages  with  any  sketch  of  the  law 
yers'  pleas.  They  were  able,  without  doubt,  and  eru 
dite,  and  ingenious  ;  but  they  were  founded,  neverthe 
less,  on  an  atrocious  assumption.  For  they  assumed 
(as  all  lawyers'  speeches  must)  that  the  statutes  of  the 
State  were  just ;  and,  therefore,  if  the  prisoner  should 
be  proven  guilty  of  offending  against  them,  that  it  was 
right  thai  he  should  suffer  the  penalty  they  inflict. 
This  doctrine  every  Christian  heart  must  scorn  ;  John 

(334) 


Lawyers'  Pleas.  335 

Brown,  at  least,  despised  it ;  and  so  also,  to  be  faithful 
to  his  memory,  and  my  own  instincts,  must  I.  Mr. 
Griswold  proved  conclusively  that,  even  according  to 
the  laws  of  Virginia,  John  Brown  had  not  been  guilty 
either  of  treason,  of  inciting  to  insurrection,  or  of 
murder  with  malice  prepense  ;  although,  undoubtedly, 
he  had  committed  other  offences  against  the  peace  and 
dignity  of  that  ancient  Commonwealth.  In  any  civil 
ized  State  —  in  Europe,  England,  or  our  North  — 
these  facts  would  have  resulted  in  the  acquittal  of  the 
prisoner  ;  for,  although  a  person  may  be  proven  guilty 
of  murder,  if  he  be  arraigned  for  theft,  that  indictment 
—  in  every  free  country  —  must  at  once  be  abandoned. 
Mr.  Chilton's  speech  is  unworthy  of  further  notice  than 
that  it  began  in  falsehood  and  ended  in  cant.  Two 
quotations  will  sustain  my  statement : 

"  He  desired,  and  the  whole  State  desired,  and  the  whole  South 
iesired,  that  the  trial  should  be  fair  :  and  it  had  been  fair  !  .... 
He  charged  the  jury  to  look  on  this  case,  as  far  as  the  law  would 
allow,  with  an  eye  favorable  to  the  prisoner,  and  when  their  verdict 
should  be  returned  —  no  matter  what  it  might  be  —  he  trusted  that 
every  man  in  the  country  would  acquiesce  in  it.  Unless  the  majesty  of 
the  law  were  supported,  dissolution  of  the  Union  must  soon  ensue, 
with  all  the  evils  that  must  necessarily  follow  in  its  train." 

Mr.  Hunter  was  true  to  his  barbaric  instincts  to  the 
last ;  eulogizing  Wise  to  begin  with,  filling  up  his 
speech  with  the  infamous  maxims  of  iniquitous  laws, 
and  closing  it  with  anathemas  on  godly  John  Brown. 
The  peroration  of  his  speech  is  noteworthy  from  its 
audacity  of  assertion  : 

"We  therefore  ask  his  conviction  to  vindicate  the  majesty  of  the 
law.  While  we  have  patiently  borne  delays,  as  well  here  as  outside 
in  the  community,  in  preservation  of  the  character  of  Virginia,  that 


336  Lawyers'  Pleas. 

plumes  itself  on  its  moral  character,  as  well  as  physical,  and  on  its  loyaly 
and  its  devotion  to  truth  and  right,  we  ask  you  to  discard  any  thing  el&e, 
mid  render  your  verdict  as  you  are  sworn  to  do.  .  .  .  Justice  is 
the  centre  upon  which  Deity  sits.  There  is  another  column  which 
represents  its  mercy.  You  have  nothing  to  do  with  that." 

Mr.  Hunter  closed  his  speech  at  half  past  one 
o'clock. 

"  During  most  of  the  arguments  to-day,  Brown  lay  on  his  back, 
witl)  his  eyes  closed. 

"  Mr.  Chilton  asked  the  Court  to  instruct  the  Jury,  if  they  believed 
the  prisoner  was  not  a  citizen  of  Virginia,  but  of  another  State,  they 
cannot  convict  on  a  count  of  treason. 

"The  Court  declined,  saying  the  Constitution  did  not  give  rights 
and  immunities  alone,  but  also  imposed  responsibilities. 

"Mr.  Chilton  asked  another  instruction,  that  the  Jury  must  be  sat 
isfied  that  the  place  where  the  offence  was  committed  was  within  the 
boundaries  of  Jefferson  County,  which  the  Court  granted." 

The  Jury  then  retired  to  consider  their  verdict,  and 
the  Court  adjourned  for  half  an  hour. 

THE   VERDICT. 

Thus  far,  for  our  record  of  the  trial,  we  have  been 
obliged  to  rely  on  pro-slavery  authority.  It  was  not 
till  the  following  day  that  a  truthful  and  impartial  re 
porter  succeeded  in  eluding  the  cowardly  and  inquisi 
torial  vigilance  of  the  Virginians,  who,  in  their  anxiety 
to  prevent  a  fair  trial  or  a  true  report,  excluded  all 
Northern  men  from  their  City  —  as  had  been  done,  a 
thousand  times  before,  in  each  of  the  despotic  Com 
monwealths  south  of  the  Potomac,  by  men  who  are 
ever,  and  in  various  ways,  committing  daily  violence  on 
the  Federal  Constitution,  and  accusing,  in  the  same 
breath,  the  Northern  men  who  submit  to  these  infrac 
tions  as  guilty  of  assailing  the  rights  of  the  South. 

Thu«  far,  then,  they  have  been  convicted  out  of  their 


Lawyers'  Pleas.  337 

own  mouths ;  and,  in  order  to  complete  their  self-con 
demnation,  I  will  conclude  this  report  with  an  extract 
from  one  of  their  own  journals  : 

After  an  absence  of  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  the  Jury  returned 
into  Court  with  a  verdict.  At  this  moment  the  crowd  filled  all  the 
space  from  the  couch  inside  the  bar,  around  the  prisoner,  beyond  the 
railing  in  the  body  of  the  Court,  out  through  the  wide  hall,  and  be 
yond  the  doors.  There  stood  the  anxious  but  perfectly  silent  and 
attentive  populace,  stretching  head  and  nqck  to  witness  the  closing 
scene  of  Old  Brown's  trial.  It  was  terrible  to  look  upon  such  a 
crowd  of  human  faces,  moved  and  agitated  with  but  one  dreadful  ex 
pectancy  —  to  let  the  eyes  rest  for  a  moment  upon  the  only  calm  and 
unruffled  countenance*  there,  and  to  think  that  he  alone  of  all  present 
was  the  doomed  one,  above  whose  head  hung  the  sword  of  fate.  But 
there  he  stood,  a  man  of  indomitable  will  and  iron  nerve,  all  collected 
and  unmoved,  even  while  the  verdict  that  consigned  him  to  an  igno 
minious  doom  was  pronounced  upon  him.  After  recapitulating  his 
offences  set  forth  in  the  indictment,  the  Clerk  of  the  Court  said : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Jury,  what  say  you  ?  Is  the  prisoner  at  the  bar, 
John  Brown,  guilty,  or  not  guilty  ? 

Foreman.     Guilty.  • 

Clerk.  Guilty  of  treason,  and  conspiring  and  advising  with  slaves 
and  others  to  rebel,  and  murder  in  the  first  degree  ? 

Foreman.     Yes. 

Not  the  slightest  sound  was  heard  in  the  vast  crowd  as  thj»  verdict 
was  thus  returned  and  read.  Not  the  slightest  expression  of  elatien 
or  triumph  was  uttered  from  the  hundreds  present,  who,  a  moment 
before,  outside  the  Court,  joined  in  heaping  threats  and  imprecations  on 
his  head  ;  nor  was  this  strange  silence  interrupted  during  the  whole 
of  the  time  occupied  by  the  forms  of  the  Court.  Old  Brown  himself 
said  not  even  a  word,  but,  as  on  aiiy  previous  day,  turned  to  adjust 
his  pallet,  and  then  composedly  stretched  himself  upon  it. 

Mr.  Chilian  moved  an  arrest  of  judgment,  both  on  account  of  errors 
in  the  indictment  and  errors  in  the  verdict.  The  objection  in  regard 
to  the  indictment  has  already  been  stated.  The  prisoner  has  been 
tried  for  an  offence  not  appearing  on  the  record  of  the  Grand  Jury. 
-^The  verdict  was  not  on  each  count  separately,  but  was  a  general  ver 
dict  on  the  whole  indictment. 

Counsel  on  both  sides  being  too  much  exhausted  to  go  on,  the  mo 
tion  was  ordered  to  stand  over  till  to-morrow,  and  Brown  was  again 
\removed  unsentenced  to  prison. 

"  There  he  stood !  "     Alas !    for  the  honor   of  the 

29 


338  Lawyers'  Pleas. 

Union,  whom  Virginia  thus  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  the  brave  old  man  was  too  feeble  to  stand. 
"  He  sat  up  in  his  bed  when  the  Jury  entered,"  writes 
another  and  more  vindictive  Virginia  journalist,  "  and, 
after  listening  to  the  rendition  of -the  verdict,  lay  down 
very  composedly,  without  saying  a  word."  The  writer 
adds,  intending  thereby  to  eulogize  the  Virginians, 
"  There  was  no  demonstration  of  any  kind  whatever." 
Thus  thoroughly  does  Slavery  corrupt  the  heart,  that 
the  spectacle  of  an  heroic  old  man,  feeble  from  the  loss 
of  blood  poured  out  in  behalf  of  God's  despised  poor, 
unable  to  stand  unsupported  on  his  feet,  and  yet  con 
demned  to  die  on  the  scaffold,  shocked  no  one  South 
ern  conscience  —  excited  "no  demonstration  of  any 
kind  whatever." 


VII. 

CONDEMNED  TO  DIE. 

THE  first  of  November  was  devoted  to  the  trial  of 
Coppoc,  which  was  continued  on  the  following  day. 
No  witnesses  were  called  for  the  defence.  Mr.  Hard 
ing  for  the  State,  and  Messrs.  Hoyt  and  Griswold  for 
the  defence,  followed  by  Mr.  Hunter,  who  closed  for  the 
prosecution,  addressed  the  jury,  who  presently  retired 
to  appear  to  consider  their  pre-determined  verdict  —  of 
GUILTY. 

"  During  the  absence  of  the  Jury  in  Coppoc's  case," 
says  an  eye  witness,  "  in  order  that  no  time  should  be 
wasted,  John  Brown  was  brought  in  from  jail  to  be  sen 
tenced.  He  walked  with  considerable  difficulty,  and 
every  movement  appeared  to  be  attended  with  pain, 
although  his  features  gave  no  expression  of  it.  It  was 
late,  and  the  gaslights  gave  an  almost  deathly  pallor  to 
his  face.  He  seated  himself  near  his  counsel,  and? 
after  once  resting  his  head  upon  his  right  hand,  re 
mained  entirely  motionless,  and  for  a  time  appeared 
unconscious  of  all  that  passed  around  —  especially  un 
conscious  of  the  execrations  audibly  whispered  by  spec 
tators  :  <  D — d  black-hearted  villain  !  heart  as  black 

(339) 


34°  Condemned  to  Die. 

as  a  stove-pipe  ! '  and  many  such.  While  the  Judge 
read  his  decision  on  the  points  of  exception  which  had 
been  submitted,  Brown  sat  very  firm,  with  lips  tightly 
compressed,  but  with  no  appearance  of  affectation  of 
sternness.  He  was  like  a  block  of  stone.  When  the 
clerk  directed  him  to  stand  and  say  why  sentence 
should  not  be  passed  upon  him,  he  rose  and  leaned 
slightly  forward,  his  hands  resting  on  the  table.  He 
spoke  timidly  —  hesitatingly,  indeed  —  and  in  a  voice 
singularly  gentle  and  mild.  But  his  sentences  came 
confused  from  his  mouth,  and  he  seemed  to  be  wholly 
unprepared  to  speak  at  this  time.*  Types  can  give  no 
intimation  of  the  soft  and  tender  tones,  yet  calm  and 
manly  withal,  that  filled  the  Court  room,  and,  I  think, 
touched  the  hearts  of  many  who  had  come  only  to  re 
joice  at  the  heaviest  blow  their  victim  was  to  suffer." 

This  is  what  he  said : 

JOHN  BROWN'S  LAST  SPEECH. 

"  I  have,  may  it  please  the  Court,  a  few  words 
to  say. 

"  In  the  first  place,  I  deny  every  thing  but  what  I 
have  all  along  admitted  — the  design  on  my  part  to  free 
the  slaves.  I  intended  certainly  to  have  made  a  clear 
thing  of  that  matter,  as  I  did  last  winter,  when  I  went 
into  Missouri,  and  there  took  slaves  without  the  snap 
ping  of  a  gun  on  either  side,  moved  them  through  the 
country,  and  finally  left  them  in  Canada.  I  designed 
to  have  done  the  same  thing  again,  on  a  larger  scale.. 
That  was  all  I  intended.  I  never  did  intend  murder, 

*  It  was  expected  that  all  the  prisoners  would  be  condemned  and  executed  on  tho 
name  day     Ilence,  John  Brown  was  taken  by  surprise. 


Condemned  to  Die.  341 

or  treason,  or  the  destruction  of  property,  or  to  excite 
or  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  insurrection. 

"  I  have  another  objection  :  and  that  is,  it  is  unjust 
that  I  should  suffer  such  a  penalty.  Had  I  interfered 
in  the  manner  which  I  admit,  and  which  I  admit  has 
been  fairly  proved  —  (for  I  admire  the  truthfulness 
and  candor  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  witnesses  who 
have  testified  in  this  case)  —  had  I  so  interfered  in  be 
half  of  the  rich,  the  powerful,  the  intelligent,  the  so- 
called  great,  or  in  behalf  of  any  of  their  friends,  either 
father,  mother,  brother,  sister,  wife,  or  children,  or  any 
of  that  class,  and  suffered  and  sacrificed  what  I  have  in 
this  interference,  it  would  have  been  all  right,  and 
every  man  in  this  Court  would  have  deemed  it  an  act 
worthy  of  reward  rather  than  punishment. 

"  This  Court  acknowledges,  as  I  suppose,  the  validity 
of  the  Law  of  God.  I  see  a  book  kissed  here  which  1 
suppose  to  be  the  Bible,  or,  at  least,  the  New  Testa 
ment.  That  teaches  me  that  all  things  i  whatsoever  I 
would  that  men  should  do  unto  me  I  should  do  even  so 
to  them.'  It  teaches  me  further,  to  '  remember  them 
that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them.'  I  endeavored 
to  act  up  to  that  instruction.  I  say,  I  am  yet  too 
young  to  understand  that  God  is  any  respecter  of  per 
sons.  I  believe  that  to  have  interfered  as  I  have  done, 
as  I  have  always  freely  admitted  I  have  done,  in  behalf 
of  His  despised  poor,  was  not  wrong,  but  right.  Now, 
if  it  is  deemed  necessary  that  I  should  forfeit  my  life 
for  the  futherance  of  the  ends  of  justice,  and  mingle 
my  blood  further  with  the  blood  of  my  children,  and 
with  the  blood  of  millions  in  this  slave  country  whose 
29* 


342  Condemned  to  Die. 

rights  are  disregarded  by  wicked,  cruel,  and  unjust 
enactments  —  I  submit:  so  let  it  be  done. 

"  Let  me  say  one  word  further. 

'-k  I  feel  entirely  satisfied  with  the  treatment  I  have 
received  on  my  trial.  Considering  all  the  circum 
stances,  it  has  been  more  generous  than  I  expected. 
But  I  feel  no  consciousness  of  guilt.  I  have  stated 
from  the  first  what  was  my  intention  and  what  was 
not.  I  never  had  any  design  against  the  life  of  any 
person,  nor  any  disposition  to  commit  treason,  or  excite 
slaves  to  rebel,  or  make  any  general  insurrection.  I 
never  encouraged  any  man  to  do  so,  but  always  dis 
couraged  any  idea  of  that  kind. 

"  Let  me  say,  also,  a  word  in  regard  to  the  state 
ments  made  by  some  of  those  connected  with  me.  I 
hear  it  has  been  stated  by  some  of  them  that  I  have  in 
duced  them  to  join  me.  But  the  contrary  is  true.  I 
do  not  say  this  to  injure  them,  but  as  regretting  their 
weakness.  There  is  not  one  of  them  but  joined  me  of 
his  own  accord,  and  the  greater  part  at  their  own  ex 
pense.  A  number  of  them  I  never  saw,  and  never  had 
a  word  of  conversation  with,  till  the  day  they  came  to 
me,  and  that  was  for  the  purpose  I  have  stated. 

"Now  I  have  done." 

Perfect  quiet  prevailed  while  this  speech  was  de 
livered  ;  and,  when  he  finished,  the  Judge  proceeded 
to  pass  sentence  on  him.  After  a  few  preliminary  re 
marks,  he  stated  that  no  doubt  could  exist  of  the  guilt 
of  the  prisoner,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  hanged  by  the 
neck  till  he  was  dead,  on  Friday,  the  2d  day  of  De 
cember.  "  At  the  announcement,"  said  a  spectator, 


Condemned  to  Die.  343 

"  that,  for  the  sake  of  example,  the  execution  would  be 
more  than  usually  public,  one  indecent  fellow,  behind 
the  Judge's  chair,  shouted  and  clapped  hands  jubi 
lantly  ;  but  he  was  indignantly  checked,  and  in  a  man 
ner  that  induced  him  to  believe  that  he  would  do  best 
to  retire.  It  is  a  question,  nevertheless,  if  the  general 
sentiment  were  not  fairly  expressed  by  this  action. 
John  Brown  was  soon  after  led  away  again  to  his  place 
of  confinement." 

Was  ever  such  a  speech  delivered  in  America  —  so 
fearless,  yet  so  gentle ;  so  manly,  modest,  wise,  God's- 
heart-imbued  ? 


F 


VIII. 

THE  CONQUERING  PEN. 

the  date  of  his  incarceration  in  the  jail  of 
Chaiiestown,  till  the  day  of  his  execution,  John. 
Brown  wrote  a  number  of  eminently  characteristic  let- 
Alters  to  his  friends  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 
Such  of  them  as  we  have  been  able  to  obtain,  are 
herewith  subjoined : 

LETTER   FOR   COUNSEL. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  Oct.  22,  1859. 
To  THE  HON.  JUDGE  TILDEN. 

Dear  Sir :  I  am  here  a  prisoner,  with  several  sabre  cuts  in  my 
head,  and  bayonet  stabs  in  my  body.  My  object  in  writing  is  to  ob 
tain  able  and  faithful  counsel  for  myself  and  fellow-prisoners,  five  in 
all,  as  we  have  the  faith  of  Virginia  pledged  through  her  governor, 
and  numerous  prominent  citizens,  to  give  us  a  fair  trial.  "SYithoiit 
we  can  obtain  such  counsel  from  without  the  slave  states,  neither  the 
facts  in  our  case  can  come  before  the  world,  nor  can  we  have  the  ben 
efit  of  such  facts  as  might  be  considered  mitigating,  in  the  view  of 
others,  upon  our  trial.  I  have  money  on  hand  here  to  the  amount  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  and  personal  property  sufficient  to  pay 
a  most  liberal  fee  to  yourself,  or  any  able  man  who  will  undertake  our 
defence,  if  I  can  be  allowed  the  benefit  of  said  property.  Can  you,  or 
some  other  good  man,  come  on  immediately,  for  the  sake  oi  the  young 
men  prisoners  at  least  ?  My  wounds  are  doing  well. 
Do  not  send  an  ultra  abolitionist. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

Jonx  BROWN. 
P.  S.     The  trial  is  set  for  "Wednesday  next,  the  26th  instant. 

J.  ~VV.  CAMPBELL,  Sheriff  Jefferson  Co. 
(344) 


The  Conquering  Pen.  345 

A  noble  lady,  a  worthy  friend  of  John  Brown,  when 
the  news  of  his  "  failure  "  and  imprisonment  reached 
Boston,  determined  to  go  on  to  Virginia  to  nurse  him ; 
but,  prostrated  by  the  shock  tnus  given  to  her  nervous 
system,  she  was  prevented,  by  physical  incapacity,  from 
carrying  out  the  generous  and  heroic  impulse.  On 
suggesting  the  execution  of  this  design  to  her  distin 
guished  relative,  Mrs.  Child,  that  lady  at  once  sent  a 
letter  to  Captain  Brown,  forwarding  it  with  a  note  to 
Governor  Wise,  in  which  she  asked  permission  to  go 
on  to  Charlestown  and  nurse  the  old  hero. 

LETTER  TO    CAPTAIN   BROWN. 

WAYLAND,  MASS.,  Oct.  26,  1859. 

Dear  Captain  Brown:  Though  personally  unknown  to  you,  you 
will  recognize  in  my  name  an  earnest  friend  of  Kansas,  when  circum- 
Btances  made  that  territory  the  battle  ground  between  the  antagonis 
tic  principles  of  slavery  and  freedom,  which  politicians  so  vainly 
strive  to  reconcile  in  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

Believing  in  peace  principles,  I  cannot  sympathize  with  the  method 
you  chose  to  advance  the  cause  of  freedom  ;  but  I  honor  your  gener 
ous  intentions ;  I  admire  your  courage,  moral  and  physical ;  I  rev 
erence  you  for  the  humanity  which  tempered  your  zeal ;  I  ^sympathize 
with  you  in  your  cruel  bereavement,  your  sufferings,  and  your 
wrongs.  In  brief,  I  love  you  and  bless  you. 

Thousands  of  hearts  are  throbbing  with  sympathy  as  warm  as  mine. 
I  think  of  you  night  and  day,  bleeding  in  prison,  surrounded  by  hos 
tile  faces,  sustained  only  by  trust  in  God  and  your  own  strong  heart. 
I  long  to  nurse  you  —  to  speak  to  you  sisterly  words  of  sympathy  and 
consolation.  I  have  asked  the  permission  of  Governor  Wise  to  do  so. 
If  the  request  is  not  granted,  I  cherish  the  hope  that  these  few  words 
may  at  least  reach  your  hands,  and  afford  you  some  little  solace. 
May  you  be  strengthened  by  the  conviction  that  no  honest  man  ever 
sheds  blood  for  freedom  in  vain,  however  much  he  may  be  mistaken  in 
his  efforts.  May  God  sustain  you,  and  carry  you  through  whatsoever 
may  be  in  store  for  you.  Yours,  with  heartfelt  respect,  sympathy, 
and  affection.  L.  MARIA  CHILD. 

Governor  Wise's  answer  to  Mrs.  Child's  request  was 
respectful,  but  crafty  and  characteristic.  He  would 


346  The  Conquering  Pen. 

forward  the  letter,  he  said,  to  the  Commonwealth's 
Attorney,  "  with  the  request  that  he  will  ask  the  per 
mission  of  the  Court  to  hand  it  to  the  prisoner."  After 
asserting  that  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  were  not 
involved  in  a  civil  war  ;  that  the  Federal  Constitution 
gave  to  citizens  of  Massachusetts  goingf'to  Virginia  the 
immunities  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  ;  that, 
coming  to  minister  to  the  captive  in  prison  —  a  mis 
sion  merciful  and  humane  —  she  had  the  right  to  visit 
Charlestown,  and  would  "  not  only  be  allowed,  but 
be  respected,  if  not  welcomed,"  the  politician  added, 
that  "  a  few  unenlightened  and  inconsiderate  persons, 
fanatical  in  their  modes  of  thought  and  action  to  main 
tain  justice  and  right,  might  molest  you,  or  be  disposed 
to  do  so,  and  this  might  suggest  the  imprudence  of 
risking  any  experiment  upon  the  peace  of  a  society 
very  much  excited  by  the  crimes  with  whose  chief 
author  you  seem  to  sympathize  so  much."  Declaring 
the  readiness  of  Virginia  to  protect  Mrs.  Child  against 
the  fury  of  the  populace,  the  next  sentence  of  the  lei> 
ter  was  worthy  of  Mark  Antony  :  "  I  could  not  permit 
an  insult,  even  to  woman  in  her  walk  of  charity  among 
us,  though  it  be  to  one  ivho  whetted  knives  of  butchery 
for  our  mothers,  sisters,  daughters,  and  babes.  .  .  . 
His  attempt  was  the  natural  consequence  of  your  sym 
pathy."  He  concluded  by  announcing  that  whether 
the  lady  should  see  him  or  not,  when  she  should  ar 
rive  in  Charlestown,  would  be  for  the  Court  and  its 
officers  to  say.  The  Executive,  he  intimates,  and  the 
Judiciary  are  separate  branches  of  the  Government ;  a 
statement  that  the  first  attempt  to  try  Stevens  will 
explain. 


The  Conquering  Pen.  347 

The  gilded  threat  of  this  letter  caused  Mrs.  Child 
to  delay  her  departure  until  she  should  hear  from  the 
old  hero  himself.  When  his  letter  came,  it  prevented 
her  journey. 

JOHN  BROWN'S  LETTER  TO  MRS.  CHILD. 

[No  date.] 
MRS.  L.  MARIA  CHILD. 

My  dear  Friend :  (such  you  prove  to  be,  though  a  stranger :) 
Your  most  kind  letter  has  reached  me,  with  the  kind  offer  to  come 
here  and  take  care  of  me.  Allow  me  to  express  my  gratitude  for 
your  great  sympathy,  and  at  the  same  time  to  propose  to  you  a  differ 
ent  course,  together  with  my  reasons  for  wishing  it.  I  should  cer 
tainly  be  greatly  pleased  to  become  personally  acquainted  with  one  so 
gifted  and  so  kind ;  but  I  cannot  avoid  seeing  some  objections  to  it, 
under  present  circumstances.  First,  I  am  in  charge  of  a  most  humane 
gentleman,  who,  with  his  family,  have  rendered  me  every  possible 
attention  I  have  desired,  or  that  could  be  of  the  least  advantage  ;  and 
I  am  so  far  recovered  from  my  wounds  as  no  longer  to  require  nurs 
ing.  Then,  again,  it  would  subject  you  to  great  personal  inconven 
ience  and  heavy  expense,  without  doing  me  any  good. 

Allow  me  to  name  to  you  another  channel  through  which  you  may 
reach  me  with  your  sympathies  much  more  effectually.  I  have  at 
home  a  wife  and  three  young  daughters  —  the  youngest  but  little  over 
five  years  old,  the  oldest  nearly  sixteen.  I  have  also  two  daughters- 
in-law,  whose  husbands  have  both  fallen  near  me  here.  There  is  also 
another  widow,  Mrs.  Thompson,  whose  husband  fell  here.  Whether 
she  is  a  mother  or  not  TL  cannot  say.  All  these,  my  wife  included, 
live  at  North  Elba,  Essex  County,  New  York.  I  have  a  middle-aged 
son,  who  has  been,  in  some  degree,  a  cripple  from  his  childhood,  who 
would  have  as  much  as  he  could  well  do  to  earn  a  living.  He  was  a 
most  dreadful  sufferer  in  Kansas,  and  lost  all  he  had  laid  up.  He  has 
not  enough  to  clothe  himself  for  the  winter  comfortably.  I  have  no 
living  son,  or  son-in-law,  who  did  not  suffer  terribly  in  Kansas. 

Now,  dear  friend,  would  you  not  as  soon  contribute  fifty  cents 
now,  and  a  like  sum  yearly,  for  the  relief  of  those  very  poor  and 
deeply  afflicted  persons,  to  enable  them  to  supply  themselves  and 
their  children  with  bread  and  very  plain  clothing,  and  to  enable  the 
children  to  receive  a  common  English  education  ?  Will  you  also 
devote  your  own  energies  to  induce  others  to  join  in  giving  a  like 
amount,  or  any  other  amount,  to  constitute  a  little  fund  for  the  pur 
pose  named  ?  V  • 


348  The  Conquering  Pen. 

I  cannot  see  how  your  coming  here  can  do  me  the  least  good1  f  and 
I  am  quite  certain  you  can  do  me  immense  good  where  you  are.  I 
am  quite  cheerful  under  all  my  afflicting  circumstances  and  prospects  ; 
having,  as  I  humbly  trust,  "  the  peace  of  God,  which  passeth  all 
understanding,"  to  rule  in  my  heart.  You  may  make  such  use  of  this 
as  you  see  fit.  God  Almighty  bless  and  reward  you  a  thousand  fold. 
Yours,  in  sincerity  and  truth,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   FROM   THE   QUAKER   LADY. 

NEWPORT,  R.  I.,  Tenth  Month,  27th,  1859. 
CAPT.  JOHN  BROWN. 

Dear  Friend  :  Since  thy  arrest,  I  have  often  thought  of  thee,  and 
have  wished  that,  like  Elizabeth  Fry  towards  her  prison  friends,  so  I 
might  console  thee  in  thy  confinement.  But  that  can  never  be,  and  so 
I  can  only  write  thee  a  few  lines,  which,  if  they  contain  any  comfort, 
may  come  to  thee  like  some  little  ray  of  light.  You  can  never  know 
how  very  many  dear  friends  love  thee  with  all  their  hearts,  for  thy 
brave  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  poor  oppressed ;  and  though  we,  who 
are  non-resistants,  and  religiously  believe  it  better  to  reform  by  moral, 
and  not  by  carnal,  weapons,  could  not  approve  of  bloodshed,  yet  we 
know  thee  was  animated  by  the  most  generous  and  philanthropic 
motives.  Very  many  thousands  openly  approve  thy  intentions,  though 
most  friends  would  not  think  it  right  to  take  up  arms.  Thousands 
pray  for  thee  every  day;  and,  O,  I  do  pray  that  God  will  be  with  thy 
soul.  Posterity  will  do  thee  justice.  If  Moses  led  out  the  thousands 
of  Jewish  slaves  from  their  bondage,  and  God  destroyed  the  Egyptians 
in  the  sea  because  they  went  after  the  Israelites  to  bring  them  back  to 
slavery,  then,  surely,  by  the  same  reasoning,  we  may  judge  thee  a 
deliverer  who  wished  to  release  millions  fr«m  a  more  cruel  oppres 
sion.  If  the  American  people  honor  Washington  for  resisting  with 
Bloodshed  for  seven  years  an  unjust  tax,  how  much  more  ought  thou 
to  be  honored  for  seeking  to  free  the  poor  slaves  !  O,  I  wish  I  could 
plead  for  thee,  as  some  of  the  other  sex  can  plead ;  how  I  would  seek 
to  defend  thee  !  If  I  had  now  the  eloquence  of  Portia  ;  how  I  would 
turn  the  scale  hi  thy  favor  !  But  I  can  only  pray,  "  God  bless  thee  !  " 
God  pardon  thee,  and,  through  our  Redeemer,  give  thee  safety  and 
happiness  now  and  always.  From  thy  friend,  E.  B. 

JOHN  BROWN'S  REPLY. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  November  1,  1859. 
My  dear  Friend,  E.  B.  of  R.  I. :     Your  most   cheering   letter  of 
27th  of  October  is  received,  and  may  the  Lord  reward  you  a  thousand 
fold  for  the  kind  feeling  you  express  towards  me  ;  but  more  especially 


The  Conquering  Pen.  349 

for  your  fidelity  to  the  "poor  that  cry,  and  those  that  have  no  help." 
For  this  I  am  a  prisoner  in  bonds.  It  is  solely  my  own  fault,  in  a 
military  point  of  view,  that  we  met  with  our  disaster  —  I  mean  that  I 
mingled  with  our  prisoners,  and  so  far  sympathized  with  them  and 
their  families,  that  I  neglected  my  duty  in  other  respects.  But  God's 
will,  not  mine,  be  done. 

You  know  that  Christ  once  armed  Peter.  So  also  in  my  case ;  I 
think  he  put  a  sword  into  my  hand,  and  there  continued  it,  so  long  as 
he  saw  best,  and  then  kindly  took  it  from  me.  I  mean  when  I  first 
went  to  Kansas.  I  wish  you  could  know  with  what  cheerfulness  I  am 
now  wielding  the  "  sword  of  the  Spirit"  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the 
left.  I  bless  God  that  it  proves  "mighty  to  the  pulling  down  of 
strongholds."  I  always  loved  my  Quaker  friends,  and  I  commend  to 
their  kind  regard  my  poor,  bereaved,  widowed  wife,  and  my  daughters 
and  daughters-in-law,  whose  husbands  fell  at  my  side.  One  is  a 
mother,  and  the  other  likely  to  become  so  soon.  They,  as  well  as  my 
own  sorrow-stricken  daughter,  are  left  very  poor,  and  have  much 
greater  need  of  sympathy  than  I,  who,  through  Infinite  Grace  and  the 
kindness  of  strangers,  am  "joyful  in  all  my  tribulations." 

Dear  sister,  write  them  at  North  Elba,  Essex  Co.,  N.  Y.,  to  comfort 
their  sad  hearts.  Direct  to  Mary  A.  Brown,  wife  of  John  Brown. 
There  is  also  another,  a  widow,  wife  of  Thompson,  who  fell  with  my 
poor  boys  in  the  affair  at  Harper's  Ferry,  at  the  same  place. 

I  do  not  feel  conscious  of  guilt  in  taking  up  arms ;  and  had  it  been 
in  behalf  of  the  rich  and  powerful,  the  intelligent,  the  great,  —  as 
men  count  greatness,  —  of  those  who  form  enactments  to  suit  them 
selves  and  corrupt  others,  or  some  of  their  friends,  that  1  interfered, 
suffered,  sacrificed,  and  fell,  it  would  have  been  doing  very  well.  But 
enough  of  this. 

These  light  afflictions,  which  endure  for  a  moment,  shall  work  out 
for  me  a  far  more  exceeding  and  eternal  weight  of  glory.  I  would  be 
very  grateful  for  another  letter  from  you.  My  wounds  are  healing. 
Farewell.  God  will  surely  attend  to  his  own  cause  in  the  best  possible 
way  and  time,  and  he  will  not  forget  the  work  of  his  own  hands. 

Your  friend,  JOHX  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    HIS   FAMILY. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  8th  Nov.,  1859. 
Dear  Wife  and  Children  —  Every  One :  I  will  begin  by  saying  that 
I  have  in  some  degree  recovered  from  my  wounds,  but  that  I  am  quite 
weak  in  my  back,  and  sore  about  my  left  kidney.  My  appetite  has 
been  quite  good  for  most  of  the  time  since  I  was  hurt.  I  am  supplied 
with  almost  every  thing  I  could  desire  to  make  me  comfortable,  and 

30 


350  The  Conquering  Pen. 

the  little  I  do  lack  (some  articles  of  clothing,  which  I  lost)  I  may 
perhaps  soon  get  again.  I  am,  besides,  quite  cheerful,  having  (as  I 
trust)  the  peace  of  God,  which  "passeth  all  understanding,"  to  "rule 
in  my  heart,"  and  the  testimony  (in  some  degree)  of  a  good  conscience 
that  I  have  not  lived  altogether  in  vain.  I  can  trust  God  "vith  both 
the  time  and  the  manner  of  my  death,  believing,  as  I  now  dc-,  that,  for 
me  at  this  time  to  seal  my  testimony  (for  God  and  humanity)  with  my 
blood,  will  do  vastly  more  towards  advancing  the  cause  I  have  ear 
nestly  endeavored  to  promote,  than  all  I  have  done  in  my  life  before. 
I  beg  of  you  all  meekly  and  quietly  to  submit  to  this ;  not  feeling 
yourselves  in  the  least  degraded  on  that  account.  Remember,  dear 
wife  and  children  all,  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth  suffered  a  most  excru 
ciating  death  on  the  cross  as  a  felon,  under  the  most  aggravating 
circumstances.  Think,  also,  of  the  prophets,  and  apostles,  and  Chris 
tians  of  former  days,  who  went  through  greater  tribulations  than  you 
or  I ;  and  (try  to)  be  reconciled.  May  God  Almighty  comfort  all 
your  hearts,  and  soon  wipe  away  all  tears  from  your  eyes.  To  him  be 
endless  praise.  Think,  too,  of  the  crushed  millions  who  "have  no 
comforter."  I  charge  you  all  never  (in  your  trials)  to  forget  the 
griefs  of  "  the  poor  that  cry,  and  of  those  that  have  none  to  help  them." 
I  wrote  most  earnestly  to  my  dear  and  afflicted  wife  not  to  come  on 
for  the  present  at  any  rate.  I  will  now  give  her  my  reasons  for  doing 
so.  First,  it  would  use  up  all  the  scanty  means  she  has,  or  is  at  all 
likely  to  have,  to  make  herself  and  children  comfortable  hereafter. 
For  let  me  tell  you  that  the  sympathy  that  is  now  aroused  in  your 
behalf  may  not  always  follow  you.  There  is  but  little  more  of  the 
romantic  about  helping  poor  widows  and  their  children  than  there  is 
about  trying  to  relieve  poor  "  niggers."  Again,  the  little  comfort  it 
might  afford  us  to  meet  again  would  be  dearly  bought  by  the  pains  of 
a  final  separation.  We  must  part,  and,  I  feel  assured,  for  us  to  meet 
under  such  dreadful  circumstances  would  only  add  to  our  distress. 
If  she  come  on  here,  she  must  be  only  a  gazing  stock  throughout  the 
whole  journey,  to  be  remarked  upon  in  every  look,  word,  and  action, 
and  by  all  sorts  of  creatures,  and  by  all  sorts  of  papers  throughout  the 
whole  country.  Again,  it  is  my  most  decided  judgment  that  in  quietly 
and  submissively  staying  at  home,  vastly  more  of  generous  sympathy 
"will  reach  her,  without  such  dreadful  sacrifice  of  feeling  as  she  must 
put  up  with  if  she  comes  on.  The  visits  of  one  or  two  female  friends 
that  have  come  on  here  have  produced  great  excitement,  which  is  very 
annoying,  and  they  cannot  possibly  do  me  any  good.  O  Mary,  do 
not  come ;  but  patiently  wait  for  the  meeting  (of  those  who  love  God 
and  their  fellow-men)  where  no  separation  must  follow.  "  They  shall 
go  no  more  out  forever."  I  greatly  long  to  hear  from  some  one  of 


The  Conquering  Pen.  351 

you,  and  to  learn  any  thing  that  in  any  way  affects  your  welfare.  I 
sent  you  ten  dollars  the  other  day.  Did  you  get  it  ?  I  have  also 
endeavored  to  stir  up  Christian  friends  to  visit  and  write  to  you  in 
your  deep  affliction.  I  have  no  doubt  that  some  of  them  at  least  will 
heed  the  call.  Write  to  me,  care  of  Capt.  John  Avis,  Charlestown, 
Jefferson  County,  Ya. 

"Finally,  my  beloved,  be  of  good  comfort."  May  all  your  names 
r>e  "written  on  the  Lamb's  book  of  life"  —  may  you  all  have  the 
purifying  and  sustaining  influence  of  the  Christian  religion  —  is  the 
earnest  prayer  of  your  affectionate  husband  and  father. 

JOHN  BROWN. 

P.  S.  I  cannot  remember  a  night  so  dark  as  to  have  hindered  the 
coming  day,  nor  a  storm  so  furious  or  dreadful  as  to  prevent  the 
return  of  warm  sunshine  and  a  cloudless  sky.  But,  beloved  ones, 
do  remember  that  this  is  not  your  rest,  that  in  this  world  you  have 
no  abiding  place  or  continuing  city.  To  God  and  his  infinite  mercy  I. 
always  commend  you.  J.  B. 

Nov.  9. 

LETTER   TO   HIS   HALF   BROTHER. 
CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  12,  1859. 

Dear  Brother  Jeremiah :  Your  kind  letter  of  the  9th  instant  is 
received,  and  also  one  from  Mr.  Tilden,  for  both  of  which  I  am  greatly 
obliged.  You  inquire,  ' '  Can  I  do  any  thing  for  you  or  your  family  ?  " 
I  would  answer  that  my  sons,  as  well  as  my  wife  and  daughter,  are  all 
very  poor,  and  that  any  thing  that  may  hereafter  be  due  me  from  my 
father's  estate  I  wish  paid  to  them,  as  I  will  endeavo^  hereafter  to 
describe,  without  legal  formalities  to  consume  it  all.  One  of  my  boys 
has  been  so  entirely  used  up  as  very  likely  to  be  in  want  of  comfort 
able  clothing  for  the  winter.  I  have,  through  the  kindness  of  friends, 
fifteen  dollars  to  send  him,  which  I  will  remit  shortly.  If  you  know 
where  to  reach  him,  please  send  him  that  amount  at  once,  as  I  shall 
remit  the  same  to  you  by  a  safe  conveyance.  If  I  had  a  plain  state 
ment  from  Mr.  Thompson  of  the  state  of  my  accounts,  with  the  estate 
of  my  lather,  I  should  then  better  know  what  to  say  about  that  mat 
ter.  As  it  is,  I  have  not  the  least  memorandum  left  me  to  refer  to.  If 
Mr.  Thompson  will  make  me  a  statement,  and  charge  my  dividend  fully 
for  his  trouble,  I  would  be  greatly  obliged  to  him.  In  that  case  you 
can  send  me  any  remarks  of  your  own.  I  am  gaining  in  health  slow 
ly,  and  am  quite  cheerful  in  view  of  my  approaching  end,  being  fully 
persuaded  that  I  am  worth  inconceivably  more  to  hang  than  for  any 
other  purpose.  God  Almighty  bless  and  save  you  a'.l. 

Your  affectionate  brother,  JOHN  BROWN. 

P.   S.     Nov.  13. —  Say  to  my  poor  boys  never  to  grieve  for  one 


352  The  Conquering  Pen. 

moment  on  my  account ;  and  should  many  of  you  live  to  see  the  time 
when  you  will  not  blush  to  own  your  relation  to  Old  John  Brown,  it 
will  not  be  more  strange  than  many  things  that  have  happened.  I  feeV 
a  thousand  times  more  on  account  of  my  sorrowing  friends  than  on 
my  own  account.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  "  count  it  all  joy."  "  I 
have  fought  the  good  fight,"  and  have,  as  I  trust,  "finished  my 
course."  Please  show  this  to  any  of  my  family  that  you  may  see. 
My  love  to  all ;  and  may  God,  hi  his  infinite  mercy,  for  Christ's  sake, 
bless  and  save  you  all.  Your  affectionate  brother,  J.  BROWN. 

LETTER   FROM   A    CHRISTIAN    CONSERVATIVE. 

WEST  NEWTON,  MASS.,  Nov.  5,  1859. 
CAPT.  JOHN  BROWN. 

Dear  Brother  :  Withholding  any  expression  of  opinion  respecting 
the  outbreak  at  Harper's  Ferry,  I  cannot  but  admire  your  bravery  and 
effort  to  save  life  during  the  conflict.  But,  above  all,  your  unwaver 
ing  faith  in  God  and  fidelity  to  principle,  your  fearless  answers,  your 
faithful  testimony  against  slavery,  and  your  noble,  self-sacrificing 
spirit  excite  the  admiration  of  all  who  venerate  justice,  truth,  and 
humanity. 

While  I  cannot  approve  of  all  your  acts,  I  stand  in  awe  of  your 
position  since  your  capture,  and  dare  not  oppose  you  lest  I  be  found 
fighting  against  God  ;  for  you  speak  as  one  having  authority,  and 
seem  to  be  strengthened  from  on  high.  Look  only  to  God  for  aid  in 
these  your  trying  hours,  which  if  they  be  brief,  may  the  illumination 
of  his  Spirit  and  of  a  lifetime  be  centred  in  the  time  allotted  you 
here.  If  called  to  ascend  the  gallows,  may  you  do  it  joyfully,  praising 
God  that  you  have  been  counted  worthy  to  die  for  those  ready  to  per 
ish  ;  and,  like  his  Son,  may  you  feel  to  forgive  and  bless  those  who 
take  your  life.  Many,  yes,  a  multitude,  appreciate  you  now;  and 
were  you  ambitious  of  immortal  fame,  you  might  now  enjoy  a  fore 
taste  of  that  which  is  to  come,  if  you  die  as  you  have  lived  since  a 
prisoner. 

Your  family  will  not  be  forgotten  ;  their  wants  will  be  attended  to 
abundantly  by  those  who  love  heroism  and  integrity  to  principle,  and 
by  the  Father  who  suffers  not  a  sparrow  to  fall  to  the  ground  without 
his  notice.  My  prayers  you  have.  May  God  give  you  strength  and 
resignation,  and  inspire  you  to  utter  words  of  wisdom,  warning,  cour 
age,  and  love  to  those  you  leave. 

I  would  imprint  on  your  sacred  face  the  kiss  of  sympathy  and  love 
ere  you  join  the  multitude  of  martyrs  who  have  gone  before  you.  But 
this  cannot  be.  God  bless  you.  I  would  ask  a  line  from  you,  but 
would  not  tax  your  brief  time ;  for  never  having  seen  you,  I  should 


The  Conquering  Pen.  353 

sacredly  cherish  a  line  from  your  hand.  Believing  God  reigns,  I  feel 
to  view  these  recent  events  as  his  providence,  which  in  time  may  be 
fully  manifested,  although  at  present  inscrutable.  A  host  of  friends 
love  and  remember  you,  and  I  speak  for  many  in  my  immediate  neigh 
borhood.  Farewell,  dear  brother.  God  bless  you. 

JOHN  BROWN'S  REPLY  TO  A  CHRISTIAN  CONSERVATIVE. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  15,  1859. 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  kind  mention  of  some  things  in  my  conduct 
here,  which  you  approve,  is  very  comforting  indeed  to  my  mind.  Yet 
I  am  conscious  that  you  do  me  no  more  than  justice.  I  do  certainly 
teel  that  through  divine  grace  I  have  endeavored  to  be  "faithful  in  a 
very  few  things,"  mingling  with  even  these  much  of  imperfection.  I 
am  certainly  "  unworthy  even  to  suffer  affliction  with  the  people  of 
God ;  "  yet  in  infinite  grace  he  has  THUS  honored  me.  May  the  same 
grace  enable  me  to  serve  him  in  a  "  new  obedience,"  through  my  little 
remainder  of  this  life,  and  to  rejoice  in  him  forever.  I  cannot  feel 
that  God  will  suffer  even  the  poorest  service  we  may  any  of  us  render 
him  or  his  cause  to  be  lost  or  in  vain.  I  do  feel,  "  dear  brother," 
that  I  am  wonderfully  "  strengthened  from  on  high." 

May  I  use  that  strength  in  "  showing  his  strength  unto  this  genera 
tion,"  and  his  power  to  every  one  that  is  to  come.  I  am  most  grate 
ful  for  your  assurance  that  my  poor,  shattered,  heart-broken  "family 
will  not  be  forgotten."  I  have  long  triei?  to  recommend  them  to  "  the 
God  of  my  fathers."  I  have  many  opportunities  for  faithful  plain  deal 
ing  with  the  more  powerful,  influential,  and  intelligent  classes  in  this 
region,  which,  I  trust,  are  not  entirely  misimproved.  I  humbly  trust 
that  I  firmly  believe  that  "  God  reigns,"  and  I  think  I  can  truly  say, 
"  Let  the  earth  rejoice."  May  God  take  care  of  his  men  cause,  and  of 
his  own  great  name,  as  well  as  of  those  who  love  their  neighbors. 

Farewell !  Yours,  in  truth,  JOHN  BROWN. 

The  next  letter  was  addressed  to  his  old  school 
master,  in  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  and  is  thus  intro 
duced  by  the  Rev.  L.  W.  Bacon : 

"My  aged  friend,  the  Rev.  H.  L.  Vaill,  of  this  place,  remembers 
John  Brown  as  having  been  under  his  instruction  in  the  year  1817, 
at  Morris  Academy.  He  was  a  godly  youth,  laboring  to  recover  from 
his  disadvantages  of  early  education,  in  the  hope  of  entering  the  min 
istry  of  the  gospel.  Since  then,  the  teacher  and  pupil  have  met  but 
once  to  take  «  a  retrospective  look  over  the  route  by  which  God  had 
led  them.'  But  a  short  time  since,  Mr.  Vaill  wrote  to  Brown,  in  his 

30* 


354  The  Conquering  Pen. 

prison,  a  letter  of  Christian  friendship,  to  which  he  has  received  the 
following  heroic  and  sublime  reply.  Has  ever  such  an  epistle  been 
written  from  a  condemned  cell  since  the  letter  <  to  Timotheus,'  when 
Paul  '  was  brought  before  Nero  the  second  time '  ? 

"I  have  copied  it  faithfully  from  the  autograph  that  lies  before  me, 
without  the  change  or  omission  of  a  word,  except  to  omit  the  full  name 
of  the  friends  to  whom  he  sends  his  message.  The  words  in  Italics 
and  capitals  are  so  underscored  in  the  original.  The  handwriting  is 
clear  and  firm ;  but  towards  the  end  of  the  sheet  seems  to  show  that 
the  sick  old  man's  hand  was  growing  weary.  The  very  characters 
make  an  appeal  to  us  for  our  sympathy  and  prayers.  «  His  salutation 
wii  his  own  hand.  Remember  his  bonds.'  " 

LETTER   TO   HIS   SCHOOLMASTER. 
CHARLES-TOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  YA.,  Nov.  15,  1859. 
REV.  H.  L.  VAILL. 

My  dear,  steadfast  Friend :  Your  most  kind  and  most  welcome 
letter  of  the  8th  instant  reached  me  in  due  time. 

I  am  very  grateful  for  all  the  good  feeling  you  express,  and  also  for 
the  kind  counsels  you  give,  together  with  your  prayers  in  my  behalf. 
Allow  me  here  to  say,  that  notwithstanding  "  my  soul  is  amongst 
lions,"  still  I  believe  that  "  God  in  very  deed  is  with  me."  You  will 
not,  therefore,  feel  surprised  when  I  tell  you  that  I  am  "  joyful  in  all 
my  tribulations  ;  "  that  I  do  not  feel  condemned  of  Him  whose  judg 
ment  is  just,  nor  of  my  own  conscience.  Nor  do  I  feel  degraded  by 
my  imprisonment,  my  chain,  or  prospect  of  the  gallows.  I  have  not 
only  been  (though  utterly  unworthy)  permitted  to  "  suffer  affliction 
with  God's  people,"  but  have  also  had  a  great  many  rare  opportuni 
ties  for  "  preaching  righteousness  in  the  great  congregation."  I  trust 
it  will  not  all  be  lost.  The  jailer  (in  whose  charge  I  am)  and  his  fam 
ily  and  assistants  have  all  been  most  kind ;  and,  notwithstanding  he 
was  one  of  the  bravest  of  all  who  fought  me,  he  is  now  being  abused  for 
his  humanity.  So  far  as  my  observation  goes,  none  but  brave  men  are 
likely  to  be  humane  to  a  fallen  foe.  Cowards  prove  their  courage  by 
their  ferocity.  It  may  be  done  in  that  way  with  but  little  risk. 

I  wish  I  could  write  you  about  a  few  only  of  the  interesting  times  I 
here  experience  with  different  classes  of  men  —  clergymen  among 
others.  Christ,  the  great  Captain  of  liberty  as  well  as  of  salvation, 
and  who  began  his  mission,  as  foretold  of  him,  by  proclaiming  it,  saw 
fit  to  take  from  me  a  sword  of  steel  after  I  had  carried  it  for  a  time  ; 
but  he  has  put  another  in  my  hand,  ("  the  sword  of  the  Spirit ;  ")  and 
I  pray  God  to  make  me  a  faithful  soldier  wherever  he  may  send  me  — 
not  less  on  the  scaffold  than  wher.  surrounded  by  my  warmest  sym 
pathizers. 


The  Conquering  Pen.  355 

My  dear  old  friend,  I  do  assure  you  I  have  not  forgotten  our  last 
meeting,  nor  our  retrospective  look  over  the  route  by  which  God  had 
then  led  us ;  and  I  bless  his  name  that  he  has  again  enabled  me  to 
hear  your  -words  of  cheering  and  comfort  at  a  time  when  I,  at  least, 
am  on  the  "  brink  of  Jordan."  See  Bunyan's  Pilgrim.  God  in  in 
finite  mercy  grant  us  soon  another  meeting  on  the  opposite  shore.  I 
have  often  passed  under  the  rod  of  Him  whom  I  call  my  Father  ;  and 
certainly  no  son  ever  needed  it  oftener ;  and  yet  I  have  enjoyed  much 
of  life,  as  I  was  enabled  to  discover  the  secret  of  this  somewhat  early. 
It  has  been  in  making  the  prosperity  and  the  happiness  of  others  my 
own ;  so  that  really  I  have  had  a  great  deal  of  prosperity.  I  am  very 
prosperous  still,  and  looking  forward  to  a  time  when  "  peace  on  earth 
and  good  will  to  men  "  shall  every  where  prevail ;  I  have  no  murmur 
ing  thoughts  or  envious  feelings  to  fret  my  mind.  "  I'll  praise  my 
Maker  with  my  breath." 

Your  assurance  of  the  earnest  sympathy  of  the  friends  in  my  native 
land  is  very  grateful  to  my  feelings  ;  and  allow  me  to  say  a  word  of 
comfort  to  them : 

As  I  believe  most  firmly  that  God  reigns,  I  cannot  believe  that  any 
thing  I  have  done,  suffered,  or  may  yet  suffer,  will  be  lost  to  the  cause  of 
God  or  of  humanity.  And  before  I  began  my  work  at  Harper's  Ferry, 
I  felt  assured  that  in  the  worst  event  it  would  certainly  PAY.  I  often 
expressed  that  belief,  and  can  now  see  no  possible  cause  to  alter  my 
mind.  I  am  not  as  yet,  in  the  main,  at  all  disappointed.  I  have  been 
a  good  deal  disappointed  as  it  regards  myself  in  not  keeping  up  to  my 
own  plans ;  but  I  now  feel  entirely  reconciled  to  that,  even  ;  for  God's 
plan  wras  infinitely  better,  no  doubt,  or  I  should  have  kept  to  my  own. 
Had  Samson  kept  to  his  determination  of  not  telling  Delilah  wherein 
his  great  strength  lay,  he  would  probably  have  never  overturned  the 
house.  I  did  not  tell  Delilah ;  but  I  was  induced  to  act  very  contrary 
to  my  better  judgment ;  and  I  have  lost  my  two  noble  boys,  and  other 
friends,  if  not  my  tico  eyes. 

But  "  God's  will,  not  mine,  be  done."  I  feel  a  comfortable  hope  that 
like  that  erring  servant  of  whom  I  have  just  been  writing,  even  I  may 
(through  infinite  mercy  in  Christ  Jesus)  yet  "die  in  faith."  As  to  both 
the  time  and  manner  of  my  death,  I  have  but  very  little  trouble  on  that 
score,  and  am  able  to  be  (as  you  exhort)  "  of  good  cheer." 

I  send  through  you  my  best  wishes  to  Mrs.  \V and  her  son 

George,  and  to  all  dear  friends.     May  the  God  of  the  poor  and  op 
pressed  be  the  God  and  Saviour  of  you  all. 

Farewell,  till  we  meet  again. 

Your  friend,  in  truth,  JOHN  BROWN. 


356  The  Conquering  Pen. 

LETTER   TO    HIS   WIPE. 
CHAKLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  16th  Nov.,  1859. 

My  dear  Wife :     I  write  you  in  answer  to  a  most  kind  letter,  of 

November  13,  from  dear  Mrs. .    I  owe  her  ten  thousand  thanks  for 

her  kindness  to  you  particularly,  and  more  especially  than  for  what  she 
has  done,  and  is  doing,  in  a  more  direct  way  for  me  personally. 
Although  I  feel  grateful  for  every  expression  of  kindness  or  sympathy 
towards  me,  yet  nothing  can  so  effectually  minister  to  my  comfort  as 
acts  of  kindness  done  to  relieve  the  wants  or  mitigate  the  sufferings 
of  my  poor,  distressed  family.  May  God  Almighty  and  their  own  con 
sciousness  be  their  eternal  rewarders.  I  am  exceedingly  rejoiced  to 
have  you  make  the  acquaintance,  and  be  surrounded  by,  such  choice 
friends  as  I  have  long  known  some  of  those  to  be,  with  whom  you  are 
staying,  by  reputation.  I  am  most  glad  to  have  you  meet  with  one  of  a 
family  (or  I  would  rather  say  of  two  families)  most  beloved  and  never  to  be 

forgotten  by  me.    I  mean  dear,  gentle .    Many  and  many  a  time  lias 

she,  her  father,  mother,  brother,  sisters,  uncle  and  aunt  (like  angels  of  mercy) 
ministered  to  the  wants  of  myself  and  of  my  poor  sons,  both  in  sick 
ness  and  in  health.  Only  last  year  I  lay  sick  for  quite  a  number  of 
weeks  with  them,  and  was  cared  for  by  all,  as  though  I  had  been  a 
most  affectionate  brother  or  father.  Tell  her  that  I  ask  God  to  bless 
and  reward  them  all  forever.  "  I  was  a  stranger,  and  they  took  me  in." 

It  may  possibly  be  that  would  like  to  copy  this   letter,  and 

send  it  to  her  home.  If  so,  by  all  means  let  her  do  so.  /  would  write 
them  if  I  had  the  power. 

Now  let  me  say  a  word  about  the  effort  to  educate  our  daughters. 
I  am  no  longer  able  to  provide  means  to  help  towards  that  object,  and 
it  therefore  becomes  me  not  to  dictate  in  the  matter.  I  shall  grate 
fully  submit  the  direction  of  the  whole  thing  to  those  whose  gener 
osity  may  lead  them  to  undertake  it  in  their  behalf,  while  I  give  anew 
a  little  expression  of  my  own  choice  respecting  it.  You,  my  wife, 
perfectly  well  know  that  I  have  always  expressed  a  decided  preference  for 
a  very  plain,  but  perfectly  practical,  education  for  both  sons  and  daughters. 
I  do  not  mean  an  education  so  very  miserable  as  that  you  and  I  received 
in  early  life,  nor  as  some  of  our  children  enjoyed.  When  I  say  plain, 
but  practical,  I  mean  enough  of  the  learning  of  the  schools  to  enable 
them  to  transact  the  common  business  of  life  comfortably  and  respect 
ably,  together  with  that  thorough  training  to  good  business  habits 
which  best  prepares  both  men  and  women  to  be  useful,  though  poor, 
and  to  meet  the  stern  REALITIES  of  life  with  a  good  grace.  You  well 
know  that  I  always  claimed  that  the  music  of  the  broom,  wash-tub, 
needle,  spindle,  loom,  axe,  scythe,  hoe,  flail,  &c.,  should  first  be 
learned  at  all  events,  and  that  of  the  piano,  &c.,  AFTERWARDS.  I  put 
them  in  that  order  as  most  conductive  to  health  of  bodv  and  mind ; 


The  Conquering  Pen.  357 

and  for  the  obvious  reason  that,  after  a  life  of  some  experience  and  of 
much  observation,  I  have  found  ten  women  as*well  as  ten  men  who  have 
made  their  mark  in  life  right,  whose  early  training  was  of  that  plain, 
practical  kind,  to  one  who  had  a  more  popular  and  fashionable  early 
training.  But  enough  of  this. 

Now,  in  regard  to  your  coming  here  :  If  you  feel  sure  that  you  can 
endure  the  trials  and  the  shock,  which  will  be  ^lnavo^dallc,  (if  you 
come,)  I  should  be  most  glad  to  see  you  once  more ;  but  when  I  think 
of  your  being  insulted  on  the  road,  and  perhaps  while  here,  and  of 
only  seeing  your  wretchedness  made  complete,  I  shrink  from  it.  Your 
composure  and  fortitude  of  mind  may  be  quite  equal  to  it  all ;  but  I 
am  in  dreadful  doubt  of  it.  If  you  do  come,  defer  your  journey  till 
about  the  27th  or  28th  of  this  month.  The  scenes  which  you  will 
have  to  pass  through  on  coming  here  will  be  any  thing  but  those  you 
now  pass,  with  tender-hearted  friends,  and  kind  faces  to  meet  you 
every  where.  Do  consider  the  matter  well  before  you  make  the  plunge. 
I  think  I  had  better  say  no  more  on  this  most  painful  subject.  My 
health  improves  a  little  ;  my  mind  is  very  tranquil,  I  may  say  joyous, 
and  I  continue  to  receive  every  kind  attention  that  I  have  any  possible 
need  of.  I  wish  you  to  send  copies  of  all  my  letters  to  all  our  poor 
children.  What  I  write  to  one  must  answer  for  all,  till  I  have  more 
strength.  I  get  numerous  kind  letters  from  friends  in  almost  all 
directions,  to  encourage  me  to  « '  be  of  good  cheer,"  and  I  still  have, 
as  I  trust,  "the  peace  of  God  to  rule  in  my  heart."  May  God,  for 
Christ's  sake,  ever  make  his  face  to  shine  on  you  all. 

Your  affectionate  husband,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER  TO  A  YOUNG  FRIEND, 
CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  17,  1859. 
My  Dear  Young  Friend :  —  I  have  just  received  your  most  kind  and 
welcome  letter  of  the  loth  inst.,  but  did  not  get  any  other  from  you. 
I  am  under  many  obligations  to  you,  and  to  your  father,  for  all  the 
kindness  you  have  shown  me,  especially  since  my  disaster.  May  God 
and  your  own  consciences  ever  be  your  rewarders.  Tell  your  father 
that  I  am  quite  cheerful  —  that  I  do  not  feel  myself  in  the  least  c.e- 
graded  by  my  imprisonment,  my  chains,  or  the  near  prospect  of  the 
gallows.  Men  cannot  imprison,  or  chain,  or  hang  the  soul.  I  go 
joyfully  in  behalf  of  millions  that  "  have  no  rights  "  that  this  great  and 
glorious,  this  Christian  Republic  is  "  bound  to  respect."  Strange 
change  in  morals,  political  as  well  as  Christian,  since  1776  !  I  look 
forward  to  other  changes  to  take  place  in  God's  good  time,  fully 
believing  that  the  "  fashion  of  this  world  passeth  away." 
Farewell.  May  God  abundantly  bless  you  all ! 

Your  friend,  JOHN  BROWN. 


358  The  Conquering  Pen. 

LETTER  TO  HIS  SON  JASON. 
CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  22,  1859 
Dear  Children:  Your  most  welcome  letters  of  the  16th  inst.  I  have 
just  received,  and  I  bless  God  that  he  has  enabled  you  to  bear  the 
heavy  tidings  of  our  disaster  with  so  much  seeming  resignation  and 
composure  of  mind.  That  is  exactly  the  thing  I  have  wished  you  all 
to  do  for  me  —  to  be  cheerful  and  perfectly  resigned  to  the  holy  will 
of  a  wise  and  good  God.  I  bless  his  most  holy  name,  that  I  am,  (I 
trust,)  in  some  good  measure,  able  to  do  the  same.  I  am  even  "joy 
ful  in  all  my  tribulations,"  even  since  my  confinement,  and  I  humbly 
trust  that  "I  know  in  whom  I  have  trusted."  A  calm  peace  (per 
haps)  like  that  which  your  own  dear  mother  felt,  in  view  of  her  last 
change,  seems  to  fill  my  mind  by  day  and  by  night.  Of  this,  neither 
the  powers  of  "earth  or  hell"  can  deprive  me.  Do  not,  dear  chil 
dren,  any  of  you,  grieve  for  a  single  moment  on  my  account.  As  I 
trust  my  life  has  not  been  thrown  away,  so  I  also  humbly  trust  that 
my  death  shall  not  be  in  vain.  God  can  make  it  to  be  a  thousand 
times  more  valuable  to  his  own  cause  than  all  the  miserable  service 
(at  best)  that  I  have  rendered  it  during  my  life.  When  I  was  first 
taken,  I  was  too  feeble  to  write  much  ;  so  I  wrote  what  I  could  to 
North  Elba,  requesting  Ruth  and  Anne  to  send  you  copies  of  all  my 
letters  to  them.  I  hope  they  have  done  so,  and  that  you,  Ellen,  will 
do  the  same  with  what  I  may  send  to  you,  as  it  is  still  quite  a  labor 
for  me  to  write  all  that  I  need  to.  I  want  your  brothers  to  know  what 
I  write,  if  you  know  where  to  reach  them.  I  wrote  Jeremiah,  a  few 
days  since,  to  supply  a  trifling  assistance,  fifteen  dollars,  to  such  of 
you  as  might  be  most  destitute.  I  got  his  letter,  but  do  not  know  as 
he  got  mine.  I  hope  to  get  another  letter  from  him  soon.  I  also 
asked  him  to  show  you  my  letter.  I  know  of  nothing  you  can  any 
of  you  now  do  for  me,  unless  it  is  to  comfort  your  own  hearts,  and 
cheer  and  encourage  each  other  to  trust  in  God,  and  Jesus  Christ, 
whom  he  hath  sent.  If  you  will  keep  his  sayings,  you  shall  certainly 
"  know  of  his  doctrine,  whether  it  be  of  God  or  no."  Nothing  can 
be  more  grateful  to  me  than  your  earnest  sympathy,  except  it  be  to 
know  that  you  are  fully  persuaded  to  be  Christians.  And  now,  dear 
children,  farewell  for  this  time.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  write  you 
again.  The  God  of  my  father  take  you  for  his  children. 

Your  affectionate  father,  JOHN  BROWN. 

NOTE.  —  The  remittance  referred  to  was  unquestionably  intended 
for  Owen  Brown,  who  escaped  from  Harper's  Ferry,  but  is  supposed 
to  be  destitute  even  of  a  change  of  clothing.  The  significant  allusion 
in  the  letter  shows  that  the  father  was  confident  of  Owen's  safety.  — 
Akron  (0.)  Beacon. 


The  Conquering  Pen. 


LETTER   TO   AN   OHIO    CLERGYMAN. 

JAIL,  CHARLESTOWN,  Wednesday,  Nov.  23,  1859. 

McFARLAND. 

Dear  Friend :  Although  you  -write  to  me  as  a  stranger,  the  spirit 
you  show  towards  me  and  the  cause  for  which  I  am  in  bonds,  makes 
me  feel  towards  you  as  a  dear  friend.  I  would  be  glad  to  have  you, 
or  any  of  my  liberty-loving  ministerial  friends  here,  to  talk  and  pray 
with  me.  I  am  not  a  stranger  to  the  way  of  salvation  by  Christ. 
From  my  youth  I  have  studied  much  on  that  subject,  and  at  one  time 
hoped  to  be  a  minister  myself;  but  God  had  another  work  for  me  to 
do.  To  me  it  is  given  in  behalf  of  Christ,  not  only  to  believe  on  him, 
but  also  to  suffer  for  his  sake.  But  while  I  trust  that  I  have  some 
experimental  and  saving  knowledge  of  religion,  it  would  be  a  great 
pleasure  to  me  to  nave  some  one  better  qualified  than  myself  to  lead 
my  mind  in  prayor  and  meditation,  now  that  my  time  is  so  near  a 
close.  You  may  wonder,  are  there  no  ministers  of  the  gospel  here  ? 
I  answer,  No.  There  are  no  ministers  of  Christ  here.  These  minis 
ters  who  profess  to  be  Christian,  and  hold  slaves  or  advocate  slavery, 
I  cannot  abide  them.  My  knees  will  not  bend  in  prayer  with  them 
while  their  hands  are  stained  with  the  blood  of  souls.  The  subject 
you  mention  as  having  been  preaching  on,  the  day  before  you  wrote 
to  me,  is  one  which  I  have  often  thought  of  since  my  imprisonment. 
I  think  I  feel  as  happy  as  Paul  did  when  he  lay  in  prison.  He  knew 
if  they  killed  him  it  would  greatly  advance  the  cause  of  Christ ;  that 
was  the  reason  he  rejoiced  so.  On  that  same  ground  "I  do  rejoice, 
yea,  and  will  rejoice."  Let  them  hang  me  ;  I  forgive  them,  and  may 
God  forgive  them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do.  I  have  no  regret 
for  the  transaction  for  which  I  am  condemned.  I  went  against  the 
laws  of  men,  it  is  true  ;  but  ' '  whether  it  be  right  to  obey  God  or  men, 
judge  ye."  Christ  told  me  to  remember  them  that  are  in  bonds,  as 
bound  with  them,  to  do  towards  them  as  I  would  wish  them  to  do  towards 
me  in  similar  circumstances.  My  conscience  bade  me  do  that.  I 
tried  to  do  it,  but  failed.  Therefore  I  have  no  regret  on  that  score. 
I  have  no  sorrow  either  as  to  the  result,  only  for  my  poor  wife  and 
children.  They  have  suffered  much,  and  it  is  hard  to  leave  them  un- 
cared  for.  But  God  will  be  a  husband  to  the  widow,  and  a  father  to 
the  fatherless. 

I  have  frequently  been  in  Wooster ;  and  if  any  of  my  old  friends 
from  about  Akron  are  there,  you  can  show  them  this  letter.  I  have 
but  a  few  more  days,  and  I  feel  anxious  to  be  away,  "  where  the  wicked 
cease  from  troubling,  and  the  weary  are  at  rest."  Farewell. 

Your  friend,  and  the  friend  of  all  friends  of  liberty, 

JOHN  BROWN. 


360  The  Conquering  Pen. 

From  a  subsequent  letter,  dated  Nov.  24,  we  make 
the  following  extract : 

I  have  had  many  interesting  visits  from  pro-slavery  persons,  almost 
daily,  and  I  endeavor  to  improve  them  faithfully,  -plainly,  and  kindly. 
I  do  not  think  I  ever  enjoyed  life  better  than  since  my  confinement 
here.     For  this  I  am  indebted  to  Infinite  Grace,  and  kind  letters  from 
friends  from  different  quarters.     I  wish  I  couM  only  know  that  all 
my  poor  family  were  as  composed  and  as  happy  as  I.     I  think  nothing 
but  the  Christian  religion  could  ever  make  any  one  so  composed. 
"  My  willing  soul  would  stay 
In  such  a  frame  as  this." 

JOHN  BROWN. 
LETTER   TO   MR.    HOYT. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  YA.,  Nov.  24,  1859. 
GEORGE  II.  HOYT,  ESQ. 

Dear  Sir :  Your  kind  letter  of  the  22d  inst.  is  received.  I  exceed 
ingly  regret  my  inability  to  make  you  some  other  acknowledgment  for 
all  your  efforts  in  my  behalf  than  that  which  consists  merely  in  words ; 
but  so  it  is.  May  God  and  a  good  conscience  be  your  continual  re 
ward.  I  really  do  not  see  what  you  can  do  with  me  any  further.  I 
commend  my  poor  family  to  the  kind  remembrance  of  all  friends,  but  I 
well  understand  that  they  are  not  the  only  poor  in  our  world.  I  ought 
to  begin  to  leave  off  saying  our  world.  I  have  but  very  little  idea  of 
the  charges  made  against  Mr.  Griswold,  as  I  get  to  see  but  little  of 
what  is  afloat.  I  am  very  sorry  for  any  wrong  that  may  be  done  him ; 
but  I  have  no  means  of  contradicting  any  thing  that  may  be  said,  not 
knowing  what  is  said.  I  cannot  see  how  it  should  be  any  more  dis 
honorable  for  him  to  receive  some  compensation  for  his  expenses  and 
service,  than  for  Mr.  Chilton,  and  I  am  not  aware  that  any  blame  is 
attached  to  him  on  that  score.  I  am  getting  more  letters  constantly 
than  I  well  know  how  to  answer.  My  kind  friends  appear  to  have 
very  wrong  ideas  of  my  condition  as  regards  replying  to  all  the  kind 
communications  I  receive. 

Your  friend,  in  truth,  JOHN  BROWN. 

This  letter  needs  a  word  of  comment.  Mr.  Chilton, 
"  John  Brown's  chivalrous  Southern  lawyer,"  demanded 
a  fee  of  one  thousand  dollars,  which  was  paid  out  of 
the  fund  contributed  for  his  family  and  cause  in  the 
New  England  States.  Mr.  Griswold  accepted  a  fee  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  travelling  expenses  and 


The  Conquering  Pen.  361 

services  from  John  Brown  personally  ;  supposing  —  as 
every  one  at  Charlestown  thought  at  the  time  —  that 
he  was  a  man  of  independent  fortune.  For  receiving 
this  fee,  Mr.  Griswold  has  been  denounced  in  hundreds 
of  democratic  papers,  while  not  one  of  them  has  printed 
a  reproachful  word  against  the  "  distinguished  lawyer  " 
from  Maryland.  Neither  is  to  blame,  or  both  are  ;  and 
if  to  blame,  let  a  fourfold  punishment  be  meted  out 
to  Mr.  Chilton. 

LETTER   TO    HIS   WIFE EXTRACTS. 

Before  Mrs.  Brown  started  from  Philadelphia  for 
Charlestown,  she  received  a  letter  from  her  husband, 
dated  November  25,  in  which,  after  referring  to  the 
fact  that  she  was  then  staying  with  Lucretia  Mott,  he 
says : 

I  remember  the  faithful  old  lady  well,  but  presume  she 
has  no  recollection  of  me.  I  once  set  myself  to  oppose  a  mob  at 
Boston,  where  she  was.  After  I  interfered,  the  police  immediately 
took  up  the  matter,  and  soon  put  a  stop  to  mob  proceedings.  The 
meeting  was,  I  think,  in  Marlboro'  Street  Church,  or  Hotel,  perhaps. 
I  am  glad  to  have  you  make  the  acquaintance  of  such  old  "  Pioneers  " 
in  the  cause.  I  have  just  received  from  Mr.  John  Jay,  of  New  York, 
a  draft  for  $50  (fifty  dollars)  for  the  benefit  of  my  family,  and  will 
enclose  it  made  payable  to  your  order.  I  have  also  $15  (fifteen  dol 
lars)  to  send  to  our  crippled  and  destitute  unmarried  son ;  when  I  can, 
I  intend  to  send  you,  by  express,  two  or  three  little  articles  to  carry 
home.  Should  you  happen  to  meet  with  Mr.  Jay,  say  to  him  that 
you  fully  appreciate  his  great  kindness  both  to  me  and  my  family. 
God  bless  all  such  friends.  It  is  out  of  my  power  to  reply  to  all  the 
kind  and  encouraging  letters  I  get ;  I  wish  I  could  do  so.  I  have  been 
so  much  relieved  from  my  lameness  for  the  last  three  or  four  days  as 
to  be  able  to  sit  up  to  read  and  write  pretty  much  all  day,  as  well  as 
part  of  the  night ;  and  I  do  assure  you  and  all  other  friends  that  I  am 
quite  busy,  and  none  the  less  happy  on  that  account.  The  time  passes 
quite  pleasantly,  and  the  near  approach  of  my  great  change  is  not  the 
occasion  of  any  particular  dread. 

I  trust  that  God,  who  has  sustained  me  so  long,  will  not  forsake  me 

31 


362  The  Conquering  Pen. 

when  I  most  feel  my  need  of  Fatherly  aid  and  support.  Should  Ha 
hide  His  face,  my  spirit  will  droop  and  die  ;  but  not  otherwise,  be 
assured.  My  only  anxiety  is  to  be  properly  assured  of  my  fitness  for 
the  company  of  those  who  are  "  washed  from  all  filthiness,"  and  for 
the  presence  of  Him  who  is  infinitely  pure.  I  certainly  think  I  do 
have  some  "hunger  and  thirst  after  righteousness."  If  it  be  only 
genuine,  I  make  no  doubt  I  "  shall  be  filled."  Please  let  all  our 
friends  read  my  letters  when  you  can  ;  and  ask  them  to  accept  of  it  as 
in  part  for  them.  I  am  inclined  to  think  you  will  not  be  likely  to 
succeed  well  about  getting  away  the  bodies  of  your  family ;  but  should 
that  be  so,  do  not  let  that  grieve  you.  It  can  make  but  little  difference 
what  is  done  with  them. 

You  can  well  remember  the  changes  you  have  passed  through. 
Life  is  made  up  of  a  series  of  changes,  and  let  us  try  to  meet  them 
in  the  best  manner  possible.  You  will  not  wish  to  make  yourself  and 
children  any  more  burdensome  to  friends  than  you  are  really  compelled 
to  do.  I  would  not. 

I  will  close  this  by  saying  that,  if  you  now  feel  that  you  are  equal 
to  the  undertaking,  do  exactly  as  you  feel  disposed  to  do  about  coming 
to  see  me  before  I  suffer.  I  am  entirely  willing. 

Your  affectionate  husband,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    THADDEUS   HYATT. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  27,  1859. 
THADDEUS  HYATT,  ESQ. 

My  dear  Sir :  Your  very  acceptable  letter  of  the  24th  instant  has 
just  been  handed  to  me.  I  am  certainly  most  obliged  to  you  for  it, 
and  for  all  your  efforts  in  behalf  of  my  family  and  myself.  ...  It, 
your  effort,  at  any  rate,  takes  from  my  mind  the  greatest  burden  I  have 
felt  since  my  imprisonment,  to  feel  assured  that,  in  some  way,  my 
shattered  and  broken-hearted  wife  and  children  would  be  so  far  re 
lieved  as  to  save  them  from  great  physical  suffering.  Others  may  have 
devised  a  better  way  of  doing  it.  I  had  no  advice  in  regard  to  it,  and 
felt  very  grateful  to  know,  while  I  was  yet  living,  of  almost  any  active 
measure  being  taken.  I  hope  no  offence  is  taken  at  yourself  or  me  in 
the  matter.  I  am  beginning  to  familiarize  my  mind  with  new  and 
very  different  scenes.  Am  very  cheerful. 

Farewell,  my  friend.  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    A    YOUNG   LADY. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  27,  1859. 

My  dear  Miss :   Your  most  kind  and  cheering  letter  of  the  18th 

instant  is  received.     Although  I  have  not  been  at  all  low-spirited  nor 


The  Conquering  Pen.  363 

cast  down  in  feeling  since  being  imprisoned  and  under  sentence,  which 
I  am  fully  aware  is  soon  to  be  carried  out,  it  is  exceedingly  gratifying 
to  learn  from  friends  that  there  are  not  wanting  in  this  generation 
some  to  sympathize  with  me  and  appreciate  my  motive,  even  now  that 
I  am  whipped.  Success  is  in  general  the  standard  of  all  merit.  I 
have  passed  my  time  here  quite  cheerfully ;  still  trusting  that  neither 
my  life  nor  my  death  will  prove  a  total  loss.  As  regards  both,  how 
ever,  I  am  liable  to  mistake.  It  affords  me  some  satisfaction  to  feel 
conscious  of  having  at  least  tried  to  better  the  condition  of  those  who 
are  always  on  the  under-hill  side,  and  am  in  hope  of  being  able  to 
meet  the  consequences  without  a  murmur.  I  am  endeavoring  to  get 
ready  for  another  field  of  action,  where  no  defeat  befalls  the  truly 
brave.  That  "God  reigns,"  and  most  wisely,  and  controls  all  events, 
might,  it  would  seem,  reconcile  those  who  believe  it  to  much  that 
appears  to  be  very  disastrous.  I  am  one  who  have  tried  to  believe 
that,  and  still  keep  trying.  Those  who  die  for  the  truth  may  prove  to 
be  courageous  at  last ;  so  I  continue  "  hoping  on,"  till  I  shall  find  that 
the  truth  must  finally  prevail.  I  do  not  feel  in  the  least  degree  de 
spondent  nor  degraded  by  my  circumstances,  and  I  entreat  my  friends 
not  to  grieve  on  my  account.  You  Avill  please  excuse  a  very  poor  and 
short  letter,  as  I  get  more  than  I  can  possibly  answer.  I  send  my 
best  wishes  to  your  kind  mother,  and  to  all  the  family,  and  to  all  the 
true  friends  of  humanity.  And  now,  dear  friends,  God  be  with  you 
all,  and  ever  guide  and  bless  you. 

Your  friend,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    JUDGE    TILDEtt. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Monday,  Nov.  28,  1859. 
HON.  D.  R.  TILDEN. 

My  dear  Sir  :  Your  most  kind  and  comforting  letter  of  the  23d  inst. 
is  received. 

I  have  no  language  to  express  the  feelings  of  gratitude  and  obliga 
tion  I  am  under  for  your  kind  interest  in  my  behalf  ever  since  my 
disaster. 

The  great  bulk  of  mankind  estimate  each  other's  actions  and  mo 
tives  by  the  measure  of  success  or  otherwise  that  attends  them  through 
life.  By  that  rule  I  have  been  one  of  the  worst  and  one  of  the  best  of 
men.  I  do  not  claim  to  have  been  one  of  the  latter ;  and  I  leave  it  to 
an  impartial  tribunal  to  decide  whether  the  world  has  been  the  worse 
or  the  better  of  my  living  and  dying  in  it.  My  present  great  anxiety  is 
to  get  as  near  in  readiness  for  a  different  field  of  action  as  I  well  can, 
since  being  in  a  good  measure  relieved  from  the  fear  that  my  poor, 
broken-hearted  wife  and  children  would  come  to  immediate  want.  May 
God  reward,  a  thousand  fold,  all  the  kind  efforts  made  in  their  behalf. 


364  The  Conquering  Pen. 

I  have  enjoyed  remarkable  cheerfulness  and  composure  of  mind  ever  since 
my  confinement ;  and  it  is  a  great  comfort  to  feel  assured  that  I  nm 
permitted  to  die  (for  a  cause)  not  merely  to  pay  the  debt  of  nature,  (as 
all  must.)  I  feel  myself  to  be  most  unworthy  of  so  great  distinction. 
The  particular  manner  of  dying  assigned  to  me,  gives  me  but  very  little 
uneasiness.  I  wish  I  had  the  time  and  the  ability  to  give  you  (my  dear 
friend)  some  little  idea  of  what  is  daily,  and,  7  jnight  almost  say,  hourly, 
passing  within  my  prison  icalls ;  and  could  my  friends  but  witness  only 
a  few  of  those  scenes  just  as  they  occur,  I  think  they  would  feel  very 
well  reconciled  to  my  being  here  just  what  J  am,  and  just  as  /  am. 
My  ichole  life  before  had  not  afforded  me  one  half  the  opportunity  to 
plead  for  the  right.  In  this,  also,  I  find  much  to  reconcile  me  to  both 
my  present  condition  and  my  immediate  prospect.  I  may  be  very  in 
sane,  (and  I  am  so,  if  insane  at  all.)  But  if  that  be  so,  insanity  is  like 
a  very  pleasant  dream  to  me.  I  am  not  in  the  least  degree  conscious 
of  my  ravings,  of  my  fears,  or  of  any  terrible  visions  whatever ;  but 
fancy  myself  entirely  composed,  and  that  my  sleep,  in  particular,  is  as 
sweet  as  that  of  a  healthy,  joyous  little  infant.  I  pray  God  that  he 
will  grant  me  a  continuance  of  the  same  calm,  but  delightful,  dream, 
until  I  come  to  know  of  those  realities  which  "  eyes  have  not  seen,  and 
which  ears  have  not  heard."  I  have  scarce  realized  that  I  am  in 
prison,  or  in  irons,  at  all.  I  certainly  think  I  was  never  more  cheer 
ful  in  my  life.  I  intend  to  take  the  liberty  of  sending,  by  express,  to 
your  care,  some  trifling  articles  for  those  of  my  family  who  may  be  in 
Ohio,  which  you  can  hand  to  my  brother  JEREMIAH,  when  you  may 
see  him,  together  with  fifteen  dollars  I  have  asked  him  to  advance 
to  them.  Please  excuse  me  so  often  troubling  you  with  my  letters,  or 
any  of  my  matters.  Please  also  remember  me  most  kindly  to  MR. 
GRISWOLD,  and  to  all  others  who  love  their  neighbors.  I  write  JER 
EMIAH  to  your  care.  Your  friend,  in  truth,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    MR.    SEWALL. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  29,  1859. 
S.  E.  SEWALL,  ESQ. 

My  dear  Sir :  Your  most  kind  letter  of  the  24th  inst.  is  received. 
It  does,  indeed,  give  me  "pleasure,"  and  the  greatest  encouragement 
to  know  of  any  efforts  that  have  been  made  in  behalf  of  my  poor  and 
deeply  afflicted  family.  It  takes  from  my  mind  the  greatest  cause  of 
sadness  I  have  experienced  during  my  imprisonment  here.  I  feel  quite 
cheerful,  and  ready  to  die.  I  can  only  say,  for  want  of  time,  may  the 
God  of"  the  oppressed  and  the  poor,  in  great  mercy,  remember  all  those  to 
whom  we  are  so  deeply  indebted. 

Farewell.  Your  friend,  JOHN  BROWN. 


The  Conquering  Pen.  365 


JOHN  BROWN'S  LAST  LETTER  TO  HIS  FAMILY. 

CHARLESTOWN  PRISON,  JEFFERSOX  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  30,  1859. 

My  dearly  beloved  Wife,  Sons  and  Daughters,  Every  One :  As 
I  noAV  begin  what  is  probably  the  last  letter  I  shall  ever  write  to  any 
of  you,  I  conclude  to  write  to  all  at  the  same  time.  I  will  mention 
some  little  matters  particularly  applicable  to  little  property  concerns 
in  another  place. 

I  recently  received  a  letter  from  my  wife,  from  near  Philadelphia, 
dated  Nov.  22,  by  which  it  would  seem  that  she  was  about  giving  up 
the  idea  of  seeing  me  again.  I  had  written  her  to  come  on  if  she  felt 
equal  to  the  undertaking,  but  I  do  not  know  that  she  will  get  my  letter 
in  time.  It  was  on  her  own  account  chiefly  that  I  asked  her  to  stay 
back.  At  first  I  had  a  most  strong  desire  to  see  her  again,  but  there 
appeared  to  be  very  serious  objections  ;  and  should  we  never  meet  in 
this  life,  I  trust  that  she  will  in  the  end  be  satisfied  it  was  for  the  best 
at  least,  if  not  most  for  her  comfort.  I  enclosed  in  my  last  letter  to  her 
a  draft  of  $50  from  John  Jay,  made  payable  to  her  order.  I  have  now 
another  to  send  her,  from  my  excellent  old  friend  Edward  Harris  of 
Woonsocket,  K.  I.,  for  $100,  which  I  shall  also  make  payable  to  her 
order. 

I  am  waiting  the  hour  of  my  public  murder  with  great  composure 
of  mind  and  cheerfulness,  feeling  the  strong  assurance  that  in  no  other 
possible  way  could  I  be  used  to  so  much  advantage  to  the  catise  of  God 
and  of  humanity,  and  that  nothing  that  either  I  or  all  my  family 
have  sacrificed  or  suffered  will  be  lost.  The  reflection  that  a  wise  and 
merciful,  as  well  as  just  and  holy  God  rules  not  only  the  affairs  of  this 
world,  but  of  all  worlds,  is  a  rock  to  set  our  feet  upon  under  all  cir 
cumstances  —  even  those  more  severely  trying  ones  into  which  our 
own  feelings  and  wrongs  have  placed  us.  I  have  now  no  doubt  but 
that  our  seeming  disaster  will  ultimately  result  in  the  most  glorious 
success.  So,  my  dear  shattered  and  broken  family,  be  of  good  cheer, 
and  believe  and  trust  in  God  with  all  your  heart,  and  with  all  your 
soul,  for  he  doeth  all  things  well.  Do  not  feel  ashamed  on  my 
account,  nor  for  one  moment  despair  of  the  cause  or  grow  weary  of 
well  doing.  I  bless  God  I  never  felt  stronger  confidence  in  the  cer 
tain  and  near  approach  of  a  bright  morning  and  glorious  day  than 
I  have  felt,  and  do  now  feel,  since  my  confinement  here.  I  am  en 
deavoring  to  return,  like  a  poor  prodigal  as  I  am,  to  my  Father, 
against  whom  I  have  always  sinned,  in  the  hope  that  he  may  kindly 
and  forgivingly  meet  me,  though  a  very  great  way  off. 

O,  my  dear  wife  and  children,  would  to  God  you  could  know  how 
I  have  been  travailing  in  birth  for  you  all,  that  no  one  of  you  may 
fail  of  the  grace  of  God  through  Jesus  Christ ;  that  no  one  of  you 

81* 


366  The  Conquering  Pen. 

may  be  blind  to  the  truth  and  glorious  light  of  his  Word,  in  which 
life  and  immortality  are  brought  to  light.  I  beseech  you,  every  one,  to 
make  the  Bible  your  daily  and  nightly  study,  -with  a  child-like,  honest, 
candid,  teachable  spirit  of  love  and  respect  for  your  husband  and 
father. 

And  I  beseech  the  God  of  my  fathers  to  open  all  your  eyes  to  the 
discovery  of  the  truth.  You  cannot  imagine  hpw  much  you  may 
soon  need  the  consolations  of  the  Christian  religion.  Circumstances 
like  my  own,  for  more  than  a  month  past,  have  convinced  me  beyond 
all  doubt  of  our  great  need  of  some  theories  treasured  up  when  our 
prejudices  are  excited,  our  vanity  worked  up  to  the  highest  pitch. 
O,  do  not  trust  your  eternal  all  upon  the  boisterous  ocean  without 
even  a  helm  or  compass  to  aid  you  in  steering.  I  do  not  ask  of  vou 
to  throw  away  your  reason ;  I  only  ask  you  to  make  a  candid,  sober 
use  of  your  reason. 

My  dear  young  children,  will  you  listen  to  this  last  poor  admonition 
of  one  who  can  only  love  you  ?  0,  be  determined  at  once  to  give 
your  whole  heart  to  God,  and  let  nothing  shake  or  alter  that  resolu 
tion.  You  need  have  no  fears  of  regretting  it.  Do  not  be  vain  and 
thoughtless,  but  sober-minded  ;  and  let  me  entreat  you  all  to  love  the 
whole  remnant  of  our  once  great  family.  Try  and  build  up  again 
your  broken  w-alls,  and  to  make  the  utmost  of  every  stone  that  is  left. 
Nothing  can  so  tend  to  make  life  a  blessing  as  the  consciousness  that 
your  life  and  example  bless  and  leave  you  the  stronger.  Still,  it  is 
ground  of  the  utmost  comfort  to  my  mind  to  know  that  so  many  of 
you  as  have  had  the  opportunity  have  given  some  proof  of  your 
fidelity  to  the  great  family  of  men.  Be  faithful  unto  death  ;  from  the 
exercise  of  habitual  love  to  man  it  cannot  be  very  hard  to  love  his 
Maker. 

I  must  yet  insert  the  reason  for  my  firm  belief  in  the  divine  inspira 
tion  of  the  Bible,  notwithstanding  I  am,  perhaps,  naturally  sceptical  ; 
certainly  not  credulous.  I  wish  all  to  consider  it  most  thoroughly 
when  you  read  that  blessed  book,  and  see  whether  you  cannot  discover 
such  evidence  yourselves.  It  is  the  purity  of  heart,  filling  our  minds 
as  well  as  work  and  actions,  which  is  every  where  insisted  on,  that  dis 
tinguishes  it  from  all  the  other  teachings,  that  commends  it  to  my  con 
science.  Whether  my  heart  be  willing  and  obedient  or  not,  the  induce 
ment  that  it  holds  out  is  another  reason  of  my  convictions  of  its  truth 
and  genuineness  ;  but  I  do  not  here  omit  this  my  last  argument  on  the 
Bible,  that  eternal  life  is  what  my  soul  is  panting  after  this  moment. 
I  mention  this  as  a  reason  for  endeavoring  to  leave  a  valuable  copy 
of  the  Bible,  to  be  carefully  preserved  in  remembrance  of  me,  to  so 
many  of  my  posterity,  instead  of  some  other  book  at  equal  cost. 

I  beseech  you  all  to  live  in  habitual   contentment  with  moderate 


The  Conquering  Pen.  367 

circumstances  and  gains  of  worldly  store,  and  earnestly  to  teach  this 
to  your  children  and  children's  children  after  you,  by  example  as  well 
as  precept.  Be  determined  to  know  by  experience,  as  soon  as^may  be, 
whether  Bible  instruction  is  of  divine  origin  or  not.  Be  sure  to  owe 
no  man  any  thing,  but  to  love  one  another.  John  llogers  wrote  to  his 
children,  "  Abhor  that  arrant  whore  of  Rome."  John  Brown  writes 
to  his  children  to  abhor,  with  undying  hatred  also,  that  sum  of  all 
villanies  —  slavery.  Ilemember,  he  that  is  slow  to  anger  is  better  than 
the  mighty,  and  he  that  ruleth  his  spirit  than  he  that  taketh  a  city. 
Remember,  also,  that  they,  being  wise,  shall  shine,  and  they  that  turn 
many  to  righteousness,  as  the  stars  forever  and  ever. 

And  now,  dearly  beloved  family,  to  God  and  the  work  of  his  grace 
I  commend  you  all. 

Your  affectionate  husband  and  father,  JOHN  Buowx. 


CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Dec.  1,  1859. 

I  give  to  my  son  John  Brown,  Jr.,  my  surveyor's  compass  and  other 
surveyor's  articles  if  found ;  also,  my  old  granite  monument,  now  at 
North  Elba,  N.  Y.,  to  receive  upon  its  two  sides  a  further  inscription, 
as  1  will  hereafter  direct ;  said  stone  monument,  however,  to  remain 
at  North  Elba  so  long  as  any  of  my  children  and  my  wife  may  remain 
there  as  residents. 

I  give  to  my  son  Jason  Brown  my  silver  watch  with  my  name  en 
graved  on  inner  case. 

I  give  to  my  son  Owen  Brown  my  double-spring  opera-glass,  and 
my  rifle  gun,  (if  found,)  presented  to  me  at  Worcester,  Mass.  It  is 
globe-sighted  and  new.  I  give  also  to  the  same  son  fifty  dollars  in 
cash,  to  be  paid  him  from  the  proceeds  of  my  father's  estate,  in  con 
sideration  of  his  terrible  suffering  in  Kansas,  and  his  crippled  condition 
from  his  childhood. 

I  give  to  my  son  Solomon  Brown  fifty  dollars  in  cash,  to  be  paid 
him  from  my  father's  estate,  as  an  offset  to  the  first  two  cases  above 
named. 

I  give  to  my  daughter  Ruth  Thompson  my  large  old  Bible,  con 
taining  the  family  record. 

I  give  to  each  of  my  sons,  and  to  each  of  my  other  daughters,  my 
son-in-law  Henry  Thompson,  and  to  each  of  my  daughters-in-law, 
as  good  a  copy  of  the  Bible  as  can  be  purchased  at  some  bookstore  in 
New  York  or  Boston,  at  a  cost  of  five  dollars  each  in  cash,  to  be  paid 
out  of  the  proceeds  of  my  father's  estate. 

I  give  to  each  of  my  grandchildren  that  may  be  living  when  my 
father's  estate  is  settled,  as  good  a  copy  of  the  Bible  as  can  be  pur 
chased  (as  above)  at  a  cost  of  three  dollars  each. 


368  The  Conquering  Pen: 

All  the  Bibles  to  be  purchased  at  one  and  the  same  time,  for  cash, 
on  the  best  terms. 

I  desire  to  have  ($50)  fifty  dollars  each  paid  out  of  the  final  proceeds 
of  my  father's  estate  to  the  following  named  persons,  to  wit :  To  Allen 
Hammond,  Esq.,  of  Rockville,  Tolland  County,  Conn.,  or  to  George 
Kellogg,  Esq.,  former  agent  of  the  New  England  Company  at  that 
place,  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  that  company.  Also,  fifty  dollars  to 
Silas  Havens,  formerly  of  Lewisburg,  Summit  County,  O.,  if  he  can 
be  found;  also,  fifty  dollars  to  a  man  of  Storck  County,  O.,  at  Can 
ton,  who  sued  my  father  in  his  lifetime,  through  Judge  Humphrey 
and  Mr.  Upson  of  Akron,  to  be  paid  by  J.  E,.  Brown  to  the  man  in 
person,  if  he  can  be  found.  His  name  I  cannot  remember.  My 
father  made  a  compromise  Avith  the  man  by  taking  our  house  and  lot 
at  Manneville.  I  desire  that  any  remaining  balance  that  may  become 
my  due  from  my  father's  estate  may  be  paid  in  equal  amounts  to  my 
wife,  and  to  each  of  my  children,  and  to  the  widows  of  Watson  and 
Owen  Brown,  by  my  brother. 

JOHN  Avis,  Witness.  JOHN  BROWN. 

A   FINAL   CODICIL. 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  T'A.,  Dec.  2,  1859. 
It  is  my  desire  that  my  wife  have  all  my  personal  property  not  pre 
viously  disposed  of  by  me,  and  the  entire  use  of  all  my  landed  prop 
erty  during  her  natural  life  ;  and  that,  after  her  death,  the  proceeds 
of  such  land  be  equally  divided  between  all  my  then  living  children  ; 
and  that  what  wrould  be  a  child's  share  be  given  to  the  children  of 
each  of  my  two  sons  who  fell  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  that  a  child's 
share  be  divided  among  the  children  of  my  now  living  children  who 
may  die  before  their  mother,  (my  present  beloved  wife.)  No  formal 
will  can  be  of  use  when  my  expressed  wishes  are  made  known  to  my 
dutiful  and  beloved  family.  JOHN  BROWN. 

My  dear  Wife  :  I  have  time  to  enclose  the  within  and  the  above, 
which  I  forgot  yesterday,  and  to  bid  you  another  farewell.  "  Be  of 
good  cheer,"  and  God  Almighty  bless,  save,  comfort,  guide,  and  keep 
you  to  "  the  end."  Your  affectionate  husband,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO    JAMES    FORMAN. 

CHARLESTOWN  PRISON,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Dec.  1,  1859. 
JAMES  FORMAN,  ESQ. 

My  dear  Friend  :  I  have  only  time  to  say  I  got  your  kind  letter  of 
the  26th  Nov.  this  evening.  Am  very  grateful  for  all  the  good  feel 
ing  expressed  by  yourself  and  wife.  May  God  abundantly  bless  and 
save  you  all.  I  am  very  cheerful,  in  hopes  of  entering  on  a  better 


The  Conquering  Pen.  369 

state  of  existence,  in  a  few  hours,  through  infinite  grace  in  "  Christ 
Jesus,  my  Lord."  Remember  the  "poor  that  cry,"  and  "  them  that 
are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them." 

Your  friend  as  ever,  JOHN  BROWN. 

LETTER   TO   MR.    HUNTER. 

CIIARLESTOWN,  VA.,  Nov.  22,  1859. 
ANDREW  HUNTER,  ESQ.,  Present. 

Dear  Sir :  I  have  just  had  my  attention  called  to  a  seeming  conflic- 
tion  between  the  statement  I  at  first  made  to  Governor  Wise  and  that 
which  I  made  at  the  time  I  received  my  sentence,  regarding  my  inten 
tions  respecting  the  slaves  we  took  about  the  Ferry.  There  need  be 
no  such  confliction,  and  a  few  words  of  explanation  will,  I  think,  be 
quite  sufficient.  I  had  given  Governor  Wise  a  full  and  particular 
account  of  that ;  and  when  called  in  court  to  say  whether  I  had  any 
thing  further  to  urge,  I  was  taken  wholly  by  surprise,  as  I  did  not 
expect  my  sentence  before  the  others.  In  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  I 
forgot  much  that  I  had  before  intended  to  say,  and  did  not  consider 
the  full  bearing  of  what  I  then  said.  I  intended  to  convey  this  idea  : 
that  it  was  my  intention  to  place  the  slaves  in  a  condition  to  defend 
their  liberties  if  they  would,  without  any  bloodshed,  but  not  that  I 
intended  to  run  'them  out  of  the  Slave  States.  I  was  not  aware  of 
any  such  apparent  confliction  until  my  attention  was  called  to  it,  and 
I  do  not  suppose  that  a  man  in  my  then  circumstances  should  be 
superhuman  in  respect  to  the  exact  purport  of  every  word  he  might 
utter.  What  I  said  to  Governor  Wise  was  spoken  with  all  the  delib 
eration  I  was  master  of,  and  was  intended  for  truth  ;  and  what  I  said 
in  court  was  equally  intended  for  truth,  but  required  a  more  full  ex 
planation  than  I  there  gave.  Please  make  such  use  of  this  as  you 
think  calculated  to  correct  any  wrong  impression  I  may  have  given. 

JOHN  BROWN. 


The  three  following  letters  have  never  hitherto  been 
published : 

CHARLESTOWN,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Oct.  31,  1859. 
My  dear  Wife  and  Children,  Every  One :  I  suppose  you  have  learned 
before  this  by  the  newspapers  that  two  weeks  ago  to-day  we  were 
fighting  for  our  lives  at  Harper's  Ferry  ;  that  during  the  fight  Watson 
was  mortally  wounded,  Oliver  killed,  Wm.  Thompson  killed,  and 
Dauphin  slightly  wounded  ;  that  on  the  following  day  I  was  taken 
prisoner,  immediately  after  which  I  received  several  sabre  cuts  in  my 
head,  and  bayonet  stabs  in  my  body.  As  nearly  as  I  can  learn,  Wat- 


370  The  Conquering  Pen. 

son  died  of  his  wound  on  Wednesday  the  second,  or  on  Thursday  the 
third  day  after  I  was  taken.  Dauphin  was  killed  when  I  was  taken, 
and  Anderson,  I  suppose,  also.  I  have  since  been  tried,  and  found 
guilty  of  treason,  &c.,  and  of  murder  in  the  first  degree.  I  have  not 
yet  received  my  sentence.  No  others  of  the  company  with  whom  you 
were  acquainted  were,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  either  killed  or  taken. 
Under  all  these  terrible  calamities,  I  feel  quite  cheerful  in  the  as 
surance  that  God  reigns,  and  will  overrule  all  for  his  glory  and  the 
best  possible  good.  I  feel  no  consciousness  of  guilt  in  the  matter,  nor 
even  mortification  on  account  of  my  imprisonment  and  iron ;  and  I 
feel  perfectly  assured  that  very  soon  no  member  of  my  family  will  feel 
any  possible  disposition  to  "  blush  on  my  account."  Already  dear 
friends  at  a  distance,  with  kindest  sympathy,  are  cheering  me  with  the 
assurance  that  posterity  at  least  will  do  me  justice.  I  shall  commend 
you  all  together,  with  my  beloved,  but  bereaved,  daughters-in-law,  to 
their  sympathies,  which  I  have  no  doubt  will  soon  reach  you.  I  also 
commend  you  all  to  Him  "  whose  mercy  endureth  forever  "  —  to  the 
God  of  my  fathers,  "whose  I  am,  and  whom  I  serve."  "-He  will 
never  leave  you  or  forsake  you  "  unless  you  forsake  Him.  Finally, 
my  dearly  beloved,  be  of  good  comfort.  Be  sure  to  remember  and  to 
follow  my  advice,  and  my  example  too^  so  far  as  it  has  been  consistent 
with  the  holy  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  which  I  remain  a  most  firm 
and  humble  believer.  Never  forget  the  poor,  nor  think  any  thing  you 
bestow  on  them  to  be  lost  to  you,  even  though  they  may  be  as  black  as 
Ebedmelech,  the  Ethiopian  eunuch,  who  cared  for  Jeremiah  in  the  pit  of 
the  dungeon,  or  as  black  as  the  one  to  whom  Philip  preached  Christ. 
Be  sure  to  entertain  strangers,  for  thereby  some  have *'  Remem 
ber  them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them."  I  am  in  charge  of 
a  jailer  like  the  one  who  took  charge  of  "  Paul  and  Silas  ;  "  and  you 
may  rest  assured  that  both  kind  hearts  and  kind  faces  are  more  or  less 
about  me,  whilst  thousands  are  thirsting  for  my  blood.  "  These  light 
afflictions,  which  are  \yutfor  a  moment,  shall  work  out  for  us  a.  far  more 
exceeding  and  eternal  weight  of  glory."  I  hope  to  be  able  to  write  you 
again.  My  wounds  are  doing  well.  Copy  this,  and  send  it  to  your 
sorrow-stricken  brothers,  Ruth,  to  comfort  them.  Write  me  a  few 
words  in  regard  to  the  welfare  of  all.  God  Almighty  bless  you  all, 
and  make  you  "joyful  in  the  midst  of  all  your  tribulations."  Write  to 
John  Brown,  Charlestown,  Jefferson  Co.,  Va.,  care  of  Captain  John 
Avis.  Your  affectionate  husband  and  father.  JOHN  Bitowx. 

Nov.  3,  1859. 

P.  S.  —  Yesterday,  Nov.  2,  I  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged  on  Dec. 
2d  next.     Do  not  grieve  on  my  account.     I  am  still  quite  cheerful. 
God  bless  you.  Yours  ever,  JOHN  BHOWN. 


The  Conquering  Pen.  371 

LETTER   TO    HIS    WIFE. 
CHARLESTOWN,   JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  12,  1859. 

My  dear  Wife  :  Your  most  welcome  letter  of  the  13th  instant  I  got 
yesterday.  I  am  very  glad  to  learn  from  yourself  that  you  feel  so 
much  resigned  to  your  circumstances,  so  much  confidence  in  a  wise 
and  good  Providence,  and  such  composure  of  mind  in  the  midst  of  all 
your  deep  afflictions.  This  is  "just  as  it  should  be ;  "  and  let  me  still 
say,  "Be  of  good  cheer;"  for  we  shall  soon  "come  out  of  all  our 
great  tribulations,"  and  very  soon  (if  we  trust  in  him)  "God  shall 
wipe  away  all  tears  from  our  eyes."  Soon  "  we  shall  be  satisfied  when 
we  are  awake  in  his  likeness."  There  is  now  here  a  source  of  much 
disquietude  to  me,  viz.,  the  fires  which  are  almost  of  daily  and  nightly 
occurrence  in  this  immediate  neighborhood.  Whilst  I  well  know  that 
no  one  of  them  is  the  work  of  our  friends,  I  know  at  the  same  time 
that  by  more  or  less  of  the  inhabitants  we  shall  be  charged  whh  them, 
the  same  as  with  the  ominous  and  threatening  letters  to  Governor 
Wise.  In  the  existing  state  of  public  feeling,  I  can  easily  see  a  further 
objection  to  your  coming  here  at  present ;  but  I  did  not  intend  saying 
,  another  word  to  you  on  that  subject.  Why  will  you  not  say  to  me 
whether  you  had  any  crops  mature  this  season  ?  If  so,  what  ones  ? 
Although  I  may  never  more  intermeddle  with  your  worldly  affairs,  I 
have  not  yet  lost  all  interest  in  them.  A  little  history  of  your  success 
or  of  your  failures,  I  should  very  much  prize ;  and  I  would  gratify  you 
and  other  friends  some  way  were  it  in  my  power.  I  am  still  quite 
cheerful,  and  by  no  means  "  cast  down."  I  "remember  that  the  time 
is  short."  The  little  trunk  and  all  its  contents  (so  far  as  I  can  judge) 
reached  me  safe.  May  God  reward  all  the  contributors.  I  wrote 
you  under  cover  to  our  excellent  friend  Mrs.  Spring  on  the  16th  instant. 
I  presxime  you  have  it  before  now.  When  you  return,  it  is  most  likely 
the  Lake  will  not  be  open  ;  so  you  must  get  your  ticket  at  Troy  for 
Moreau  Station,  or  Glens  Falls,  (for  Glens  Falls  if  you  can  get  owe,)  or 
get  one  for  Vergennes  in  Vermont,  and  take  your  chance  of  crossing 
over  on  the  ice  to  Westport.  If  you  go  soon,  the  route  by  Glens 
Falls  to  Elizabethtown  will  probably  be  the  best.  I  have  just  learned 
that  our  poor  Watson  lingered  with  his  wound  until  Wednesday  about 
noon  of  the  19th  Oct.  Oliver  died  near  my  side  in  a  few  moments 
after  he  was  shot.  Dauphin  died  the  next  morning  after  Oliver  and 
William  were  killed,  viz.,  Monday.  He  died  almost  instantly  —  was  by 
my  side.  William  was  shot  by  several  persons.  Anderson  was  killed 
•vith  Dauphin. 

Keep  this  letter  to  refer  to.     God  Almighty  bless  and  keep  you  all. 
Your  affectionate  husband,  JOHN  BROWN. 

Pear  Mrs.  Spring  :  I  send  this  to  your  care,  because  I  am  at  a  loss 
where  it  will  reach  my  wife.    Your  friend,  in  truth,  J.  BROWN. 


The  Conquering  Pen. 


LETTER   TO    HIS    CHILDREN. 
CHARLESTOWX,  JEFFERSON  Co.,  VA.,  Nov.  22,  1859. 

Dear  Children  All  :  I  address  this  letter  to  you,  supposing  that 
your  mother  is  not  yet  with  you.  She  has  not  yet  come  here,  as  I 
have  requested  her  not  to  do  at  present,  if  at  all.  She  may  think  it 
best  for  her  not  to  come  at  all.  She  has,  (or  will,)  I  presume,  written 
you  before  this.  Annie's  letter  to  us  both  of  'the  9th  has  but  just 
reached  me.  I  am  very  glad  to  get  it,  alad  to  learn  that  you  are  in  any 
measure  cheerful.  This  is  the  greatest  comfort  I  can  have,  except  that 
it  would  be  to  know  that  you  are  all  Christians.  God  in  mercy  grant 
you  all  may  be  so.  That  is  what  you  all  will  certainly  need.  When 
and  in  what/orw  death  may  come  is  of  but  small  moment.  I  feel  just 
as  content  to  die  for  God's  Eternal  Truth,  and  for  suffering  humanity's,  on 
the  scaffold  as  in  any  other  way  ;  and  I  do  not  say  this  from  any  dispo 
sition  to  "  brave  it  out."  No  ;  I  would  readily  own  my  wrong,  were  I 
in  the  least  convinced  of  it.  I  have  now  been  confined  over  a  month, 
with  a  good  opportunity  to  look  the  whole  thing  as  "  fair  in  the  face  " 
as  I  am  capable  of  doing  ;  and  I  now  feel  it  most  grateful  that  I  am 
counted  (in  the  least  possible  degree}  worthy  to  suffer  for  the  truth.  I 
want  you  all  to  "be  of  good  cheer."  This  life  is  intended  as  a  season 
of  training,  chastisement,  temptation,  affliction,  and  trial,  and  "  the 
righteous  shall  come  out  of"  it  all.  O  my  dear  children,  let  me 
again  entreat  you  all  to  "forsake  the  foolish  and  live"  What  can  you 
possibly  lose  by  such  a  course?  "Godliness  with  contentment  is 
great  gain,  having  the  promise  of  the  life  that  now  is,  and  of  that  which 
is  to  come."  "  Trust  in  the  Lord  and  do  good,  so  shalt  tliou  dwell  in 
the  land  ;  and  verily  thou  shalt  be  fed."  I  have  enjoyed  life  much  ; 
why  should  I  complain  on  leaving  it  ?  I  want  some  of  you  to  write 
me  a  little  more  particularly  about  all  that  concerns  your  welfare.  I 
intend  to  write  you  as  often  as  I  can.  ««  To  God  and  the  word  of  his 
grace  I  commend  you  all." 

Your  affectionate  father,  JOUST  BROWN. 

P.  S.  —  I  am  very  grateful  to  all  our  friends. 

Yours,  J.  B. 


IX. 

FORTY  DAYS  IN  CHAINS. 

• 

T1JE  old  man  was  imprisoned  in  the  jail  of  Charles- 
town  for  forty-two  days.  The  preceding~ctnipter 
contams~"the  ...jprlnginal  letters  that  he  wrote  during 
this  IrmojierioiLof  confinement.  His  conduct  while  in 
jail  was  in  keeping  with  his  previous  character.  He^ 
never  wavered  in  his  faith  ;  never  faltered  in  the  pres 
ence  of  any  man^  From  his  first  commitnient,  on  the 
19th  of  October,  till  the  7th  of  November,  no  clean 
clothing  wasjgiyen  fo  him;  he  lay  a?  fre  had  fallen  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  .in  Jiia_dirty  and  blood-stained  gar- 
monte. — 

Such  brief  notes  as  have  been  published  of  his  life  in 
prison,  from  reliable  authorities,  I  will  now  record  in 
their  chronological  order. 

DURING    THE   TRIAL. 

The  first  is  a  telegraphic  despatch  to  the  Associated 
Press,  of  October  26 : 

"  Brown  has  made  no  confession;  but,  on  the  contrary,  says  he  has 
full  confidence  in  the  goodness  of  God,  and  is  confident  that  he  will 
rescue  him  from  the  perils  that  surround  him.  He  says  he  has  had 
rifles  levelled  at  him,  knives  at  his  throat,  and  his  life  in  as  great 
peril  as  it  is  now,  but  that  God  has  always  been  at  his  side.  He 
knows  God  is  with  him,  and  fears  nothing." 

QO  (373) 


374  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

On  the  2d  of  November,  Judge  Russell,  of  Boston, 
and  bis  wife,*  arrived  in  Cbarlestown,  and  bad  an  in 
terview  with  John  Brown.  The  Judge  spoke  of  the 
charge  preferred  by  an  administration  journalist  in 
Kansas  against  the  Captain,  which  charged  him  with 
having  killed  the  ruffians  of  Pottawattomie.  The  old 
man  declared  that  he  did  not,  in  any  way,  participate 
in  their  execution  ;  but  thought  here,  in  jail,  as  he  had 
believed  in  Kansas,  that  the  act  was  just  and  necessary. 
A  reliable  writer,  who  was  admitted  to  the  cell  on  the 
same  day,  thus  speaks  of  the  old  man : 

"He  is  permitted  to  receive  such  visitors  as  he  desires  to  see.  He 
states  that  he  welcomes  every  one,  and  that  he  is  preaching,  even  in 
jail,  with  great  effect,  upon  the  enormities  of  slavery,  and  with  argu 
ments  that  every  body  fails  to  answer." 

Another  newspaper  correspondent  who  visited  him 
at  this  time  —  the  days  of  his  sentence  —  says  : 

"He  said  that  Captain  Avis,  his  jailer,  showed  as  much  kindness  in 
treating  him,  as  he  had  shown  courage  in  attacking  him.  'It  is  what 
I  should  expect  from  a  brave  man.'  Seeing  that  one  of  the  deputy 
jailers  was  present,  he  added :  'I  don't  say  this  to  flatter ;  it  isn't 
my  way.  I  say  it  because  it  is  true/  Capt.  Brown  appears  perfectly 
fearless  in  all  respects,  —  says  that  he  has  no  feeling  about  death  on  a 
scaffold,  and  believes  that  every  act,  '  even  all  the  follies  that  led  to 
this  disaster,  were  decreed  to  happen  ages  before  the  world  was  made.' 
The  only  anxiety  he  expressed  was  in  regard  to  the  circumstances  of 
his  family.  He  asked  and  obtained  leave  to  add  a  postscript  to  a  letter 
to  his  wife,  telling  her  that  he  was  to  be  hanged  on  the  second  of 
December,  and  requested  that  it  should  be  directed  to  Mrs.  John 
Brown,  « for  there  are  some  other  widow  Browns  in  North  Elba.' 
He  speaks  highly  of  his  medical  attendants,  but  rejects  the  offered 
counsel  of  all  ministers  who  believe  that  slavery  is  right.  He  will  die 
as  fearlessly  as  he  has  lived." 

*  "  When  that  Boston  wife  went,  down  to  John  Brown's  prison,  and  stood  mending 
the  sabre  cut  of  his  coat,  a  young  Virginian,  doubtless  of  the  first  families,  who  had  on 
a  uniform,  although  requested  by  a  friend  to  retire  for  the  purpose  of  letting  her  and 
Brown  talk  of  old  times  alone,  looked  in  through  the  window.  But  the  wit  of  the 
woman  got  rid  of  him  ;  for,  having  finished  her  needlework,  she  turned  round  and  said , 
'Young  man,  get  me  a  brush  to  clean  this  coat  with;'  but  the  chivalry  of  the  old 
State  was  so  livid  hot  with  rage  at  being  asked  to  do  any  thing  useful,  that  he  went 
off,  and  was  not  seen  again  for  half  an  hour.  Now,  that  is  a  specimen  of  this  whit* 
race  in  working."  —  Speech  of  Wendell  Phillips,  New  York,  December  15. 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  375 

The  visit  of  Judge  Russell  and  his  wife  was  not 
liked  hy  the  self-styled  hospitable  Virginians,  but  they 
were  permitted  to  visit  the  jail  unmolested  by  the  pop 
ulace,  and  were  not  uncourteously  received. 

AFTER   THE   TRIAL. 

The  next  Northern  visitor  —  a  Boston  sculptor  — 
who  had  come  to  take  a  likeness  and  a  measure  of  John 
Brown's  head,  was  less  tenderly  treated  by  the  author 
ities.  Captain  Brown  refused,  at  first,  to  permit  the 
measurements  to  be  made ;  but,  when  told  that  a  lady, 
who  had  been  a  friend  to  him  in  other  days,  requested 
it  as  a  personal  favor,  he  at  once  expressed  his  willing 
ness  to  permit  it  to  be  done.  But  the  judicial,  offi 
cial,  and  jail  authorities  interposed,  and  the  sculptor 
was  refused  all  access  to  him.  A  reporter  who  had 
access  to  the  cell  on  the  same  day  —  November  3  — 
writes : 

"  Brown's  cheerfulness  never  fails  him.  He  converses  with  all  who 
visit  him  in  a  manner  so  free  from  restraint  and  with  so  much  uncon 
cern,  that  none  can  doubt  his  real  convictions  of  self-approval.  His 
daring  courage  has  strongly  impressed  tRe  people,  and  I  have  more 
than  once  heard  public  avowals  of  admiration  of  his  fearlessness  in 
spite  of  ominous  murmurs  of  disapprobation  from  bystanders.  A 
telegraphic  despatch,  dated  Boston,  was  this  morning  received  from 
T.  W.  Higginson.  It  said,  « John  Brown's  wife  wishes  to  go  on  and 
see  him.  Can  you  obtain  permission  for  her  ? '  This  was  answered 
affirmatively ;  but  when  the  matter  was  mentioned  to  Brown,  he 
directed  that  this  message  should  be  immediately  sent  :  '  Do  not,  for 
God's  sake,  come  here  now.  John  Brown.'  " 

In  his  next  letter  he  adds  : 

"  November  4.  Certain  Northern  papers  convey  the  impressions  of  a 
very  general  belief  in  John  Brown's  safety  from  execution.  They 
assume,  that,  for  political  or  other  reasons,  Governor  Wise  will  be 
induced  to  show  clemency  to  this  condemned  man.  Such  ideas  are 
received  here  with  indignation.  It  is  evident  that  any  attempt  to 
remove  him  alive  from  this  town  would  fail.  The  people  say  that  a 
regiment  of  soldiers,  with  the  Governor  at  their  head,  could  not 
accomplish  it.  You,  at  a  distance,  can  hardly  form  an  impression 
of  the  rage  for  vengeance  which  is  felt  by  the  citizens  of  this  place. 


376  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

When  Brown  was  in  court  on  trial,  there  were  always  faces  burning 
with  hatred  hanging  over  him,  fiercely  watching  every  movement 
that  he  made.  In  the  event  of  an  attempt  to  rescue,  which  has  been 
the  great  fear  all  along,  the  jailers  have  been  instructed  to  shoot  him. 
The  populace  are  resolute  in  their  determination  that  their  victims 
shall  never  be  taken  from  them,  and  it  does  not  seem  that  this  deter 
mination  is  to  be  shaken  by  any  expedient. 

11  Brown's  own  ideas  on  the  subject  are  characteristic.  He  tran 
quilly  says,  '  I  do  not  know  that  I  ought  to  encourage  any  attempt  to 
save  my  life.  I  am  not  sure  that  it  would  not  be  better  for  me  to  die 
at  this  time.  I  am  not  incapable  of  error,  and  I  may  be  wrong  ;  but 
I  think  that  perhaps  my  object  would  be  nearer  fulfilment  if  I  should 
die.  I  must  give  it  some  thought.'  There  is  no  insincerity  about 
this,  you  may  be  sure.  Brown  does  not  value  his  life ;  or,  at  least,  is 
wholly  unmoved  at  the  prospect  of  losing  it.  He  was  never  more 
firm  than  at  this  moment.  The  only  compunctions  he  expresses  are 
in  relation  to  his  management  at  Harper's  Ferry,  by  which  he  lost 
not  only  himself,  but  sacrificed  his  associates.  He  sometimes  says 
that  if  he  had  pursued  his  original  plan  of  immediate  escape  to  the 
mountains,  he  could  never  have  been  taken,  for  he  and  his  men  had 
studied  the  vicinity  thoroughly,  and  knew  it  a  hundred  times  better 
than  any  of  the  inhabitants.  It  was,  he  says,  his  weakness  in  yield 
ing  to  the  entreaties  of  his  prisoners,  and  delaying  his  departure,  that 
ruined  him.  « It  was  the  first  time,'  are  his  own  words,  '  that  I  ever 
lost  command  of  myself,  and  now  I  am  punished  for  it.' 

"The  reason  Brown  has  given  for  asking  his  wife  to  remain  away, 
is  also  characteristic.  He  knows  it  would  cause  great  suffering,  and 
will,  possibly,  shatter  his  composure  in  a  manner  which  he  is  resolved 
against,  lest  his  captors  should  esteem  it  an  evidence  of  regret  for 
what  he  has  done.  The  despatch  which  I  told  you  was  sent  to 
Mrs.  Brown  did  not  reach  her,  and  to-day  another  was  received,  an 
nouncing  that  she  was  about  to  leave  Philadelphia  for  this  town. 
Brown  will  still  make  another  effort  to  check  her.  Nothing  seems  to 
give  Brown  greater  annoyance  than  hearing  of  those  threatening 
anonymous  letters  that  are  continually  sent  to  Governor  Wise,  and 
to  the  authorities  of  Charlestown,  respecting  his  fate.  He  protests 
against  them,  and  feels  unwilling  to  believe  that  they  proceed  from  his 
own  friends." 

A  pro-slavery  reporter  of  the  New  York  Herald  vis 
ited  John  Brown  on  the  same  days,  and  thus  records 
the  results  of  the  interview  : 

"  I  have  just  seen  '  Old  Captain  Brown.'  I  inquired  after  his  health 
and  condition  ;  he  replied  that  his  recent  wounds  had  caused  some 
inflammation  in  an  old  one,  received,  doubtless,  in  some  of  his  « Kan 
sas  work  ; '  with  that  exception  he  was  easy  in  mind  and  body,  and 
thought  he  had  done  his  duty  to  God  and  man.  If  it  was  decreed 
that  he  should  suffer  for  it,  very  well ;  it  was  of  but  small  conse 
quence  to  him.  He  cared  but  little,  any  way.  I  asked  him  if  he 
had  no  regret  for  the  valuable  lives  he  had  destroyed.  The  old  sin 
ner  replied  he  had  not  intended  that.  In  answer  to  the  query,  *  If 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  377 

he  thought  his  designs  could  be  carried  out  without  bloodshed  ? '  he 
replied,  « It  had  been  done  in  Missouri.'  Just  at  that  point  the  inter 
view  terminated. 

"The  prisoners  are  still  guarded  with  the  greatest  vigilance.     Hun 
dreds  of  men  all  the  time  under  arms  are  stationed  at  the  jail,  which, 
by  the  way,  in  its  external  appearance  looks  much  more  like  a  private  i 
residence  than  a  jail,  with  its  curtained  windows  and  porch  or  stoop,  / 
to  speak  in  Yankee  parlance,  leading  out  on  the  street  —  but  it  is  very  I 
strong  and  secure  within." 

On  the  5th  of  November,  a  Northern  lady  —  Mrs. 
Spring — arrived  in  Charlestown  to  nurse  John  Brown; 
and,  on  the  following  day,  was  admitted  to  his  cell. 
From  her  account  of  this  interview,  all  that  has  not 
hitherto  been  published  is  subjoined  : 

"  On  our  way  we  spent  a  night  at  Harper's  Ferry.  In  the  parlor 
we  heard  a  young  lady  describing  to  a  gentleman  the  horrors  of  the 
night  of  terror.  « I  wished,'  she  said,  '  I  could  shoot  them  all.'  She 
told  the  story  of  poor  Thompson,  brought  wounded  into  the  hotel, 
followed  by  the  infuriated  people,  protected  for  a  time  by  Mr.  Foulke's 
sister,  at  last  dragged  out  and  killed  on  the  bridge.  She  said,  « It  was 
dreadful  to  drag  him  out  so ;  but-*  they  did  right  to  kill  him.  I 
would.  .  .  .' 

"  Between  Mr.  Brown  and  his  jailer  there  has  grown  up  a  most 
friendly  feeling.  Captain  Avis,  who  is  too  brave  to  be  afraid  to  be 
kind,  has  done  all  he  could  for  the  prisoners,  and  been  cursed  accord 
ingly.  Still  their  condition  was  very  cheerless,  and  Mr.  Brown  was 
in  the  same  clothes  in  which  he  was  taken.  A  cloth  under  his  head 
was  much  stained  with  blood  from  a  still  open  wound.  It  was  hard 
for  me  to  forget  the  presence  of  the  jailer,  (I  had  that  morning  seen  his 
advertisement  of  •  fifty  negroes  for  sale ; ')  but  I  soon  lost  all  thought 
of  him  in  listening  to  Mr.  Brown,  who  spoke  at  once  of  his  plans  and 
his  failure.  Twenty  years  he  has  labored,  and  waited,  and  suffered, 
and  at  last  he  believed  the  time  of  fulfilment  had  come.  But  he  failed  ; 
and  instead  of  being  free  on  the  mountains,  strong  to  break  every 
yoke,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  he  was  shorn  of  his  strength,  with 
prison  walls  about  him.  'But,'  he  said,  'I  do  not  now  reproach 
myself;  I  did  what  I  could.'  I  said,  'The  Lord  often  leads  us  in 
strange  ways.'  'Yes,'  he  answered;  'and  /  think  I  cannot  noic  better 
serve  the  cause  I  love  so  much  than  to  die  for  it ;  and  in  my  death  I  may 
do  more  than  in  my  life.'  A  pleasant  smile  came  over  his  face  when  I 
exclaimed,  '  Then  you  will  be  our  martyr !  '  I  continued,  '  I  want 
to  ask  one  question  for  others,  not  for  myself —  Have  you  been  actu 
ated  by  any  feeling  of  revenge  ? '  He  raised  his  head,  and  gave  me  a 
surprised  look ;  then,  lying  back,  he  answered  slowly,  but  firmly, 
'  I  am  not  conscious  of  having  had  a  feeling  of  the  kind.  No,  not  in 
all  the  wrong  done  to  me  and  my  family  in  Kansas,  have  I  had  a  feel 
ing  of  revenge.'  '  That  would'  not  sustain  you  now,'  I  remarked. 
« No,  indeed,'  he  replied  quickly ;  '  but  I  sleep  peacefully  as  an 
infant,  or  if  I  am  wakeful,  glorious  thoughts  come  to  me,  entertaining 

32* 


378  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

my  mind.'  Presently  he  added,  '  The  sentence  they  tave  pronounced 
against  me  did  not  disturb  me  in  the  least ;  it  is  not  the  first  time  that 
I  have  looked  death  in  the  face.'  « It  is  not  the  hardest  thing  for  a 
brave  man  to  die,'  I  answered ;  '  but  how  will  it  be  in  the  long  days 
before  you,  shut  up  here  ?  If  you  can  be  true  to  yourself  in  all  this, 
how  glad  we  shall  be  1 '  '  I  cannot  say,'  he  responded,  *  but  I  do  not 
believe  I  shall  deny  my  Lord  and  Master,  Jesus  Christ;  and  I  should  be  if 
I  denied  my  principles  against  slavery.  Why,  I  preach^  against  it  all  the 
time  —  Captain  Avis  knows  I  do.'  The  jailer  smiled,  and  said,  '  Yes.' 
We  spoke  of  those  who,  in  times  of  trial,  forgot  themselves,  and  he 
said,  *  There  seems  to  be  just  that  difference  in  people ;  some  can  bear 
more  than  others,  and  i.  ot  suffer  so  much.  He  had  been  through  all 
kinds  of  hardships,  and  did  not  mind  them.'  My  son  remarked  it 
was  a  great  thing  to  have  confidence  in  one's  own  strength.  '  I  did 
not  mean  to  say  that,'  was  the  answer.  « It  was  only  a  constitutional 
difference,  and  I  have  been  trained  to  hardships.'  When  twelve  years 
old  he  went  with  his  father  to  furnish  the  American  army  with  cattle. 
This  had  led  him  far  away  from  home,  and  subjected  him  to  much 
exposure.  Sometimes  he  slept  in  graveyards,  but  without  any  super 
stitious  fears,/ and  in  forests  a  hundred  miles  from  human  habitations, 
surrounded  by  hostile  English  and  Indians.  '  But,'  he  added,  smiling, 
'  I  have  one  unconquerable  weakness ;  1  have  ahvays  been  more  afraid 
of  being  taken  into  an  evening  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  than  of 
meeting  a  company  of  men  with  guns.'  I  think  he  is  still  more 
afraid  of  giving  trouble  to  others.  -  He  seems  to  me  to  be  purely  unself 
ish,  and  in  all  that  he  has  done  to  have  never  thought  of  himself,  but 
always  of  others.  In  a  noble  letter  to  his  wife,  which  I  brought  away 
with  me,  he  entreats  his  '  dear  wife  and  children,  every  one,  Never  in 
all  your  trials  forget  the  poor  that  cry,  and  him  that  hath  none  to  help 
him' 

"While  he  was  talking  to  me  with  deepest  solicitude  of  his  family, 
the  rabble,  ever  hanging  about  the  Court  House  and  prison,  fearful 
that  we  were  plotting  treason  inside,  became  restless.  The  sheriff  was 
frightened,  and  called  the  jailer,  so  that  I  had  only  a  moment  to  speak 
to  Stevens,  and  to  say  farewell  to  Mr.  Brown,  who  stood  upx  to  take 
leave  of  us,  saying,  '  The  Lord  will  bless  you  for  coming  here.' 

"There  was,  I  learned  afterwards,  an  angry  mob  outside  the  jail, 
but  I  did  not  see  it.  In  a  moment  we  reached  the  hotel,  and  at  once 
recorded  all  we  could  remember  of  this  interesting  visit.  That  night 
there  were  rumors  of  an  attack  on  the  jail,  and  it  was  thought  best 
that  I  should  not  repeat  my  visit. 

"  But  the  evening  before  we  left  Charlestown,  a  telegram  announced 
to  me  that  Mrs.  Brown  was  in  Philadelphia  \  and  I  was  anxious  there 
fore  to  have  another  interview  with  her  husband.  In  the  morning 
I  sent  for  the  Judge,  who  went  with  us  to  the  prison  door.  Mr. 
Brown  was  sitting  at  the  table,  where  he  had  just  finished  a  letter  to 
his  wife,  and  a  note  to  me.  He  looked  better,  and  brighter,  and  hap 
pier  than  at  my  first  visit,  and  Stevens  also  looked  better.  The  old 
man  said  little  except  about  his  family,  whom  he  commended  to  the 
kindness  of  good  people." 

The  next  account  that  we  have,  is  from  the  corre 
spondence  of  a  pro-slavery  paper,  —  the  New  York 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  379 

Herald,  —  and  from  so  very  prejudiced  a  source,  jt  is 
an  important  testimony  to  John  Brown's  character  and 


"A  person  visiting  Brown  in  jail,  and  seeing  him  for  the  first  time, 
-\vith  an  estimate  formed  of  the  man  from  his  conduct  during  the  trial 
and  the  speeches  there  delivered  by  him,  would  find  his  preconceived 
opinions  rapidly  disappear  before  the  subject  of  them.  It  is  true  that, 
acting  under  excitement  and  from  the  consciousness  that  he  was  sur 
rounded  by  his  enemies,  Brown  frequently  indulged  in  irascible  remarks, 
feeling  somewhat  secure  in  the  protection  of  the  law  whose  victim  he 
must  be,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  dared,  and,  indeed,  seemed  to 
court,  the  worst  his  foes  could  do,  thinking,  perhaps,  that  he  might 
sscape  the  slower  and  more  vengeful  process  of  the  law.  In  this  state 
of  feeling,  sensitive  as  an  enthusiast  in  giving  to  the  world  the  motives 
of  an  act  which,  to  his  own  diseased  mind,  was  great  and  good,  but 
which  the  world  must  condemn,  he  claimed  with  petulance  and  impa 
tience  those  delays  in  the  administration  of  the  law  which  neither  l\is 
crimes  nor  the  circumstances  of  the  court  could  fairly  admit  of.  Ilia 
object  in  this  was,  as  he  himself  said,  to  give  the  world  a  fair  oppor 
tunity  of  judging  of  his  motives.  If  this  opportunity  was  to  be 
denied  him,  a  summary  quietus  from  one  of  the  Sharpe's  rifles  in  the 
hands  of  his  enemies  was  all  he  next  most  desired.  Now  that  he  has 
received  at  the  hands  of  justice  and  fair  play  all  the  delay  that  he 
could  possibly  hope  for  —  a  trial  protracted  over  five  days  —  with  the 
fullest  publicity  given  to  the  statements  of  those  witnesses  who  testfied 
most  directly  and  generously  to  his  humanity  to  his  prisoners  in  the 
Armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  he  is  satisfied,  and  awaits  the  result  with 
that  en  1m  firmness  which  is  the  sure  characteristic  of  a  brave  man. 

"  What  Brown  was  most  anxious  to  establish  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  during  the  trial,  was  his  claim  to  being  considered  humane  and 
merciful  from  his  conduct  to  his  prisoners.  Whatever  good  quality  a 
man  possesses  in  any  marked  degree  he  is  most  anxious  to  have  ac 
knowledged  at  a  time  when  circumstances  point  the  other  way ;  and. 
so  it  was  with  Brown.  Though  his  deeds  in  the  Kansas  border  wars 
did  not  entitle  him  to  be  considered  either  as  humane,  or  as  averse  to 
the  shedding  of  blood,  certainly  his  prisoners  at  Harper's  Ferry  had  no 
fault  to  find  with  him  on  that  score.  They  frankly  acknowledged  his 
humanity  and  courtesy  towards  them.  At  all  events,  the  opinions 
formed  of  the  man  from  the  darker  features  of  hi:,  life  would  fade 
before  the  influence  of  a  personal  interview  \vith  him  in  prison.  Now 
that  his  fate  has  been  decided  by  the  just  and  proper  process  of  law, 
he  feels  resigned  to  it.  He  no  longer  indulges  in  complaints  and  in 
vectives.  He  rarely  adverts  to  his  trial ;  but  whenever  he  does,  he 
pays  a  tribute  to  all  concerned  —  Judge,  counsel,  and  witnesses.  He 
speaks  freely  upon  all  subjects  but  one,  and  that  is  the  death  of  his 
sons.  From  his  taciturnity  he  has  been  adjudged  as  entirely  callous 
as  to  the  fate  of  his  sons  and  the  other  unfortunate  victims  of  his  mad 
enterprise  ;  but  this  is  a  very  great  mistake,  and  arises  from  ignorance 
of  the  human  heart.  He  avoids  the  subject,  it  is  true,  but  in  waiv 
ing  it,  should  it  be  started,  the  observer  can  mark  and  understand 
the  feeling  which  confines  it  to  his  own  heart.  He  speaks  freely 


380  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

enough  of  his  wife  and  daughters,  and  he  has  been  some  time  consid 
ering  the  propriety  of  allowing  them  to  visit  him.  They  are  now  on 
their  way  to  visit  him,  although  he  had  resolved  on  avoiding  an  inter 
view  with  them  until  some  few  days  previous  to  that  fixed  for  his 
death,  and  which  he  ha*s  not  the  slightest  hope  of  seeing  put  off  a 
single  hour. 

"  Mrs.  Russell,  wife  of  Judge  Russell,  visited  him  the  other  day, 
nnd  had  a  long  chat  with  him.  He  appears!  v  -ry  much  pleased  with 
the  lady's  manner,  and  was  very  communicative  with  her.  In  illustrat 
ing  his  own  character,  he  said  that  he  had  never  known  what  fear 
w.as  when  brought  into  opposition  or  collision  with  his  fellowsman, 
but  that  he  had  a  strange  feeling  of  that  nature  on  his  first  introduc 
tion  to  the  higher  class  of  men  with  whom  his  peculiar  and  wayward 
life  brought  him  into  contact.  This  feeling,  he  said,  was  very  awk 
ward,  and  very  painful,  also,  when  entering  the  society  of  women. 
The  interview  with  Mrs.  Russell  seemed  to  touch  the  old  man's  heart, 
and  no  woman  could  turn  from  him,  so  full  of  trials  and  sorrow  — 
for  woman  at  such  a  moment  rarely  looks  back  to  first  causes  —  with 
out  emotion. 

"Brown  frequently  indulges  in  amusing  narratives  of  his  encoun 
ters  with  his  border  enemies  of  Kansas  and  Missouri.  He  related  to 
me  that  upon  one  occasion  he  had  succeeded  in  running  away  with  a 
party  of  slaves  from  Missouri,  but  that  he  was  so  hotly  pursued  that 
some  stratagem  was  necessary  to  prevent  them  from  being  overtaken, 
in  the  event  of  which  a  severe  fight  and  consequent  sacrifice  of  life 
must  be  the  result.  To  avoid  this,  Brown  himself  turned  off  the 
track  of  the  retreating  party,  and  having  completely  disguised  him 
self,  joined  as  an  amateur  the  pursuers.  With  them  he  remained  a 
day  and  a  night,  entering  into  their  counsels  and  effectually  control 
ling  their  motions,  so  that  he  turned  them  off  the  right  track,  and  gave 
his  friends  an  opportunity  to  escape.  The  old  man  laughed  as  he 
recalled  the  scene,  and  said,  « I  never  was  good  at  a  disguise,  but«that 
time  I  deceived  several  in  the  party  who  had  seen  and  known  me 
before.'  With  all  who  come  in  a  kindly  spirit  to  visit  him  Brown  is 
exceedingly  free  and  open.  He  esteems  such  as  friends,  and  seems  to 
view  their  leave-taking  with  regret.  But  these  visits  are  but  as  angels' - 
visits,  few  and  far  between,  for  the  jealousy  and  suspicion  with  which 
the  people  of  Charlestown  regard  all  who  are  likely  to  feel  for  and 
sympathize  with  the  prisoner  —  in  fact,  all  strangers  —  keep  barred 
the  prison  doors.  It  is  not  so,  however,  in  regard  to  those  about 
whose  eai-nest  hostility  to  all  abolition  movements  there  is  no  doubt 
entertained.  They  enter  in  flocks,  and  gape,  and  stare,  and  follow 
the  jailer  in  and  out.  He  is  in  the  same  cell  with  Stevens,  at  whose 
bedside  he  is  constantly  found  sitting,  with  the  Bible  (just  closed  as 
the  visitor  enters)  placed  upon  his  knees.  This  is  the  Bible  he  always 
carried  with  him.  It  was  found,  after  the  final  attack  and  recapture 
of  Harper's  Ferry,  in  the  Armory,  and  was  by  some  kind  person  re 
stored  to  its  owner  in  captivity.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that 
Brown  awaits  death  with  that  resignation  and  tranquillity  which  dis 
arm  the  dreaded  phantom  of  all  terror." 

A  republican  correspondent,  writing  under  date  of 
November  8,  informs  us  that, 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  381 

•'Brown's  conversation  is  singularly  attractive.  His  manner  is 
magnetic.  It  attracts  every  one  who  approaches  him,  and  while  he 
talks  he  reigns.  The  other  prisoners  venerate  him.  Stevens  sits  in 
his  bed,  usually  with  his  face  away  from  the  window,  and  listens  all 
day  to  '  the  Captain's '  words,  seldom  offering  a  syllable  except  when 
called  upon.  Sometimes  he  gets  a  little  ejxcited,  and  springs  forward 
to  make  clear  some  point  about  which  <  the  Captain  '  is  in  doubt ;  but 
his  five  bullets,  in  head  and  breast,  weigh  him  do.wn,  and  he  is  soon 
exhausted.  As  for  the  other  men,  —  Copeland,  Green,  and  Coppic,  — 
they  are  always  sending  messages  to  '  the  Captain,'  assuring  him  that 
'  it  was  not  they  who  confessed,  and  he  mustn't  growl  at  them,  but  at 
Cook.'  I  cannot  forget  hearing  Brown  express  himself  on  the  subject 
of  the  threatening  anonymous  letters  that  have  been  received  by  Gov. 
Wise  relating  to  his  case.  «  Well,  gentlemen,'  he  said,  « I  tell  you  what 
I  think  of  them.  They  come  from  no  friends  of  mine.  I  have  noth 
ing  to  do  with  such  friends.  Why,  gentlemen,  of  all  the  things  in  the 
world  that  I  despise,  anonymous  letters  are  the  worst.  If  I  had  a 
little  job  to  do,  I  would  sooner  take  one  half  the  men  I  brought  down 
here  to  help  me  than  as  many  of  these  fellows  as  could  fill  all  Jef 
ferson  County,  standing  close  upon  every  inch.  If  I  don't  get  out 
of  this  jail  before  such  people  as  they  are  take  me  out,  I  shan't  go 
very  soon.'  " 

During  all  this  time,  John  Brown  received  large 
numbers  of  letters  daily.  All  anonymous  notes  he 
burned  without  reading.  He  replied  to  as  many  of 
the  others  as  he  had  time  to  answer.  Previous  to  this 
date,  also,  two  militia  companies  paid  him  a  visit,  — 
the  Continentals  and  the  Frederickburg  Guards.  He 
received  them  cordially  ;  but  objected,  he  said,  "  to  be 
made  a  monkey  show  of."  He  told  the  Continentals 
that  he  had  seen  their  uniform  on  the  border  during 
the  war  of  1812. 

WRIT   OF   ERROR   REFUSED. 

On  November  16,  says  the  New  York  Tribune, 

"  John  Brown,  by  counsel,  made  his  last  appeal  to  a  Virginia  tri 
bunal.  Within  a  few  hours'  time,  the  five  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Appeals  uttered  their  unanimous  opinion  that  the  judgment 
of  the  Jefferson  County  Court,  under  which  the  old  man  awaits  death 
by  hanging  on  the  2d  day  of  December,  was  right ;  and  therefore  they 
denied  his  petition  for  a  writ  of  error.  The  indictment  upon  which 
Brown  was  tried  contained  four  counts  —  for  treason,  for  advising  and 
conspiring  with  slaves  and  others  to  rebel,  and  for  murder.  Charged 
jointly  with  others,  he  was  tried  alone.  One  general  judgment  of 
death  was  entered  upon  the  whole  of  it.  The  grounds  of  his  applica- 


382  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

tion  for  a  writ  of  error  were  few.  He  claimed,  first,  that  the  judgment 
against  him  was  erroneous,  because  it  was  not  averred  in  the  treason 
count,  that  at  the  time  of  the  offence  charged  he  was  a  citizen  of  the 
State  of  Virginia  or  of  the  United  States.  The  law  is  well  settled, 
that  treason  is  a  breach  of  allegiance,  and  can  be  committed  only  by 
one  who  owes  allegiance,  either  temporary  or  perpetual.  Brown  ap 
pealed  to  the  Court,  that  if  the  judgment  against  him  on  all  the  counts, 
including  this  defective  one  of  treason,  was  to  stand,  he  would  be  put 
out  of  all  possible  reach  of  the  Executive  clemency.  That  clemency 
could  have  reached  him,  on  the  contrary,  if  the  judgment  had  only 
been  on  the  other  counts  of  the  indictment.  Secondly,  he  claimed  that 
the  judgment  under  which  he  now  awaits  death  was  erroneous,  in  that 
the  Court  below  denied  his  application  that  the  prosecution  be  made 
to  elect  some  one  count  upon  which  to  try  him,  and  abandon  the  rest. 
He  was  entitled  to  that  election :  First,  Because  the  offence  of  treason 
is  not  pardonable  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  therefore  a  count 
charging  it  should  not  have  been  united  in  an  indictment  with  counts 
for  offencas  thc\t  are  pardonable.  Second,  Because  the  punishment 
upon  conviction  upon  each  of  the  counts  was  not  necessarily  the 
same  ;  that  while  it  was  inevitably  capital  upon  one  of  them,  upon 
the  others  he  might  have  been  found  guilty  only  of  a  misdemeanor, 
or  of  a  simple  manslaughter.  Thirdly,  he  insisted  that  the  Court  be 
low  should  have  instructed  the  Jury  that  if  they  believed,  from  the 
evidence,  that  at  the  time  of  the  committing  of  the  acts  charged  in  the 
count  for  treason,  he  was  not  a  citizen  of  Virginia,  but  of  another 
State,  he  could  not  be  convicted  under  it.  Fourthly,  he  claimed  that 
the  finding  by  the  Jury  upon  the  counts  for  conspiring  with  slaves  to 
rebel,  and  for  killing  «  four  white  men  and  one  free  negro,'  <  in  manner 
and  form  as  aforesaid,'  was  too  uncertain  and  inconsistent  to  warrant 
a  judgment  of  death.  Briefly,  and  without  any  delay  painful  to  the 
tense  expectation  of  the  Virginia  mind,  did  the  five  Judges  of  the 
Appeals  Court  say  to  John  Brown,  through  his  counsel,  c  The  judg 
ment  under  which  you  are  to  be  hung  by  the  neck  until  you  are  dead, 
is  plainly  right.'  His  counsel  ivere  not  allowed  to  be  heard." 

JOHN  BROWN  AND  THE  SOUTHERN  CLERGY. 

John  Brown  had  frequent  calls  from  the  Virginia 
clergy,  but  with  none  of  them  would  he  bow  the  knee 
to  their  Baal.  Mr.  Lowry,  an  old  neighbor,  who  visited 
him  in  prison,  states  that : 

"  Mr.  Brown  is  a  member  of  the  Old- School  Presbyterian  Church, 
and  a  decidedly  religious  man,  though  he  strictly  and  sternly  refuses 
to  be  aided  in  his  prayers  by  the  pro-slavery  divines  of  Virginia. 
One  of  these  gentlemen,  in  conversation  with  me,  said  that  he  had 
called  on  Brown  to  pray  with  him.  He  said  that  Brown  asked  if  he 
was  ready  to  fight,  if  necessity  required  it,  for  the  freedom  of  the 
slave.  On  his  answering  in  the  negative,  Brown  said  that  he  would 
thank  him  to  retire  from  his  cell ;  that  his  prayers  would  be  an  abom 
ination  to  his  God.  To  another  clergyman  he  said  that  he  would  not 
insult  his  God  by  bowing  down  with  any  one  who  had  the  blood  of 
the  slava  upon  his  skirts." 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  383 

A  correspondent  of  the  Baltimore  American  gives 
this  additional  testimony  to  John  Brown's  fidelity : 

"  Captain  Brown  has  also  recovered,  and  is  getting  quite  active. 
He  refuses  to  receive  any  ministers  who  countenance  slavery,  telling 
them  to  go  home  and  read  their  Bibles.  Rev.  Alfred  Griffith  had 
an  interview  with  him  a  few  days  since,  which  lasted  for  nearly  an 
hour,  principally  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  They  quoted  Scripture 
to  sustain  their  views,  and  had  quite  a  clashing  time  of  it ;  but  neither 
was  able  to  convince  the  other  of  the  correctness  of  their  peculiar 
doctrines." 

Another  writer  says : 

"  Brown  was  visited  yesterday  by  Rev.  James  H.  March,  of  the  M. 
E.  Church.  The  reverend  gentleman  having  advanced  an  argument  in 
favor  of  the  institution  of  slavery  as  it  now  exists,  Brown  replied  to 
him,  saying,  '  My  dear  sir,  you  know  nothing  about  Christianity  ;  you 
Avill  have  to  learn  the  A  B  C's  in  the  lesson  of  Christianity,  as  I  find 
you  entirely  ignorant  of  the  meaning  of  the  word.  I,  of  course,  re 
spect  you  as  a  gentleman  ;  but  it  is  as  a  heathen  gentleman.'  The  rev 
erend  gentleman  here  thought  it  best  to  draw  such  a  discussion  to  a 
close,  and  therefore  withdrew." 

Let  the  churches  of  America  blush  in  shame  in  pres 
ence  of  the  faithful  Christian  of  Charlestown  jail.  Was 
ever  testimony  against  slavery  so  firmly  or  so  worthily 
borne  ?  The  effect  of  it  was  noteworthy.  The  clergy 
men  of  Charlestown  refused  to  pray  for  John  Brown 
before  his  execution,  although  that  custom  is  immemo 
rial,  and  Christianity  enjoins  the  duty  of  praying  even 
for  our  enemies. 

To  Mr.  Lowry,  in  speaking  of  the  Pottawattomie 
executions,  and  the  person  who  accused  him  of  having 
killed  the  ruffians,  he  said  that  he  was  mistaken  in 
supposing  that  the  charge  needed  any  refutation  from 
him.  "  Time  and  the  honest  verdict  of  posterity,"  he 
said,  "  will  approve  of  every  act  of  mine  to  prevent 
slavery  from  being  established  in  Kansas.  I  never  shed 
the  blood  of  a  fellow-man,  except  in  self-defence  or  in 
promotion  of  a  righteous  cause."  Mr.  Lowry  adds  : 


384  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

"  During  our  conversation,  the  martial  music  (where  Governor  Wise 
was  reviewing  his  army  near  the  prison)  made  a  great  noise,  and, 
thinking  it  must  annoy  him,  I  asked  him  if  it  did  not.  '  No,'  said  the 
man ;  '  it  is  inspiring  ! ' 

"  And  here,  as  I  parted  with  him,  telling  him  I  would  see  him 
again,  if  possible,  he  repeated  to  me :  '  Tell  those  without  that  I  am 
cheerful.'  My  time  was  up,  and  I  was  invited  to  leave." 

During  this  week  five  fires,  caused  J)y  incendiaries, 
occurred  within  a  circuit  of  fifteen  miles.  The  fright 
ened  Virginians  attributed  them  to  anti«-slavery  inva 
ders  ;  but  the  planters,  knowing  the  feelings  of  their 
slaves,  slept  every  night  in  the  town.  A  cow  ap 
proached  the  guards,  one  evening,  and,  refusing  to  give 
the  countersign,  was  shot.  In  a  few  days  afterwards, 
companies  of  infantry  and  artillery  arrived  from  Peters 
burg  and  Richmond,  to  protect  the  citizens. 

On  their  arrival  in  Charlestown,  on  November  22, 
these  protectors  of  Virginia  from  her  graminivorous 
enemies  paid  a  visit  to  the  old  man  in  prison  ;  but  no 
one  cared  or  was  permitted  to  describe  the  interview. 
Governor  Wise,  who  accompanied  them  to  Charles- 
town,  had  a  conversation  with  John  Brown,  who  "jus 
tified  and  defended  his  course." 

On  the  24th,  the  militia  Colonel  hitherto  in  command 
was  superseded  by  General  Taliaferro,  and  martial  law 
was  at  once  proclaimed.  The  telegraph  was  seized  by 
the  Government  of  Virginia,  and  every  train  that  en 
tered  the  State  was  searched  and  put  under  guard. 
The  Austrian  passport  system  was  inaugurated  —  for 
the  first  time  in  American  history. 

The  next  and  only  published  record  of  John  Brown's 
life  in  his  cell,  until  the  day  preceding  his  sublime 
victory  over  death,  is  from  the  pen  of  a  very  prejudiced 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  385 

authority,  but  bears,  nevertherless,  internal  evidences 
of  its  truthfulness  : 

"  Colonel  Smith,  of  the  Virginia  Military  Institute,  paid  a  visit  to 
John  Brown  to-day,  in  company  with  Mr.  O.  Jennings  Wise,  son  of 
Governor  Wise,  who  is  attached  to  Company  F,  of  Richmond.  I  had 
an  interview  with  one  of  the  jail  officials  who  was  present  at  the  con 
versation  that  took  place  between  Captain  Brown  and  these  gentlemen, 
a  nd  I  give  you,  word  for  word,  what  transpired  during  our  interview : 

Reporter.  Did  Colonel  Smith  question  Brown  as  to  whether  he  had 
any  desire  to  have  a  clergyman  to  administer  to  him  the  consolations 
of  religion  ? 

Jail  Official.  Yes,  he  did ;  but  Brown  said  he  did  not  recognize  any 
slaveholder,  lay  or  clerical,  or  any  man  sympathizing  with  slavery,  as 
a  Christian.  He  gave  the  same  reason  yesterday  for  his  refusal  to 
accept  the  services  of  some  clergymen  Avho  called  upon  him.  He  also 
said  he  would  as  soon  be  attended  to  the  scaffold  by  blacklegs  or  rob 
bers  of  the  worst  kind  as  by  slavcholding  ministers,  or  ministers  sym 
pathizing  with  slavery,  and  that  if  he  had  his  choice  he  would  prefer 
being  followed  to  the  scaffold  by  barefooted,  barelegged,  ragged 
negro  children,  and  their  old  gray-headed  slave-mother,  than  by  cler 
gymen  of  this  Character.  He  would  feel,  he  said,  much  prouder  of 
such  an  escort,  and  wished  he  could  have  it. 

Reporter.  Has  he  said  any  thing  on  the  subject  of  religion  to  the 
clergymen  who  have  called  upon  him  ? 

Official.  Yes,  he  argues  with  them  ;  but  winds  up  frequently  by 
telling  them  that  they,  and  all  slaveholders  and  sympathizers  with 
slavery,  have  far  more  need  of  prayers  themselves  than  he  has,  and  he 
accordingly  ndvises  them  to  pray  for  themselves,  and  exhibit  no  con 
cern  about  him.  While  making  these  remarks,  he  requests  that  he 
would  not  be  understood  as  designing  to  offer  any  insult. 

Reporter.  Does  his  health  seem  impaired  by  the  anxiety  which  he 
must  necessarily  feel  in  view  of  his  impending  fate  ? 

Official.  No,  sir ;  he  looks  much  better  to-day  than  he  did  at  any 
period  since  his  imprisonment.  He  eats  his  meals  regularl}',  and 
seems  to  be  in.  better  spirits  this  morning  than  he  has  been  for  ten 
days. 

Reporter.  Does  he  make  any  reference  to  his  sons  who  were  shot  at 
Harper's  Ferry  ? 

Official.  He  expressed  some  anxiety  to  get  the  bodies  of  his  sons 
together,  and  requested  the  jailer  to  give  his  wife  any  assistance  in  his 
power  to  get  them  together. 

Reporter.     What  does  he  mean  by  getting  them  together  ? 

Official.  He  is  aware  that  the  body  of  one  of  his  sons  was  taken  to 
the  Winchester  Medical  College  for  dissection,  and  in  using  the  words 
getting  them  together  he  meant  to  have  their  bones  collected  and  given 
to  his  wife.  He  also  expressed  a  desire  to  have  the  bones  of  two  men, 
named  Thompson,  from  his  neighborhood,  Avho  were  shot  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  given  to  his  wife.  He  expressed  an.  idea  that  it  would  be  well 
to  have  the  flesh  burned  off  the  bodies  of  all,  and  their  bones  boxed 
up,  so  that  they  might  be  carried  home  with  more  convenience.  In 
expressing  this  wish  he  remarked  that  he  meant  to  do  no  violence  to 

33 


386  Forty  Days  in  Chains. 

the  feelings  or  Christian  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Virginia.  His 
sole  object  was  to  prevent  inconvenience  in  their  transportation,  and 
avoid  any  disagreeable  odor. 

Reporter.  There  was  a  rumor  on  the  streets  during  yesterday  that 
he  was  engaged  in  writing  out,  or  had  written,  his  autobiography.  Is 
there  any  truth  in  the  rumor  ? 

Official.  No,  sir ;  there  is  no  truth  in  it.  He  is,  however,  writing 
u  Lo'ng  communication  to  his  family.* 

Reporter.  Does  he  exhibit  much  concern  about  his  wife  -and  chil 
dren  ? 

Official.  Some  time  since  he  felt  deeply  concerned  lest  they  may  be 
reduced  to  want.  Now,  however,  he  has  less  concern  on  that  head, 
doubtless  because  of  the  assurance  he  received  of  a  purpose  to  make 
provision  for  them.  He  often  speaks  of  his  three  youngest  daughters, 
the  eldest  of  whom,  he  says,  is  rising  sixteen,  and  the  youngest  six. 

Reporter.     Does  he  say  any  thing  relative  to  Governor  Wise  ? 

Official.  He  speaks  of  him  in  the  highest  terms,  and  expressed  him 
self  .much  pleased  at  seeing  his  son  to-day,  on  account  of  his  father's 
treatment  of  him.  He  observed  that  the  Governor  treated  him  much 
better  than  he  expected  he  would  have  done  under  the  circumstances. 

Reporter.  Does  he  seek  to  justify  himself  for  the  murder  of  the  men 
at  Pottawattomie  Creek,  when  questioned  upon  the  subject  ? 

Official.  He  says  he  did  not  kill  any  of  them,  but  that  he  approved 
of  their  being  killed. 

Reporter.  Has  he  any  intercourse  with  the  rest  of  his  confederates 
now  in  jail  ? 

Official.  He  has  not,  except  with  Stevens,  who  occupies  the  same 
cell  with  him. 

Reporter.  Did  he  seem  pleased  when  he  was  informed  that  the 
Governor  agreed  to  hand  over  his  body  to  his  wife  ? 

Official.  He  was  very  much  pleased  when  he  read  the  Governor's 
letter  to  the  Sheriff,  requesting  his  body  to  be  given  to  his  wife  after 
execution. 

At  this  stage  of  the  dialogue  a  Presbyterian  clergyman  of  this  town, 
named  Dutton,  entered  the  jailer's  dwelling,  and  requested  to  have  his 
name  reported  to  Mr.  Brown,  with  a  request  for  an  interview  if  con 
venient.  The  message  was  delivered,  but  Mr.  Brown  declined  an 
interview,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  then  too  busy.  Mr.  Dutton 
then  left. 

Reporter.     "What  is  it  keeps  him  busy  ? 

Official.  He  is  engaged  in  reading  about  two  dozen  letters,  sent  to 
him  this  morning.  In  declining  an  interview  with  Mr.  Dutton,  he 
desired  that  he  (Mr.  D.)  be  informed  of  his  (Brown's)  willingness  to 
see  him  in  the  course  of  the  day,  and  argue  with  him  on  the  subject  of 
religion. 

Reporter.     What  is  generally  the  character  of  the  letters  sent  to  him  ? 

Official.     They  are  generally  letters  of  sympathy  and  condolence. 
^  Reporter.     Does  he  receive  any  assuring  him  of  a  purpose  to  rescue 
him  ? 

Official.  Yes ;  several.  These,  however,  are  mostly  anonymous, 
and  he  invariably  commits  them  to  the  flames.  I  have  observed  him 

*  Which  they  never  received. 


Forty  Days  in  Chains.  387 

throwing  them  into  the  fire  upon  finding  them  to  be  anonymous. 
Recently  he  reads  no  anonymous  letter.  Any  communication,  how 
ever,  applauding  him  as  a  martyr  to  the  anti- slavery  cause,  he  care 
fully  files  away.  Referring  to  his  execution  this  morning,  during  his 
conversation  with  Mr.  O.  J.  Wise  and  Colonel  Smith,  he  said  he  was 
not  to  be  executed,  but  publicly  murdered. 

Reporter.     Does  he  profess  any  religion  ? 

Official.  Yes ;  he  says  he  is  a  member  of  the  Congregationalist 
Church,  and  represents  himself  as  a  good  Christian. 

Reporter.  Have  you  any  idea  whether  he  has  written,  or  intends  to 
write,  any  thing  which  he  would  wish  to  have  published  ? 

Official.  He  has  written  nothing  that  I  am  aware  of,  except  a  short 
note  to  a  gentleman  across  the  street,  stating  that  his  commentaries  on 
Beecher's  sermon  were  not  published  as  he  gave  them.  Some  of  his 
commentaries,  he  said,  were  omitted,  while  others  were  materially 
altered. 

Reporter.  Does  he  exhibit  any  lack  of  firmness  when  spoken,  to  on 
the  subject  of  his  approaching  doom  ? 

Official.  I  remarked  to  him  this  morning  that  the  question  was  fre 
quently  asked,  "Whether  there  was  any  caving  in  on  his  part,"  and 
his  reply  was,  that  there  was  no  caving  in  about  him  ;  that  he  would 
hold  up  to  the  last  moment  as  he  did  at  the  start. 

Reporter.     What  does  he  say  regarding  the  prospects  of  his  rescue  ? 

Official.  He  said  he  was  sure  his  sons  could  hardly  contemplate  his 
fate  without  using  some  efforts  to  rescue  him  ;  but  this,  he  presumed, 
they  would  only  do  if  he  was  allowed  to  remain  in  jail  without  any 
thing  more  than  ordinary  precaution  to  prevent  his  escape  or  rescue 
being  exercised.  He  said,  however,  that  such  an  attempt  would  not 
be  made  in  view  of  the  precautions  now  taken.  He  had  no  idea  that 
any  attempt  at  rescue  would  be  made  with  so  large  a  military  force  aa 
he  understood  was  now  present. 

Reporter.  Is  he  aware  that  he  will  not  be  permitted  to  make  any 
speech  from  the  scaffold  ? 

Official.  Yes,  he  is ;  and  when  informed  of  that  fact,  he  said  he  did 
not  care  about  saying  any  thing." 

"  In  all  his  conversation,"  wrote  another  reporter, 
"Brown  showed  the  utmost  gentleness  and  tranquil 
lity,  and  a  quiet  courtesy  withal,  that  contrasted  rather 
strongly  with  the  bearing  of  some  of  his  visitors." 


X. 

HUSBAND  AND  WIFE. 

MRS.  BROWN,  on  her  return  to  Philadelphia  from 
Baltimore,  wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Wise,  ask 
ing  for  the  bodies  of  her  slain  sons,  and  of  her  husband, 
after  his  execution.  He  sent  her  the  orders  for  them, 
addressed  to  the  Sheriff  and  the  General  in  command. 
On  Wednesday  evening,  Mrs.  Brown,  carrying  these  sad 
certificates,  arrived  at  Harper's  Ferry,  under  the  escort 
of  two  gentlemen  from  Philadelphia.  She  intended  to 
have  gone  to  Charlestown  with  them,  on  the  following 
morning,  to  have  her  last  earthly  interview  with  her 
husband.  When  the  morning  came,  a  despatch  from 
head-quarters  ordered  the  officers  to  detain  the  sorrow- 
stricken  wife  and  her  friends  until  further  orders.  A 
trustworthy  correspondent  says : 

"I  learned  at  Charlestown  that  for  several  hours  a  triangular  cor 
respondence  by  telegraph  -was  going  on  between  Charlestown,  Rich 
mond,  and  Harper's  Ferry,  which  ultimated  in  a  despatch  from  General 
Taliaferro,  saying  that  he  had  sent  a  file  of  dragoons  to  escort  Mrs. 
Brown,  but  not  the  others.  The  mortification  of  the  citizens  of  Har 
per's  Ferry  was  not  less  than  that  of  Mrs.  Brown,  and  her  friends,  at 
so  cruel  and  unlooked-for  an  act  on  the  part  of  the  chivalrous  sons  of 
Virginia.  But  as  a  cow  will  frighten  a  private  doing  sentry  duty,  one 

(388) 


Hufband  and  Wife.  389 

live  Northern  woman  and  two  Northern  men  might  reasonably  be  ex 
pected  to  intimidate  a  Virginia  army. 

"The  escort  consisted  of  a  file  of  eight  moiinted  riflemen,  under  a 
sergeant.  Captain  Moore,  of  the  Montgomery  Guards,  stationed  at 
this  place,  very  kindly  offered  his  own  services  as  a  personal  escort  to 
Mrs.  Brown,  and  she  gladly  accepted  it. 

"The  Captain  referred  frequently,  as  they  came  along,  to  the  unfor 
tunate  situation  of  her  husband.  She  exhibited  no  sorrow  or  regret, 
so  far  as  he  could  observe." 

The  gallant  Captain  had  the  brutality  to  attempt  to 
argue  with  a  wife,  thus  circumstanced,  in  favor  of  that 
great  crime  against  God  and  man,  for  assailing  whose 
power  her  husband  was  doomed  to  die. 

The  writer,  above  quoted,  continues  : 

"I  was  in  sight  when  the  formidable  cavalcade  arrived.  The  mili 
tary  went  through  manoeuvres  in  Scott's  Manual,  named  and  nameless, 
and  which  were  well  calculated  to  impress  the  beholder  with  the  won 
derful  effectiveness  of  a  Virginia  regiment  at  a  general  muster,  but  in 
a  no  more  sanguinary  conflict.  At  last,  however,  Mrs.  Brown  was 
admitted.  She  was  kindly  received  by  Captain  and  Mrs.  Avis.  Mrs. 
Avis,  by  order  of  the  powers  that  be,  conducted  Mrs.  Brown  into  a 
private  apartment,  where  her  clothing  was  searched  for  concealed 
weapons,  or  other  means  which  the  morbid  suspicion  of  the  Vir 
ginia  army  of  occupation  suggested  Mrs.  Brown  might  surreptitiously 
convey  to  her  husband. 

"  In  the  mean  time  Captain  Brown  had  been  informed  that  his  wife 
had  arrived.  The  announcement  was  made  by  General  Taliaferro, 
when  the  following  dialogue  took  place  : 

"  « Captain  Brown,  how  long  do  you  desire  this  interview  to  last?' 
asked  the  Virginian. 

"  « Not  long ;  three  or  four  hours  will  do,'  said  Captain  Brown. 

"'I  am  very  sorry,  Captain  Brown,'  said  the  Virginia  General, 
'  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  oblige  you.  Mrs.  Brown  must  return 
to-night  to  Harper's  Ferry.' 

"  'General,  execute  your  orders;  I  have  no  favors  to  ask  of  the 
State  of  Virginia,'  was  the  brave  old' man's  reply. 

"This  fact  was  related  to  an  acquaintance  of  mine  by  a  Virginia 
gentleman,  as  an  illustration  of  Captain  Brown's  courage  and  bravery. 
He  did  not  see  in  it  the  scathing  rebuke  to  the  pusillanimity  of  a  great 
State,  which,  with  a  cordon  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  would  not 
protract  the  last  interview  between  a  brave  man  and  his  sorrow- 
stricken  wife." 

33* 


390  Hufband  and  Wife. 

Mrs.  Brown,  we  are  told,  was  led  into  the  cell  by  the 
jailer.  Her  husband  rose,  and,  as  she  entered,  received 
her  in  his  arms.  For  some  minutes  they  stood  speech 
less,  —  Mrs.  Brown  resting  her  head  upon  her  hus 
band's  breast,  and  clasping  his  neck  jwith  her  arms. 
At  length  they  sat  down  and  spoke  ;  and  from  Captain 
Avis,  who  was  the  only  witness  of  that  sorrowful  scene, 
(his  fellow-prisoner,  Stevens,  having  been  placed  in  an 
adjoining  cell  before  the  entrance  of  the  wife,)  the  fol 
lowing  record  comes  : 

John  Brown  spoke  first.     "  Wife,  I  am  glad  to  see  you,"  he  said. 

"  My  dear  husband,  it  is  a  hard  fate." 

"Well,  well;  cheer  up,  cheer  up,  Mary.  We  must  all  bear  it  in 
the  best  manner  we  can.  I  believe  it  is  all  for  the  best." 

"  Our  poor  children  —  God  help  them." 

"  Those  that  are  dead  to  this  world  are  angels  in  another.  How  arc 
all  those  still  living  ?  Tell  them  their  father  died  without  a  single  re 
gret  for  the  course  he  has  pursued  —  that  he  is  satisfied  he  is  right  in 
the  eyes  of  God  and  of  all  just  men." 

Mrs.  Brown  then  spoke  of  their  remaining  children  and  their  home. 
Brown's  voice,  as  he  alluded  to  the  bereavements  of  his  family,  was 
broken  with  emotion.  After  a  brief  pause,  Brown  said : 

"Mary,  I  would  like  you  to  get  the  bodies  of  our  two  boys  who 
were  killed  at  Harper's  Ferry,  also  the  bodies  of  the  two  Thompsons, 
and,  after  I  am  dead,  place  us  all  together  on  a  wood  pile,  and  set  fire 
to  the  wood  ;  burn  the  flesh,  then  collect  our  bones  and  put  them  in 
a  large  box,  then  have  the  box  carried  to  our  farm  in  Essex  County, 
and  there  bury  us." 

Mrs.  Brown  said,  "  I  really  cannot  consent  to  do  this.  I  hope  you 
will  change  your  mind  on  this  subject.  I  do  not  think  permission 
would  be  granted  to  do  any  such  thing.  For  my  sake,  think  no  more 
of  such  an  idea." 

"  Well,  well,"  Brown  answered,  "  do  not  worry  or  fret  about  it;  I 
thought  the  plan  would  save  considerable  expense,  and  was  the  best." 

Mrs.  Brown  observed  a  chain  about  the  ankles  of  her  husband.  To 
avoid  its  galling  his  limbs,  he  had  put  on  two  pairs  of  woollen  socks. 
Mrs.  Brown  said  she  was  desirous  of  procuring  the  chain  as  a  family 
relic.  She  had  already  at  her  home  the  one  with  which  the  limbs  of 
John  Brown,  Jr.,  were  inhumanly  shackled  in  Kansas,  and  in  which 


Hufband  and  Wife.  391 


he  was  goaded  on  by  the  Border  devils  until  he  was  mad,  and  the 
chain  had  worn  through  his  flesh  to  the  bone ;  and  this,  too,  she  de 
sired.  Captain  Brown  said  he  had  himself  asked  that  it  be  given  to 
his  family,  and  had  been  refused. 

The  conversation  then  turned  upon  matters  of  business,  which 
Brown  desired  to  have  arranged  after  his  death.  lie  gave  his  wife  all 
the  letters  and  papers  which  were  needed  for  this  purpose,  and  read  to 
her  the  will  which  had  been  drawn  up  for  him  by  Mr.  Hunter,  care 
fully  explaining  every  portion  of  it. 

Speaking  of  the  parties  to  Avhom  sums  are  directed  to  be  paid,  he 
said:  "Dear  Mary,  if  you  can  find  these,  pay  them  personally;  but 
do  not  pay  any  one  who  may  present  himself  as  their  attorneys,  for  if 
it  gets  into  the  hands  of  attorneys,  we  do  not  know  what  will  become 
of  it." 

Subsequently  he  requested  his  wife  to  make  a  denial  of  the  state 
ment  that  had  gained  publicity,  that  he  had  said  in  his  interview  with 
Governor  Wise  that  he  had  been  actuated  by  feelings  of  revenge.  He 
denied  that  he  had  ever  made  such  statement,  and  wished  his  denial 
made  known  ;  and  he  denied  further  that  any  such  base  motives  had 
ever  been  his  incentive  action. 

After  this  conversation  they  took  supper  together.  This  occupied 
only  a  few  minutes.  Their  last  sorrowful  meal  being  concluded,  and 
the  time  approaching  at  which  they  must  part,  Mrs.  Brown  asked  to 
be  permitted  to  speak  to  the  other  prisoners.  But  Gen.  Taliafcrro's 
orders  forbade  this,  though  Capt.  Avis  expres&^d  a  willingness  to  per 
mit  her  to  see  them  even  at  the  risk  of  violating  orders.  She  declined 
to  see  them  under  the  circumstances. 

Brown  then  touched  upon  business  affairs,  until  an  order  was  re 
ceived  from  the  Commander-in- Chief,  saying  that  the  interview  must 
terminate.  Brown  then  said,  "  Mary,  I  hope  you  will  always  live  in 
Essex  County.  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  get  all  our  children  together, 
and  impress  the  inculcation  of  the  right  principles  to  each  succeeding 
generation.  I  give  you  all  the  letters  and  papers  which  have  been  sent 
me  since  my  arrest.  I  wish  you  also  to  take  all  my  clothes  that  are 
here,  and  carry  them  home.  Good  by,  good  by.  God  bless  you  !  " 

Mrs.  Brown  was  escorted  back  to  Harper's  Ferry, 
and  reached  there,  greatly  exhausted,  at  nine  o'clock. 

THREE   STRAY   FACTS. 

The  rope  with  which  the  old  man  was  to  be  hanged 
was  publicly  exhibited  several  days  before  the  date  of 
his  official  murder.  South  Carolina  sent  one,  Missouri 


392  Hufband  and  Wife. 

another,  and  Kentucky  a  third  rope,  with  frhich  to 
strangle  the  fearless  man  who  had  dared  to  beard  the 
lion  which  the  nation  dreaded  in  its  oldest  and  strongest 
den.  The  gifts  of  South  Carolina  and  Missouri  were 
found  to  be  wanting  in  strength  ;  and  Kentucky  had 
the  infamous  preference  in  this  choice  of  the  neces 
sities  of  assassination. 

A  forged  letter,  purporting  to  be  written  by  Mrs. 
Doyle,  the  widow  of  one  of  the  ruffians  of  Pottawatto- 
mie,  was  published  before  John  Brown's  execution,  in 
order  to  avert  from  Virginia  the  indignation  which  the 
slaughter  of  a  hero  would  inevitably  excite  in  every 
manly  heart  in  Christendom.  It  was  a  fit  expedient 
for  its  authors  ;  but  it  failed  to  effect  its  purpose.  It 
proved  the  brutality  of  Slavery ;  not  the  crime  of  its 
pure-hearted  assailant. 

On  this  day,  also,  the  old  man  presented  to  a  mer 
chant  of  Charlestown,  who  had  shown  him  great  kind 
ness,  a  copy  of  the  Bible,  bearing  on  the  fly-leaf  this 
dedication  : 

"  With  the  best  wishes  of  the  undersigned,  and  his  sincere  thanks  for 
many  acts  of  kindness  received.  There  is  no  Commentary  in  the 
world  so  good  in  order  to  a  right  understanding  of  this  Blessed  Book 
as  an  honest,  child-like,  and  teachable  spirit.  JOHN  BROWN. 

"  Charlestown,  29th  November,  1859." 

The  opposite  page  was  thus  inscribed  : 

"  John  Brown.  The  leaves  were  turned  down  and  marked  by  him 
wrhile  in  prison  at  Charlestown,  Va.  But  a  small  portion  of  those 
passages,  which  in  the  most  positive  terms  condemn  oppression  and 
violence,  are  marked." 

"  Many  hundred  passages,"  writes  a  correspondent  of  a  Southern 
paper,  "  which  can  by  any  possibility  of  interpretation  be  tortured  into 
a  support  of  his  peculiar  theory,  are  carefully  marked,  both  by  having 
the  corner  of  the  pages  turned  over,  and  by  being  surrounded  by 
heavy  pencil  marks." 


XL 

THE  VICTORY  OVER  DEATH. 

T^HE  sun  rose  clear  and  bright  on  the  2d  of  Decem 
ber.  A  haze,  that  presently  veiled  it,  soon  disap 
peared  ;  and  ere  the  hour  appointed  for  the  hero's 
death,  not  a  cloud  was  to  be  seen  in  the  ethereal  ex 
panse.  The  temperature  was  so  exceedingly  genial, 
that,  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  the  windows  of  all 
the  houses  were  open. 

THE   SCAFFOLD. 

On  the  previous  evening,  the  timber  for  the  scaffold 
had  been  removed  from  "  the  enclosure  of  the  new 
Baptist  church,"  to  a  field  about  half  a  mile  distant 
from  the  jail,  which  had  been  fixed  on  by  the  General 
in  command,  and  marked  out  with  white  flags  on  short 
stakes,  to  indicate  the  position  the  several  sentries 
should  occupy.  At  seven  o'clock  the  carpenters  began 
the  work  of  erecting  the  scaffold.  When  finished,  it  was 
about  six  feet  high,  twelve  wide,  and  fifteen  or  eigh 
teen  in  length.  A  hand  rail  extended  around  three 
sides  and  down  the  flight  of  steps.  On  the  other  side, 
stout  uprights,  with  a  cross  beam,  which  was  supported 
by  strong  braces.  In  the  centre  of  the  cross  beam  was 
an  iron  hook,  from  which  the  rope  was  suspended. 
The  trap  beneath  was  arranged  to  swing  on  hinges, 
attached  to  the  platform  so  slightly  as  to  break  from 

(393) 


394 


The  Victory  over  Death. 


it  when  the  cord  was  cut  that  upheld  the  trap.  The 
cord,  knotted  at  the  end,  passed  through  a  hole  m  the 
trap,  through  another  hole  in  the  cross  beam,  over  the 
corner,  and  down  the  upright,  to  a  hook  near  the 
ground,  to  which  it  was  tied.  Thus,  the  weight  of  a 
man  being  placed  on  it,  when  the  cord  near  the  hook 
was  cut,  the  trap  would  fall  at  once. 

THE   MILITARY   PARADE. 

At  eight  o'clock  the  troops  began  to  arrive  ;  and  at 
nine  the  first  company  took  position.  Horsemen  clothed 
in  scarlet  jackets  were  posted  around  the  field  at  fifty 
feet  apart,  and  a  double  line  of  sentries  was  stationed 
farther  in.  As  each  company  arrived,  it  took  its  allotted 
position.  The  following  diagram  will  explain  the  posi 
tion  of  the  military  forces  : 


*#*##### 

i 

i 

* 

»                             N                             < 

it 

I                                                                                                            4 

K 

B          1 
K.                                     C 

J          Hof 

* 

^r    E       .1° 

# 

PUBLIC    ROAD. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  FIELD.  —  A,  Scaffold;  B,  Generals  and  Staff  ;  (Virginia  Cadets; 

nd  Conm 


,  Cadet  Howitzers,  with  cannon  pointed  at  scaffold;  )%  Richmond  Conmeay  •>^ff,  Win 
chester  Continentals  (jj^f  auquier  Cavalry  ;  JJf  Company  A  of  Richmond  i.Ly  Alexandria 
lliflemen/JKj/Riflemen,  and  part  of  Capt.  Ashby's  Cavalry,  to  keep  order  in  the  small 
crowd.  JTlIunters  Guard,  at  entrance  gate,  supported  by  a  piece  of  Artillery  under 
command  of  Lieut.  Green  of  tho  United  States  Marines  ;  L,  Woods  scoured  by  the 
Woodis  Rifles,  to  have  the  first  brush  at  the  enemy,  if  approaching  from  Harper's 
Ferry  ;  M  M  M  M,  Pick;ets  of  the  Faiiquier  Cavalry  ;  N  N  N,  Two  lines  of  Sentries  ;  0, 
Petersburg  Grays  as  Body  Guard  to  prisoner  in  wagon. 


The  Victory  over  Death.  395 

The  first  companies  of  infantry  and  cavalry  having 
taken  their  position,  the  artillery  then  arrived,  with  a 
huge  brass  cannon,  which  was  so  placed  and  pointed 
that,  in  the  event  of  an  attempted  rescue,  the  prisoner 
might  be  blown  into  shreds  by  the  heavy  charge  of 
grape  shot  that  lay  hidden  in  it.  Other  cannon  were 
stationed,  with  equal  care,  to  sweep  the  jail  and  every 
approach  to  it.  From  eight  o'clock  till  ten,  the  mili 
tary  were  in  constant  motion.  The  extent  of  these 
precautions  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  lines 
of  pickets  and  patrols  encircled  the  field  of  death  for 
fifteen  miles,  and  that  over  five  hundred  troops  were 
posted  about  the  scaffold.  Nearly  three  thousand 
militia  soldiers  were  on  the  ground.  There  were  not 
more  than  four  hundred  citizens  present ;  for  the  fears 
of  a  servile  insurrection,  or  an  anti-slavery  invasion, 
had  kept  them  at  home  to  watch  the  movements  of 
their  slaves. 

IN  JAIL. 

Jo4n  Brown  rose  at  daybreak,  resumed  his  corre 
spondence  with  undiminished  energy,  and  continued  to 
write  till  half  past  ten  o'clock,  when  the  Sheriff,  Jailer, 
and  assistants  entered,  and  told  him  that  he  must  pre 
pare  to  die. 

The  Sheriff  bade  him  farewell  in  his  cell.  The  old 
man  quietly  thanked  him  for  his  kindness,  and  spoke 
of  Captain  Avis,  his  jailer,  as  a  brave  man.  He  was 
then  led  to  the  cell  of  Copeland  and  Green.  This 
interview  is  thus  reported  : 

"  He  told  them  to  stand  up  like  men,  and  not  betray  their  friends. 
He  then  handed  them  a  quarter  of  a  dollar  each,  saying  he  had  no 
more  use  for  money,  and  bade  them  adieu.  He  then  visited  Cook  and 


396  The  Victory  over  Death. 

Coppoc,  who  were  chained  together,  and  remarked  to  Cook:  <  You 
have  made  false  statements.' 

"  Cook  asked :     <  What  do  you  mean  ? ' 

"  Brown  answered :  <  Why,  by  stating  that  I  sent  you  to  Harper's 
Ferry.' 

"  Cook  replied:  '  Did  you  not  tell  me  in  Pittsburg  to  come  to  Har 
per's  Ferry  and  see  if  Forbes  had  made  any  disclosures  ? ' 

"  Brown :    '  No,  sir  ;  you  knew  I  protested  against  your  coming.' 

"  Cook  replied  :  '  Captain  Brown,  we  remember  differently,'  at  the 
same  time  dropping  his  head. 

"  Brown  then  turned  to  Coppic  and  said  :  '  Coppoc,  you  also  made 
false  statements,  but  I  am  glad  to  hear  you  have  contradicted  them. 
Stand  up  like  a  man.'  He  also  handed  him  a  quarter.  He  shook  both 
by  the  hand,  and  they  parted. 

"The  prisoner  wras  then  taken  to  Stevens's  cell,  and  they  kindly 
interchanged  greetings. 

"  Stevens  :  '  Good  by,  Captain;  I  know  you  are  going  to  a  better 
land.' 

"  Brown  replied  :  « I  know  I  am.'  Brown  told  him  to  bear  up, 
and  not  betray  his  friends,  giving  him  a  quarter. 

"  He  did  not  visit  Hazlett,  as  he  has  always  persisted  in  denying 
any  knowledge  of  him." 

How  ton  chin  gly  manly,  and  yet  what  childlike  sim 
plicity  !  "  I  know  I  am  "  —  "  he  gave  them  a  quarter," 
are  both  equally  characteristic  of  the  man. 

A   TRIUMPHAL   MARCH.  • 

At  eleven  o'clock,  John  Brown  came  out  of  jail. 
An  eye  witness  said  of  his  appearance  at  this  solemn 
moment:  "He  seemed  to  walk  out  of  the  Gates  of 
Fame  ;  his  countenance  was  radiant ;  he  walked  with 
the  step  of  a  conqueror."  Another  spectator  —  every 
one,  in  truth,  who  saw  the  old  man  —  corroborated 
this  report :  On  leaving  the  jail,  he  wrote,  John  Brown 
had  on  his  face  an  expression  of  calmness  and  serenity 
characteristic  of  the  patriot  who  is  about  to  die,  with  a 
living  consciousness  that  he  is  laying  down  his  life  for 
the  good  of  his  fellow-creatures.  His  face  was  even 
joyous,  and  a  forgiving  smile  rested  upon  his  lips. 


The  Victory  over  Death.  397 

His  was  the  lightest  heart,  among  friend  or  foe,  in  the 
whole  of  Charlestown  that  day  ;  and  not  a  word  was 
spoken  that  was  not  an  intuitive  appreciation  of  his 
manly  courage.  Firmly,  with  elastic  step,  he  moved 
forward.  No  flinching  of  a  coward's  heart  there.  He 
stood  in  the  midst  of  that  organized  mob,  from  whose 
despotic  hearts  petty  tyranny  seemed  for  the  nonce 
eliminated  by  the  admiration  they  had  on  once  behold 
ing  A  MAN  ;  for  John  Brown  was  there  every  inch  a  man. 

As  he  stepped  out  of  the  door,  a  black  woman,  with  a 
little  child  in  her  arms,  stood  near  his  way.  The  twain 
were  of  the  despised  race  for  whose  emancipation  and 
elevation  to  the  dignity  of  children  of  God  he  was 
about  to  lay  down  his  life.  His  thoughts  at  that 
moment  none  can  know  except  as  his  acts  interpret 
them.  He  stopped  for  a  moment  in  his  course,  stooped 
over,  and  with  the  tenderness  of  one  whose  love  is  as 
broad  as  the  brotherhood  of  man,  kissed  it  affectionately. 
That  mother  will  be  proud  of  that  mark  of  distinction 
for  her  offspring  ;  and  some  day,  when  over  the  ashes 
of  John  Brown  the  temple  of  Virginia  liberty  is  reared, 
she  may  join  in  the  joyful  song  of  praise  which  on  that 
soil  will  do  justice  to  his  memory.  As  he  passed  along, 
a  black  woman  with  a  child  in  her  arms,  ejaculated, 
"  God  bless  you,  old  man  ;  I  wish  I  could  help  you, 
1  ut  I  cannot."  He  heard  her,  and,  as  he  looked  at 
her,  a  tear  stood  in  his  eye. 

The  vehicle  which  was  to  convey  John  Brown  to  the 
scaffold  was  a  furniture  wagon.  On  the  front  seat  was 
the  driver,  a  man  named  Hawks,*  said  to  be  a  native 

*  Reader,  is  not  this  symbolical  1    Thiiik  and  say  and  act  accordingly. 

34 


398  The  Victory  over  Death. 

of  Massachusetts,  but  for  many  years  a  resident  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  by  his  side  was  seated  Mr.  Saddler,  the 
undertaker.  In  the  box  was  placed  the  coffin,  made  of 
black  walnut,  enclosed  in  a  poplar  box  with  a  flat  lid, 
in  which  coffin  and  remains  were  to  be  transported  to 
the  North.  John  Brown  mounted  the  wagon,  and  took 
his  place  in  the  seat  with  Captain  Avis,  the  jailer,  whose 
admiration  of  his  prisoner  is  of  the  profoundest  nature. 
Mr.  Saddler,  too,  was  one  of  John  Brown's  stanchest 
friends  in  his  confinement,  and  pays  a  noble  tribute  to 
his  manly  qualities. 

He  mounted  the  wagon  with  perfect  calmness.  It 
was  immediately  surrounded  with  cavalry.  This  mil 
itary  escort  of  the  warrior  of  the  Lord  to  the  scene  of 
his  last  earthly  victory,  consisted  of  Captain  Scott's 
company  of  cavalry,  one  company  of  Major  Loring's 
battalion  of  defensibles,  Captain  Williams's  Montpelier 
Guard,  Captain  Scott's  Petersburg  Greys,  Company  D, 
Captain  Miller,  of  the  Virginia  Volunteers,  and  the 
Young  Guard,  Captain  Rady ;  the  whole  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  T.  P.  August,  assisted  by  Major  Loring 
—  the  cavalry  at  the  head  and  rear  of  the  column. 

The  wagon  was  drawn  by  two  white  horses.  From 
the  time  of  leaving  jail  until  he  mounted  the  gallows 
stairs,  he  wore  a  smile  upon  his  countenance,  and  his 
keen  eye  took  in  every  detail  of  the  scene.  There  was 
no  blenching,  nor  the  remotest  approach  to  cowardice 
nor  nervousness.  As  he  was  leaving  jail,  when  asked 
if  he  thought  he  could  endure  his  fate,  he  said,  "  I  can 
endure  almost  any  thing  but  parting  from  friends  ;  that 
is  very  hard."  On  the  road  to  the  scaffold,  he  said,  in 


The  Victory  over  Death.  399 

reply  to  an  inquiry,  "  It  has  been  a  characteristic  of 
me,  from  infancy,  not  to  suffer  from  physical  fear.  I 
have  suffered  a  thousand  times  more  from  bashfulness 
than  from  fear." 

"  I  was  very  near  the  old  man,"  writes  an  eye  wit 
ness,  "  and  scrutinized  him  closely.  He  seemed  to 
take  in  the  whole  scene  at  a  glance  ;  and  he  straight 
ened  himself  up  proudly,  as  if  to  set  to  the  soldiers  an 
example  of  a  soldier's  courage.  The  only  motion  he 
made,  beyond  a  swaying  to  and  fro  of  his  body,  was 
that  same  patting  of  his  knees  with  his  hands  that  we 
noticed  throughout  his  trial  and  while  in  jail.  As  he 
came  upon  an  eminence  near  the  gallows,  he  cast  his 
eye  over  the  beautiful  landscape,  and  followed  the 
windings  of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  in  the  distance. 
He  looked  up  earnestly  at  the  sun,  and  sky,  and  all 
about,  and  then  remarked,  '  This  is  a  beautiful  coun 
try.  I  have  not  cast  my  eyes  over  it  before  —  that  is, 
while  passing  through  the  field.' ' 

"  Yes,"  was  the  sad  reply  of  the  brave  Captain  Avis. 

"  You  are  a  game  man,  Captain  Brown,"  said  Mr. 
Saddler. 

"  Yes,"  he  said,  "  I  was  so  trained  up  ;  it  was  one  of 
the  lessons  of  my  mother ;  but  it  is  hard  to  part  from 
friends,  though  newly  made." 

"  You  are  more  cheerful  than  I  am,  Captain  Brown," 
responded  Mr.  Saddler. 

"  Yes,"  said  the  hero,  "  I  ought  to  be." 

THE   FIELD    OF   DEATH. 

By  this  time,  the  wagon  had  reached  the  field  of 
death  — the  warrior's  last  battle  ground.  It  is  thus 
described : 


400  The  Victory  over  Death. 

"The  field  contained  about  forty  acres,  I  should  say,  part  of  it  in 
corn  stubble,  but  the  greater  part  in  grass.  The  surface  is  undulating, 
and  a  broad  hillock  near  the  public  road  was  selected  as  the  site  for 
the  gallows,  because  it  would  afford  the  distant  spectators  a  fair  view, 
and  place  the  prisoner  so  high  that  if  compelled  to  fire  upon  him, 
the  soldiers  need  not  shoot  each  other  or  the  civilians.  The  field  was 
bounded  on  the  south  by  the  road,  on  the  north  by  a  pretty  bit  of 
woodland,  and  on  the  remaining  two  sides  by  enclosed  fields." 

The  sun  shone  with  great  splendor  as  the  condemned 
hero's  escort  came  up,  and  afar  off  could  be  seen  the 
bright  gleaming  muskets  and  bayonets  of  his  body 
guard,  hedging  him  in,  in  close  ranks,  all  about.  On 
the  field  the  several  companies  glittered  with  the  same 
sparkle  of  guns  and  trappings ;  and  the  gay  colors  of 
their  uniforms,  made  more  intense  in  the  glare,  came 
out  into  strong  relief,  with  the  dead  tints  of  sod  and 
woods.  Away  off  to  the  east  and  south,  the  splendid 
mass  of  the  Blue  Ridge  loomed  against  the  sky  and 
shut  in  the  horizon.  Over  the  woods  towards  the  north 
east,  long,  thin  stripes  of  cloud  had  gradually  accumu 
lated,  and  foreboded  the  storm  that  came  in  due  time ; 
while,  looking  towards  the  south,  the  eye  took  in  an 
undulating  fertile  country,  stretching  out  to  the  dis 
tant  mountains.  All  nature  seemed  at  peace,  and  the 
shadow  of  the  approaching  solemnity  seemed  to  have 
been  cast  over  the  soldiers,  for  there  was  not  a,  sound  to 
be  heard  as  the  column  came  slowly  up  the  road.  There 
was  no  band  of  musicians  to  heighten  the  effect  of  the 
scene  by  playing  the  march  of  the  dead,  but  with 
solemn  tread  the  heavy  footfalls  came  as  of  those  of  one 
man.  Thus  they  passed  to  their  station  to  the  easterly 
side  of  the  scaffold. 

As  the  procession  entered  the  field,  the  old  hero,  as 


The  Victory  over  Death.  401 

if  surprised  at  the  absence  of  the  people,  remarked  : 
"  I  see  no  citizens  here  —  where  are  they  ?  " 

"The  citizens  are  not  allowed  to  be  present  —  none 
but  the  troops,"  was  the  reply. 

"  That  ought  not  to  be,"  said  the  old  man  ;  "  citizens 
should  be  allowed  to  be  present  as  well  as  others." 

THE   MARTYR   CROWNED. 

The  wagon  halted.  The  troops  composing  the  escort 
took  up  their  assigned  position  ;  but  the  Petersburg 
Greys,  as  the  immediate  body  guard,  remained  as 
before,  closely  hemming  the  old  hero  in  —  as  if  still  as 
afraid  of  his  sword  of  Gideon,  as  the  State  had  proved 
itself  to  be  of  his  sword  of  the  Lord,  by  preventing  the 
people  from  listening  to  his  last  words.  They  finally 
opened  ranks  to  let  him  pass  out;  when,  with  the 
assistance  of  two  men,  he  descended  from  the  wagon. 
Mr.  Hunter  and  Mayor  Green  were  standing  near  by. 
"  Gentlemen,  good  by,"  the  old  r^an  said  in  an  unfal 
tering  tone ;  and  then,  with  firm  step  and  erect  form, 
he  calmly  walked  past  jailers,  sheriff,  and  officers,  and 
mounted  the  scaffold  steps.  He  was  the  first  man  that 
stood  on  it.  As  he  quietly  awaited  the  necessary 
arrangements,  he  surveyed  the  scenery  unmoved,  look 
ing  principally  in  the  direction  of  the  people  in  the  far 
distance.  "  There  is  no  faltering  in  his  step,"  wrote 
one  who  saw  him,  "  but  firmly  and  erect  he  stands 
amid  the  almost  breathless  lines  of  soldiery  that  sur 
round  him.  With  a  graceful  motion  of  his  pinioned 
right  arm  he  takes  the  slouched  hat  from  his  head  and 
carelessly  casts  it  upon  the  platform  by  his  side."  "  I 
know,"  said  another  witness,  "  that  every  one  within 
34* 


402  The  Victory  over  Death. 

view  was  greatly  impressed  with  the  dignity  of  his 
bearing.  I  have  since  heard  men  of  the  South  say  that 
his  courageous  fortitude  and  insensibility  to  fear  filled 
them  with  amazement." 

The  hour  had  now  come.  The  officer  approached 
him.  To  Captain  Avis  he  said :  "  I  have  no  words  to 
thank  you  for  all  your  kindness  to  me." 

His  elbows  and  ankles  are  pinioned,  the  white  cap 
is  drawn  over  his  eyes,  the  hangman's  rope  is  adjusted 
around  his  neck.  John  Brown  is  ready  to  be  ushered 
into  the  land  of  the  hereafter. 

"Captain  Brown,"  said  the  Sheriff,  "you  are  not 
standing  on  the  drop.  Will  you  come  forward  ?  " 

"  I  can't  see,  gentlemen,"  was  the  old  man's  answer, 
unfalteringly  spoken,  "  you  must  lead  me." 

The  Sheriff  led  his  prisoner  forward  to  the  centre  of 
the  drop. 

"  Shall  I  give  you  a  handkerchief,"  asked  the  Sheriff, 
"  and  let  you  drop  it  as  a  signal  ?  " 

"  No ;  I  am  ready  at  any  time  ;  but  do  not  keep  me 
needlessly  waiting." 

This  was  the  last  of  John  Brown's  requests  of  Vir 
ginia  ;  and  this,  like  all  the  others,  was  refused.  When 
he  pleaded  for  delay  during  the  progress  of  his  trial, 
the  State  refused  it,  and  hurried  him  to  his  doom  ;  and 
now,  when  he  asked,  standing  on  the  gallows,  blind 
folded,  and  with  the  rope  that  was  to  strangle  him 
around  his  neck,  for  no  unnecessary  delay,  the  demo 
niacal  spirit  of  slavery  again  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his 
request.  Instead  of  permitting  the  execution  to  be  at 
once  consummated,  the  proceedings  were  checked  by  the 


The  Victory  over  Death.  403 

martial  order  —  "Not  ready  yet;"  and  the  hideous 
mockery  of  a  vast  military  display  began.  For  ten 
minutes  at  least,  under  the  orders  of  the  commanding 
officer,  the  troops  trod  heavily  over  the  ground,  hither 
and  thither,  now  advancing  towards  the  gallows,  now 
turning  about  in  sham  defiance  of  an  imaginary  enemy. 

Each  moment  to  every  humane  man  seemed  an 
hour,  and  some  of  the  people,  unable  to  restrain  an 
expression  of  their  sense  of  the  outrage,  murmured  — 
Shame  !  Shame  ! 

At  last  the  order  was  given,  and  the  rope  was  severed 
with  a  hatchet.  As  the  trap  fell,  its  hinges  gave  a  wail 
ing  sort  of  screak,  that  could  be  heard  at  every  point 
on  the  fields.* 

John  Brown  is  slowly  strangling  —  for  the  shortness 
of  the  rope  prevents  a  speedy  death. 

"  There  was  but  one  spasmodic  effort  of  the  hands 
to  clutch  at  the  neck,  but  for  nearly  five  minutes  the 
limbs  jerked  and  quivered.  He  seemed  to  retain  an 
extraordinary  hold  upon  life.  One  who  has  seen  num 
bers  of  men  hung  before,  told  me  he  had  never  seen 
so  hard  a  struggle.  After  the  body  had  dangled  in  mid 
air  for  twenty  minutes,  it  was  examined  by  the  surgeons 
for  signs  of  life.  First  the  Charlestown  physicians 
went  up  and  made  their  examination,  and  after  them 
the  military  surgeons,  the  prisoner  being  executed  by 
the  civil  power,  and  with  military  assistance  as  well. 
To  see  them  lifting  up  the  arms,  now  powerless,  that 

*  "Was  this  symbolic,"  asks  an  able  writer,  "of  the  wail  of  grief  that  went  up  at 
the  moment  from  thousands  of.  friends  to  the  cause  of  emancipation  throughout  the 
land?  In  the  dead  stillness  of  the  hour  it  went  to  my  heart  like  the  wail  for  tho 
departed  that  may  be  heard  in  some  highland  glen." 


404  The  Victory  over  Death. 

once  were  so  strong,  and  placing  their  ears  to  the  breast 
of  the  corpse,  holding  it  steady  by  passing  an  arm 
around  it,  was  revolting  in  the  extreme.  And  so  the 
body  dangled  and  swung  by  its  neck,  turning  to  this 
side  or  that  when  moved  by  the  surgeons,,and  swinging 
pendulum  like,  from  the  force  of  the  south  wind  that 
was  blowing,  until,  after  thirty-eight  minutes  from  the 
time  of  swinging  off,  it  was  ordered  to  be  cut  down, 
the  authorities  being  quite  satisfied  that  their  dreaded 
enemy  was  dead.  The  body  was  lifted  upon  the  scaf 
fold,  and  fell  into  a  heap.  It  was  then  put  into  the 
black  walnut  coffin,  the  body  guard  closed  in  about  the 
wagon,  the  cavalry  led  the  van,  and  the  mournful  pro 
cession  moved  off." 

There  was  another  procession  at  that  moment  —  un 
seen  by  the  Virginians  :  a  procession  of  earth's  holiest 
martyrs  before  the  Throne  of  God :  and  from  among 
them  came  a  voice,  which  said : 

"  Come,  ye  blessed  of  my  Father,  inherit  the  king 
dom  prepared  for  you  from  the  foundations  of  the 
world.  .  .  .  Inasmuch  as  ye  have  done  it  unto  one  of  the 
least  of  these  my  brethren,  ye  have  done  it  unto  me." 

The  soul  of  John  Brown  stood  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  Eternal.  He  had  fought  the  good  fight,  and  now 
wore  the  crown  of  victory. 

V^y 

In  the  prison  of  Charlestown  a  plaintive  wail  was 
heard.  Sustained  by  no  religious  convictions,  one 
prisoner  was  in  great  agony  of  mind.  The  scaffold 
from  which  the  stainless  soul  of  John  Brown  leaped  from 


The  Victory  over  Death.  405 

earth  into  the  bosom  of  the  God  of  the  oppressed,  was 
only  half  a  mile  behind  the  jail  in  which  his  body  had 
been  confined.  "  From  the  windows  of  his  cell  Cook 
nad  an  unobstructed  view  of  the  whole  proceedings. 
He  watched  his  old  Captain  until  the  trap  fell  and  his 
body  swung  into  mid  air,  when  he  turned  away  and 
gave  vent  to  his  feelings." 

With  his  sword  and  his  voice  John  Brown  had  de 
monstrated  the  unutterable  villany  of  slavery.  His 
corpse  was  destined  to  continue  the  lesson.  The  sur 
geons  pronounced  the  old  man  dead ;  they  declared 
that  his  spinal  column  had  been  ruptured ;  they  said 
that  the  countenance  was  now  purple  and  distorted ; 
they  knew  that  the  cord  had  cut  a  finger's  depth  into 
the  neck  of  the  strangled  corpse. 

Yet,  as  the  animal  heat  still  remained  in  the  body, 
it  was  not  permitted  to  be  taken  away  until  it  should 
cool.  Even  this  precaution  against  an  earthly  resurrec 
tion  did  not  satisfy  the  hearts  corrupted  by  slavery. 

"  I  heard  it  suggested  by  a  Captain,"  writes  a  wit 
ness  of  unquestioned  veracity,  "  that  a  good  dose  of 
arsenic  should  be  administered  to  the  corpse  to  make 
sure  work ;  and  many  others  wished  that  at  least  the 
head  might  be  cut  off  and  retained  by  them,  since 
the  body  was  to  be  embalmed,  and,  on  gorgeous  cata 
falques,  carried  in  procession  through  Northern  cities. 
This  bloodthirstiness  is  on  a  par,"  the  writer  adds, 
"  with  that  of  the  students  at  the  Winchester  Medical 
College,  who  have  skinned  the  body  of  one  o'f  Brown's 
sons,  separated  the  nervous  and  muscular  and  venous 


406  The  Victory  over  Death. 

systems,  dried  and  varnished,  and  have  the  whole  hung 
up  as  a  nice  anatomical  illustration.  Some  of  the  stu 
dents  wished  to  stuff  the  skin  ;  others  to  make  it  into 
game  pouches." 

Such  is  the  spirit  of  Southern  Slavery ! 

"  The  body  once  in  its  coffin  and  on  its  way  back  to 
the  jail,"  wrote  a  correspondent,  "  the  field  was  quickly 
deserted,  the  cannon,  limbered  up  again,  rumbled  away, 
and  the  companies  of  infantry  and  troops  of  cavalry  in 
solid  column  marched  away.  The  body  had  not  left 
the  field  before  the  carpenters  began  to  take  the  scaffold 
to  pieces,  that  it  might  be  stored  up  against  the  16th 
instant,  when  it  will  be  used  to  hang  Cook  and  Cop- 
pic  together.  A  separate  gallows  will  be  built  for  the 
two  negroes." 

"  The  night  after  the  execution  has  set  in  dark  and 
stormy.  The  south  wind  has  brought  up  a  violent 
storm." 

The  body  of  John  Brown  was  delivered  to  his  widow 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  by  her  it  was  carried  to  North 
Elba,  where  it  now  lies  at  rest  on  the  bosom  of  the 
majestic  mountain  region  that  he  loved  when  living. 
It  was  interred  as  only  dead  heroes  should  be  buried. 
There  was  no  vast  assemblage  of  "  the  so-called  great;" 
no  pompous  parade  ;  no  gorgeous  processions ;  but  loyal 
worth  and  noble  genius  stood  at  the  grave  of  departed 
heroism ;  for  his  friends  and  his  family  wept  as  the 
Heaven-inspired  soul  of  Wendell  Phillips  pronounced 
the  eulogium  of  John  Brown,  —  the  latest  and  our 
greatest  martyr  to  the  teachings  of  the  Bible  and  the 
American  Idea. 


The  Victory  over  Death. 


407 


As  the  coffin  was  lowered  into  the  grave,  a  clergy 
man,  with  prophetic  voice,  repeated  these  words  of  the 
Apostle  Paul : 

"  I  have  fought  the  good  fight ;  I  have  finished  my 
course  ;  I  have  kept  the  faith  :  henceforth  there  is  laid 
up  for  me  a  crown  of  righteousness,  which  the  Lord, 
the  righteous  Judge,  shall  give  me  ;  and  not  to  me 
only,  but  unto  all  that  love  his  appearing." 


SAMSON    AGONISTES. 
DECEMBER  2,   1859. 

YOU  bound  and  made  your  fport  of  him,  Philiftia ! 

You  fet  your  fons  at  him  to  flout  and  jeer ; 
You  loaded  down  his  limbs  with  heavy  fetters ; 

Your  mildeft  mercy  was  a  fmiling  fneer. 

One  man,  among  a  thoufand  who  defied  him, 

One  man  from  whom  his  awful  ftrength  had  fled — 

You  brought  him  out  to  lafh  him  with  your  vengeance; 
Ten  thoufand  curfes  on  one  hoary  head ! 

You  think  his  eyes  are  clofed  and  blind  forever, 
Becaufe  you  feared  them  to  this  mortal  day ; 

You  draw  a  longer  breath  of  exultation, 

Becaufe  your  conqueror's  power  is  torn  away. 

Oh  fools !  his  arms  are  round  your  temple  pillars  : 
Oh  blind  !  his  ftrength  divine  begins  to  wake, 

Hark !  the  great  roof-tree  trembles  from  its  centre — 
Hark  !  how  the  rafters  bend,  and  fwerve,  and  make ! 


I?  DAY  US* 

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